AHR forum: Seventeenth-century Ireland and the New British and Atlantic histories

American Historical Review

Volumn 104, Issue 2, 1999, Pages 446-462

  Ohlmeyer, Jane ^a,b  

^a Department of History ^*

^b UNIVERSITY OF ABERDEEN   (United Kingdom)

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 33750543974     PISSN: 00028762     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.2307/2650374     Document Type: Review

References (249)

1. Willy Maley's review of Brendan Bradshaw and John Morrill, eds., The British Problem, c. 1534-1707: State Formation in the Atlantic Archipelago (London, 1996),
2. and Alexander Grant and Keith Stringer, eds., Uniting the Kingdom? The Making of British History (London, 1995),
3. in History Ireland 4, no. 4 (1996): 55. Maley quite rightly draws attention to the lingering Anglocentrism of recent volumes, especially the one by Stringer and Grant that derived from the 1995 Anglo-American Conference on the "Formation of the United Kingdom."
4. The debate between Irish "revisionists" and "anti-revisionists" continues to rage. The most important contributions have been reprinted in Ciaran Brady, ed., Interpreting Irish History: The Debate on Historical Revisionism, 1938-1944 (Dublin, 1994).
5. Also see D. George Boyce and Alan O'Day, eds., The Making of Modern Irish History: Revisionism and the Revisionist Controversy (London, 1996).
6. This sort of controversy is by no means unique to Ireland. See, for example, the review essays on American exceptionalism in AHR 102 (June 1997): 748-68.
7. J. G. A. Pocock, "British History: A Plea for a New Subject," Journal of Modern History 47, no. 4 (1975): 601-21,
8. orig. pub. in the New Zealand Historical Journal 8 (1974): 3-12.
9. The Journal of Modern History invited A. J. P. Taylor, Gordon Donaldson, and Michael Hechter to comment on Pocock's thesis; for their rather disdainful and unhelpful responses and Pocock's reply, see 622-28. For a full discussion of Pocock's publications on this subject and the important New Zealand context, see David Armitage's essay above, 427-45.
10. Pocock, "British History: A Plea for a New Subject," 605.
11. See, for example, G. A. Hayes-McCoy, Scots Mercenary Forces in Ireland (1565-1603) (1937; rpt. edn., Dublin, 1996);
12. Hugh Hazlett, "The Financing of the British Armies in Ireland, 1641-9," Irish Historical Studies 1 (1938);
13. Donal Cregan, "An Irish Cavalier: Daniel O'Neill," Studia hibernica 3 (1963): 60-100;
14. Donal Cregan, Studia hibernica 4 (1965): 104-33;
15. and Donal Cregan, Studia hibernica 5 (1965): 42-76;
16. "Irish Recusant Lawyers in Politics in the Reign of James I," Irish Jurist 5 (Winter 1970): 306-20;
17. and "Irish Catholic Admissions to the English Inns of Court, 1558-1625," Irish Jurist 5 (Summer 1970): 95-114;
18. Aidan Clarke, The Old English in Ireland, 1625-42 (New York, 1966);
19. Hugh F. Kearney, Strafford in Ireland, 1633-41: A Study in Absolutism (1959; rpt. edn., Cambridge, 1989);
20. Kearney, The British Isles: A History of Four Nations (Cambridge, 1989);
21. and J. C. Beckett, The Making of Modern Ireland, 1603-1923 (London, 1966).
22. Beckett first coined the phrase "War of the Three Kingdoms."
23. For references to Bradshaw's works, see note 15 below; Karl Bottigheimer, English Money and Irish Land: The "Adventurers" in the Cromwellian Settlement of Ireland (Oxford, 1971);
24. and "English Money and Irish Land: The 'Adventurers' in the Cromwellian Settlement of Ireland," Journal of British Studies 7 (1967): 12-27;
25. T. C. Barnard, Cromwellian Ireland: English Government and Reform in Ireland, 1649-1660 (Oxford, 1975);
26. Ciaran Brady, The Chief Governors: The Rise and Fall of Reform Government in Tudor Ireland, 1536-1588 (Cambridge, 1994);
27. Nicholas Canny, "The Attempted Anglicization of Ireland in the Seventeenth Century: An Exemplar of 'British History,'" in R. G. Asch, ed., Three Nations - A Common History (Bochum, 1993);
28. David Stevenson, Scottish Covenanters and Irish Confederates: Scottish-Irish Relations in the Mid-Seventeenth Century (Belfast, 1981);
29. Michael Perceval-Maxwell, "Ireland and the Monarchy in the Early Stuart Multiple Kingdom," in Historical Journal 34 (1991);
30. "Ireland and Scotland, 1638 to 1648," in John Morrill, ed., The Scottish Covenant in Its British Context (Edinburgh, 1990);
31. "Ulster 1641 in the Context of Political Developments in the Three Kingdoms," in Brian Mac Cuarta, ed., Ulster 1641: Aspects of the Rising (Belfast, 1993);
32. and Perceval-Maxwell, The Outbreak of the Irish Rebellion of 1641 (Dublin, 1994).
33. Also see Jane H. Ohlmeyer, Civil War and Restoration in the Three Stuart Kingdoms: The Career of Randal MacDonnell, Marquis of Antrim, 1609-1683 (Cambridge, 1993);
34. and "Strafford, the 'Londonderry Business' and the 'New British History,'" in J. F. Merritt, ed., The Political World of Thomas Wentworth, Earl of Strafford, 1621-1641 (Cambridge, 1996);
35. Robert Elkin, "The Interactions between the Irish Rebellion and the English Civil Wars" (PhD dissertation, University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, 1961);
36. and the various articles by John A. Murphy in Journal of the Cork Historical and Archaeological Society, especially "The Politics of the Munster Protestants, 1641-1649," 76 (1971): 1-20.
37. Conrad Russell, The Fall of the British Monarchies, 1637-1642 (Oxford, 1991);
38. and Russell, The Causes of the English Civil War (Oxford, 1990). In the preface to Fall, Russell noted how in the course of his research he became "convinced that it is impossible to tell the English story by itself, and this book has been slowly transformed into an attempt at genuinely British history" (p. vii).
39. Russell's articles "The British Problem and the English Civil War," "Why Did Charles I Call the Long Parliament," "The British Background to the Irish Rebellion of 1641," and "The First Army Plot of 1641," have been conveniently reprinted in Conrad Russell, Unrevolutionary England, 1603-1642 (London, 1990), pt. 4.
40. Six recent collections of essays collectively demonstrate the enthusiasm with which some members of our profession have embraced the New British History: Bradshaw and Morrill, British Problem;
41. Grant and Stringer, Uniting the Kingdom;
42. Steven G. Ellis and Sarah Barber, eds., Conquest and Union: Fashioning a British State, 1485-1725 (London, 1995);
43. Brendan Bradshaw and Peter Roberts, eds., British Consciousness and Identity: The Making of Britain, 1533-1707 (Cambridge, 1998);
44. S. J. Connolly, ed., Kingdoms United? Great Britain and Ireland since 1500: Integration and Diversity (Dublin, 1999);
45. and, most recently, Glenn Burgess, ed., The New British History: Founding a Modern State, 1603-1715 (London, 1999).
46. For the Middle Ages, see R. R. Davies, ed., The British Isles, 1100-1500: Comparisons, Contrasts and Connections (Edinburgh, 1988);
47. and his presidential addresses to the Royal Historical Society entitled "The Peoples of Britain and Ireland 1100-1400," Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 6th ser., 4 (1994): 1-20;
48. Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 5 (1995): 1-20;
49. Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 6 (1996): 1-24;
50. Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 7 (1997): 1-24;
51. and Colm McNamee, The Wars of the Bruces: Scotland, England and Ireland, 1306-1328 (Edinburgh, 1997).
52. Keith Brown, "British History: A Sceptical Comment," in Asch, Three Nations, 117.
53. He refines his arguments in "Seducing the Scottish Clio: Has Scottish History Anything to Fear from the New British History," in Burgess, New British History, 238-65.
54. Canny, "Attempted Anglicization," 50.
55. Also see the interview in History Ireland 6, no. 1 (1998): 54.
56. For a recent perceptive discussion, see T. C. Barnard, "British and Irish History," in Burgess, New British History, 201-37.
57. Peter Lake, "Retrospective: Wentworth's Political World in Revisionist and Post-Revisionist Perspective," in Merritt, Thomas Wentworth, 281.
58. Lake, "Retrospective," 281-82.
59. For instance, see Ellis, "Introduction," in Ellis and Barber, Conquest and Union, 2;
60. and John Morrill, "The British Problem, c. 1534-1707," in Bradshaw and Morrill, British Problem, 4.
61. With the Union of the Crowns in 1603, James VI of Scotland became James I of England and Ireland. Dauvit Broun, R. J. Finlay, and Michael Lynch, eds., Image and Identity: The Making and Remaking of Scotland through the Ages (Edinburgh, 1998), 93-94;
62. and Linda Colley, Britons: Forging the Nation, 1707-1837 (New Haven, Conn., 1992).
63. H. G. Koenigsberger, "Dominium regale or dominium politicum et regale," rpt. in Politicians and Virtuosi: Essays on Early Modern History (London, 1986).
64. For Russell, see note 7 above. Jenny Wormald, "The Creation of British Multiple Kingdoms or Core and Colonies?" Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 6th ser., 2 (1992): 175-94;
65. Perceval-Maxwell, "Ireland and the Monarchy in the Early Stuart Multiple Kingdom"; and "Ireland and Scotland, 1638 to 1648."
66. Steven Ellis in particular has called for a "history of the British Isles that examines the relations between the different peoples of the archipelago and the process of state formation, which created the two modern states there"; Ellis and Barber, Conquest and Union, 3.
67. Also see Ellis, Tudor Frontiers and Noble Power: The Making of the British State (Oxford, 1995);
68. Brady, Chief Governors;
69. and Colm Lennon, Sixteenth-Century Ireland: The Incomplete Conquest (Dublin, 1994).
70. For recent discussions of the British context of the Irish reformation, see Brendan Bradshaw, "The Tudor Reformation and the Revolution in Wales and Ireland: The Origins of the British Problem," in Bradshaw and Morrill, British Problem, 39-65;
71. Bradshaw, "The English Reformation and Identity Formation in Ireland and Wales," in Bradshaw and Roberts, British Consciousness, 43-111;
72. and Mícheál MacCraith, "The Gaelic Reaction to the Reformation," in Barber and Ellis, Conquest and Union, 139-61.
73. John Morrill, "The War(s) of the Three Kingdoms," in Burgess, New British History, 65-91.
74. Martyn Bennett's recent book, The Civil Wars in Britain and Ireland, 1638-51 (Oxford, 1997), offers the first integrated account of the Wars of the Three Kingdoms since S. R. Gardiner published his multivolume narrative in 1886.
75. J. P. Kenyon and Jane Ohlmeyer, eds., The Civil Wars: A Military History of England, Scotland and Ireland (Oxford, 1998), compares and contrasts the course of the various civil wars and the relationships between the Stuart kingdoms in the 1640s.
76. For the "Wars of the Three Kings," see W. A. Maguire, ed., Kings in Conflict: The Revolutionary War in Ireland and Its Aftermath, 1689-1750 (Belfast, 1990).
77. Michael Cronin recently argued that Ireland suffered from "linguistic schizophrenia": "English-language histories ignore Irish-language material and Irish-language histories focus on exclusively Irish-language material," Translating Ireland: Translation, Languages, Cultures (Cork, 1996), 2.
78. For many, the linguistic barrier remains a very real one; however, given the wealth of material that has been translated into English by bodies like the Irish Texts Society, it should not be an insurmountable one. For an excellent introduction to the wealth of material published in Latin and Irish, see Benignus Millet, "Irish Literature in Latin, 1550-1700," in T. W. Moody, ed., A New History of Ireland, Vol. 3: Early Modern Ireland, 1534-1691 (1976; rpt. edn., Oxford, 1978),
79. Brian O Cuiv, "The Irish Language in the Early Modern Period," in Moody, New History of Ireland, vol. 3;
80. and also "Irish Language and Literature, 1691-1845," in T. W. Moody and W. E. Vaughan, eds., A New History of Ireland, vol. 4 (Oxford, 1986).
81. Continental ideas, especially those of the Counter-Reformation, also influenced identity formation in Ireland, especially among the Catholic population. See, for example, Bernadette Cunningham, "The Culture and Ideology of Irish Franciscan Historians at Louvain 1607-1650," in Ciaran Brady, ed., Ideology and the Historians (Belfast, 1991);
82. Donal Cregan, "The Social and Cultural Background of a Counter-Reformation Episcopate, 1618-60," in Art Cosgrove and Donal McCartney, eds., Studies in Irish History, Presented to R. Dudley Edwards (Dublin, 1979), 85-117;
83. Franciscan Fathers, eds., Father Luke Wadding (Dublin, 1957), especially the chapters by Tomás Ó Fiaich, Aubrey Gwyn, and Lucian Ceyssens;
84. Marc Caball, "Faith, Culture and Sovereignty: Irish National Identity and Its Development, 1558-1625," in Bradshaw and Roberts, British Consciousness, 112-39;
85. and Hiram Morgan, "Faith and Fatherland in Sixteenth Century Ireland," History Ireland 3, no. 2 (1995): 13-20.
86. Wormald, "Creation of British Multiple Kingdoms or Core and Colonies?" 175-94;
87. Arthur Williamson, "Patterns of British Identity: 'Britain' and Its Rivals in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries," in Burgess, New British History, 138-73.
88. The Statutes at Large Passed in the Parliaments Held in Ireland . . . (Dublin, 1786), 443, 442.
89. For a contemporary Protestant view on identity formation in Ireland, see Richard Cox, "An Apparatus or Introductory Discourse," in Hibernica anglicana; or The History of Ireland from the Conquest thereof by the English to This Present Time (London, 1689).
90. Toby Barnard, "Identities, Ethnicity and Tradition among Irish Dissenters c. 1650-1750," in Kevin Herlihy, ed., The Irish Dissenting Tradition, 1650-1750 (Dublin, 1995), 29.
91. Explored at length in Bradshaw and Roberts, British Consciousness, especially the essays by Brendan Bradshaw, Marc Caball, Andrew Hadfield, Willy Maley, Alan Ford, and Jim Smyth;
92. and see Nicholas Canny, "Fashioning 'British' Worlds in the Seventeenth Century," in Canny, Joseph E. Illick, Gary B. Nash, and William Pencak, eds., "Empire, Society and Labor: Essays in Honor of Richard S. Dunn," Pennsylvania History 64 (1997), supplemental issue (College Park, Pa., 1997): 26-45.
93. Alan Ford, "James Ussher and the Creation of an Irish Protestant Identity," in Bradshaw and Roberts, British Consciousness, 206.
94. T. C. Barnard, "The Protestant Interest, 1641-1660," in Jane H. Ohlmeyer, ed., Ireland from Independence to Occupation, 1641-1660 (Cambridge, 1995).
95. T. C. Barnard, "Settling and Unsettling Ireland: The Cromwellian and Williamite Revolutions," in Ohlmeyer, Ireland.
96. J. I. McGuire, "The Church of Ireland and the 'Glorious Revolution' of 1688," in Cosgrove and McCartney, Studies in Irish History, 137-49.
97. Also see Ian McBride, The Siege of Deny in Ulster Protestant Mythology (Dublin, 1997).
98. Joseph Th. Leerssen, Mere Irish and Fíor-Ghael: Studies in the Idea of Irish Nationality, Its Development and Literary Expression prior to the Nineteenth Century (1986; rpt. edn., Cork, 1996), offers the best overview of identity formation among the Catholic population in early modern Ireland.
99. According to Aidan Clarke, there existed "a true community of secular interests between subject and prince [which] was a sufficient guarantee of loyalty without the additional cement of religious conformity," Clarke, "The Policies of the Old English' in Parliament, 1640-1," in J. L. McCracken, ed., Historical Studies, V (London, 1965);
100. Old English in Ireland;
101. and "Colonial Identity in Early Seventeenth Century Ireland," in T. W. Moody, ed., Historical Studies, XI: Nationality and the Pursuit of National Independence (Belfast, 1978).
102. Breandan Ó Buachalla, "James Our True King: The Ideology of Irish Royalism in the Seventeenth Century," in D. George Boyce, Robert Eccleshall, and Vincent Geoghegan, eds., Political Thought in Ireland since the Seventeenth Century (London, 1993), Unfortunately, Ó Buachalla's recent tome on the Stuarts and the intelligensia, 1603-1788 - Ailing ghéar (Dublin, 1997) - is not yet available in English.
103. Also see Mícheál Mac Craith, "The Gaelic Reaction to the Reformation," in Ellis and Barber, Conquest and Union, 139-61;
104. Bernadette Cunningham, "Irish Language Sources for Early Modern Ireland," History Ireland 4, no. 1 (1996): 41-48;
105. Marc Caball, "Bardic Poetry and the Analysis of Gaelic Mentalities," History Ireland 2, no. 2 (1994): 46-50;
106. and Michelle O Riordan, "'Political' Poems in the Mid-Seventeenth-Century Crisis," in Ohlmeyer, Ireland;
107. and O Riordan, The Gaelic Mind and the Collapse of the Gaelic World (Cork, 1990).
108. John Silke, "Primate Lombard and James I," Irish Theological Quarterly 22 (1955): 124-49.
109. Quoted in Silke, "Primate Lombard and James I," 131.
110. For a general discussion of the tensions between temporal and spiritual authority, see Glenn Burgess, The Politics of the Ancient Constitution: An Introduction to English Political Thought, 1603-1642 (University Park, Pa., 1993), 130-38;
111. and James Brennan, "A Gallician Interlude in Ireland," Irish Theological Quarterly 24 (1957): 219-37.
112. This dilemma permeated the writings of numerous Catholic clerics. See several publications of the Franciscan theologian Peter Walsh: Some Few Questions concerning the Oath of Allegiance, Propos'd by a Catholick Gentleman (London, 1661);
113. The History and Vindication of the Loyal Formulary, or Irish Remonstrance . . . ([London?], 1674);
114. and The Controversial Letters, or, The Grand Controversie, concerning the Pretended Authority of Popes . . . (London, 1674).
115. A Copie of a Letter from the Lord Intrim [Antrim] in Ireland to the Right Honourable Earl of Rutland, Bearing Date the 25 Day of February . . . 1642 [sic] (London, 1642 [sic]), 3-4.
116. Ó Buachalla, "James Our True King," 23.
117. Much of this is developed in Micheál Ó Siochrú, Confederate Ireland, 1642-1649: A Constitutional and Political Analysis (Dublin, 1999).
118. This is explored further by Tadhg O hAnnrachain, "'Though Hereticks and Politicians Should Misinterpret Their Good Zeale': Political Ideology and Catholicism in Early Modern Ireland," in Jane Ohlmeyer, ed., Kingdom or Colony? Political Thought in Seventeenth-Century Ireland (Cambridge, forthcoming).
119. Cited in Nollaig Ó Muraíle, The Celebrated Antiquary (Maynooth, 1996).
120. Edmund Borlase, The History of the Irish Rebellion . . . (1690; London, 1743), argued that despite their censure of the book "we do not find . . . destatation to Mahony's principle" (p. x);
121. while Cox, Hibernia anglicana, asserted, "And though this book was burnt . . . yet it was suffered privately to be dispersed, and was never condemned by the popish clergy" (p. 198).
122. Ó Buachalla, "James Our True King," 28.
123. National Library of Ireland, MS 476, "A Light to the Blind," 189. I am grateful to Eamonn Ó Ciardha for bringing this reference to my attention.
124. Brendan Bradshaw, Andrew Hadfield, and Willy Maley, eds., Representing Ireland: Literature and the Origins of Conflict, 1534-1660 (Cambridge, 1993).
125. Kathleen Noonan, "Brethren Only to a Degree: Irish Immigration to London in the Mid-Seventeenth Century, 1640-1660" (PhD dissertation, University of California, Santa Barbara, 1989).
126. For pre-1640 migration, see Patrick Fitzgerald, "'Like Crickets to the Crevice of a Brew-house': Poor Irish Migrants in England, 1560-1640," in Patrick O'Sullivan, ed., Patterns of Migration (Leicester, 1992), 13-35;
127. and Cregan, "Irish Recusant Lawyers," 306-20;
128. and "Irish Catholic Admissions," 95-114.
129. Peter Lake, "Anti-Popery: The Structure of a Prejudice," in Richard Cust and Ann Hughes, eds., Conflict in Early Stuart England: Studies in Religion and Politics, 1603-1642 (London, 1989), 73, 82;
130. Ethan Howard Shagan, "Constructing Discord: Ideology, Propaganda, and English Responses to the Irish Rebellion of 1641," Journal of British Studies 36, no. 1 (1997): 4-33;
131. Keith Lindley, "The Impact of the 1641 Rebellion upon England and Wales, 1641-5," Irish Historical Studies 18, no. 70 (1972): 143-67.
132. Kathleen Noonan, "'The Cruell Pressure of an Enraged, Barbarous People': Irish and English Identity in Seventeenth-Century Policy and Propaganda," Historical Journal 41, no. 1 (1998): 152, 168.
133. Also see John Adamson, "Strafford's Ghost: The British Context of Viscount Lisle's Lieutenancy of Ireland," in Ohlmeyer, Ireland, 128-59.
134. On "British" identity formation, see Colley, Britons.
135. For early modern Scotland, see Arthur H. Williamson, Scottish National Consciousness in the Age of James VI (Edinburgh, 1979);
136. Broun, Finlay, and Lynch, Image and Identity;
137. Keith M. Brown, "Scottish Identity in the Seventeenth Century," in Bradshaw and Roberts, British Consciousness, 236-58;
138. Roger A. Mason, ed., Scots and Britons: Scottish Political Thought and the Union of 1603 (Cambridge, 1994);
139. and Mason, Kingship and the Commonweal: Political Thought in Renaissance and Reformation Scotland (Edinburgh, 1998), esp. chap. 6;
140. and Keith M. Brown, "The Origins of a British Aristocracy: Integration and Its Limitations before the Treaty of Union," in Ellis and Barber, Conquest and Union, 222-26.
141. Also see Orest Ranum, ed., National Consciousness, History and Political Culture in Early Modern Europe (Baltimore, Md., 1975),
142. especially the article by J. G. A. Pocock; and Cynthia Herrup, "Britishness and Europeanness: Who Are the British Anyway? Introduction," and a series of articles on identity formation in Journal of British Studies 31, no. 4 (1992). Within England, outlying regions - such as Cornwall - maintained their distinctive identities.
143. See, for example, Mark Stoyle, "Pagans or Paragons? Images of the Cornish during the English Civil War," English Historical Review 111, no. 441 (1996): 299-323;
144. and Stoyle, "Cornish Rebellions, 1467-1648," History Today 47, no. 5 (1997): 22-28.
145. Increasingly, early modern Irish historians, inspired by insights from other disciplines - especially historical geography, archaeology, anthropology, sociology, literary criticism, and gender studies - are undertaking innovative research that crosses national boundaries, as well as religious, ethnic, social, and gender ones. See, for example, Eamonn Ó Ciardha, "Tories and Moss-Troopers in Scotland and Ireland in the Interregnum: A Political Dimension," in J. R. Young, ed., Celtic Dimensions of the British Civil Wars (Edinburgh, 1997);
146. Raymond Gillespie, Popular Religion in Early Modern Ireland (Manchester, 1997);
147. Cynthia Herrup, "'To Pluck Bright Honour from the Pale-Faced Moon': Gender and Honour in the Castlehaven Story," Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 6th ser., 6 (1996): 137-60;
148. and David Barker and Willy Maley, eds., An Uncertain Union: The Problem in Renaissance Literature (forthcoming).
149. These developments tend, as Nancy Curtin pointed out, "to challenge in varying degrees the existence of concepts which transcend time and historical and social construction," Curtin, "'Varieties of Irishness': Historical Revisionism, Irish Style," Journal of British Studies 35, no. 2 (1996): 202-03.
150. John Kerrigan, "Birth of a Náison," London Review of Books (June 5, 1997), suggests that "early modern historians of the 'British and Irish problem' need to think more intently about culture" (p. 17).
151. For fascinating accounts of the linkages within Gaeldom, see Steven Ellis, "Nationalist Historiography and the English and Gaelic Worlds in the Late Middle Ages," in Brady, Interpreting Irish History, 166-71;
152. and Ellis, "The Fall of the Gaelic World, 1450-1650," Irish Historical Studies 32 (November 1999). I am grateful to Professor Ellis for permitting me to read his article in advance of publication.
153. Also see Jane Dawson, "The Gaidhealtachd and the Emergence of the Scottish Highlands," in Bradshaw and Roberts, British Consciousness, 259-300;
154. and Dawson, "Two Kingdoms or Three? Ireland in Anglo-Scottish Relations in the Middle of the Sixteenth Century," in Roger A. Mason, ed., Scotland and England, 1286-1815 (Edinburgh, 1987), 113-38.
155. Cited in Moody, New History of Ireland, 3: 541.
156. The Statutes, 443.
157. Allan I. Macinnes, "Crown, Clan and Fine: The 'Civilising' of Scottish Gaeldom, 1587-1638," Northern Scotland 13 (1993): 33.
158. No recent, in-depth study of sixteenth-century military migration between Ireland and Scotland has been written, and while Hayes-McCoy, Scots Mercenary Forces, provides a wealth of detail, it lacks analysis.
159. Raymond Gillespie, Colonial Ulster: The Settlement of East Ulster, 1600-1641 (Cork, 1985);
160. G. Hill, An Historical Account of the Plantation of Ulster (1877; rpt. edn., Shannon, 1980);
161. T. W. Moody, The Londonderry Plantation, 1609-41: The City of London and the Plantation in Ulster (Belfast, 1939);
162. Michael Perceval-Maxwell, The Scottish Migration to Ulster in the Reign of James I (London, 1973);
163. Philip S. Robinson, The Plantation of Ulster: British Settlement in an Irish Landscape, 1640-1670 (Dublin, 1984).
164. Jean Agnew, Belfast Merchant Families in the Seventeenth Century (Dublin, 1996), largely focuses on merchants of Scottish extraction.
165. G. Hill, ed., The Montgomery Manuscripts (1603-1706) (Belfast, 1869).
166. For a recent account of the trial, see Maija Jansson, ed., Proceedings in the Opening Session of the Long Parliament (Including the Trial of Strafford) (Rochester, N.Y., and London, forthcoming).
167. Richard L. Greaves, "'That's No Good Religion That Disturbs Government': The Church of Ireland and the Nonconformist Challenge, 1660-88," in Alan Ford, James McGuire, and Kenneth Milne, eds., As by Law Established: The Church of Ireland since the Reformation (Dublin, 1995), 120-35;
168. Phil Kilroy, "Radical Religion in Ireland, 1641-1660," in Ohlmeyer, Ireland, 201-17;
169. and Kilroy, Protestant Dissent and Controversy in Ireland, 1660-1714 (Cork, 1994);
170. Allan Macinnes, "Covenanting Ideology in Seventeenth-Century Scotland," in Ohlmeyer, Political Thought;
171. Marilyn J. Westerkamp, Triumph of the Laity: Scots-Irish Piety and the Great Awakening, 1625-1760 (Oxford, 1988).
172. Nicholas Canny, "The Origins of Empire: An Introduction," in Canny, ed., The Oxford History of the British Empire, Vol. 1: The Origins, of Empire (Oxford, 1998), 16-17.
173. James Leyburn, The Scotch-Irish: A Social History (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1962);
174. and Maldwyn A. Jones, "The Scotch-Irish in British America," in Bernard Bailyn and Philip D. Morgan, eds., Strangers within the Realm: Cultural Margins of the First British Empire (Chapel Hill, 1991), 284-313.
175. Pocock, "British History: A Plea for a New Subject," 617-20;
176. and J. G. A. Pocock, Three British Revolutions: 1641, 1688, 1776 (Princeton, N.J., 1980);
177. J. C. D. Clark, "The Strange Death of British History? Reflections on Anglo-American Scholarship," Historical Journal 40, no. 3 (1997): 789, 809.
178. Louis Cullen has used French regional archives extensively in his work on eighteenth-century trade. See especially L. M. Cullen, "Galway Merchants in the Outside World, 1650-1800," in Diarmuid O'Cearbhaill, ed., Galway Town and Gown, 1484-1984 (Dublin, 1984), 63-89.
179. Jerrold I. Casway, Owen Roe O'Neill and the Struggle for Catholic Ireland (Philadelphia, 1984);
180. Marianne Elliott, Partners in Revolution: The United Irishmen and France (New Haven, Conn., 1989);
181. Gráinne Henry, The Irish Military Community in Spanish Flanders, 1586-1621 (Dublin, 1992);
182. and "Ulster Exiles in Europe, 1605-1641," in Mac Cuarta, Ulster 1641, 37-60;
183. B. Jennings, Wild Geese in Spanish Flanders, 1582-1700 (Irish Manuscripts Commission, Dublin, 1964);
184. and "Irish Swordsmen in Flanders, 1586-1610," Studies 36 (1947); 37 (1948);
185. Hiram Morgan, Tyrone's Rebellion: The Outbreak of the Nine Years' War in Tudor Ireland (London, 1993);
186. Jane Ohlmeyer, "A Failed Revolution? The Irish Confederate War in Its European Context," History Ireland 3, no. 1 (1995): 24-28;
187. and "Ireland Independent: Confederate Foreign Policy and International Relations during the Mid-Seventeenth Century," in Ohlmeyer, Ireland, 89-111;
188. C. Petrie, "Ireland in Spanish and French Strategy 1558-1815," Irish Sword 6 (Summer 1964);
189. J. J. Silke, Ireland and Europe (Dundalk, 1966);
190. and "The Irish Abroad, 1534-1691," in Moody, New History of Ireland, vol. 3;
191. J. G. Simms, "The Irish on the Continent, 1691-1800," in Moody and Vaughan, New History, vol. 4;
192. Micheline Kerney Walsh, "Destruction by Peace": Hugh O Neill after Kinsale (Monaghan, 1986);
193. and Helga Robinson-Hammerstein, ed., European Universities in the Age of Reformation and Counter-Reformation (Dublin, 1998).
194. The Irish diaspora - whether it was of clerics or civilians, merchants or mercenaries - has attracted scholarly interest. See, for example, L. M. Cullen, "The Irish Diaspora of the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries," in Nicholas Canny, ed., Europeans on the Move: Studies on European Migration, 1500-1800 (Oxford, 1994);
195. and Jerrold Casway, "Irish Women Overseas, 1500-1800," in Margaret MacCurtain and Mary O'Dowd, eds., Women in Early Modern Ireland (Dublin, 1991), 112-32.
196. Henry, Irish Military Community.
197. Also see Robert Stradling's account of the "Ulster army" in Cantabria: The Spanish Monarchy and Irish Mercenaries: The Wild Geese in Spain, 1618-68 (Dublin, 1994), chaps. 7-8.
198. Apart from an interesting article by Pierre Gouhier, "Mercenaires Irlandais au service de la France (1635-1664)," Irish Sword 7 (1965): 58-75, the Irish serving in the French armies prior to 1690 have been neglected.
199. A wealth of material exists for the later period: Richard Hayes, Ireland and Irishmen in the French Revolution (Dublin, 1932);
200. Hayes, Old Irish Links with France (Dublin, 1940);
201. and Hayes, Biographical Dictionary of Irishmen in France (Dublin, 1949).
202. Also see the classic work by J. C. O'Callaghan, History of Irish Brigades in the Service of France from the Revolution . . . (1688) to the Revolution in France (1789) (Glasgow, 1870).
203. Irish mercenaries serving in the imperial, Swedish, Polish, Russian, and Scandinavian armies during the seventeenth century also merit further research. See, for instance, J. Hennig, "Irish Soldiers in the 30 Years War," Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland 82 (1952): 28-36.
204. For some recent innovative research on Scottish mercenaries, see Steve Murdoch, "The House of Stuart and the Scottish Professional Soldier 1618-1640: A Conflict of National Identities," in Bertrand Taithe and Tim Thornton, eds., War: Identities in Conflict, 1300-2000 (Stroud, Gloucestershire, 1998), 37-56.
205. Sir William Petty, who spent most of his adult life in Ireland, estimated in his Political Anatomy of Ireland (London, 1691) that "There were transported of them [native Irish] into Spain, Flanders, [and] France, 34,000 soldiers; and of boys, women, priests . . . no less than 6000" (pp. 7, 19). In the absence of quantitative data, this figure must be regarded as a guesstimate, but it would seem a reasonably accurate one. Recently, Robert Stradling suggested that between 1651 and 1654-55 over 18,000 soldiers (approximately 3,600 per annum) left Ireland to serve in Spain. Others would have traveled to Flanders and, despite a parliamentary ban on French recruiting, to France as well. In addition, between 1644 and 1649, a further 11,000 soldiers were dispatched to the continental theater of war (7,000 for the French armies and approximately 4,000 for the Spanish forces).
206. Stradling, Spanish Monarchy, 164.
207. Cullen, "Irish Diaspora," 124, 139.
208. Cullen, "Irish Diaspora," 126-27, 139.
209. Donald Harman Akenson, If the Irish Ran the World: Montserrat, 1630-1730 (Liverpool, 1997), provides an excellent overview of these early settlements.
210. Also see essays by Canny (chaps. 1 and 7) and Hilary Beckles in Canny, Oxford History of the British Empire, vol. 1.
211. Joyce Lorimer, ed., English and Irish Settlement on the River Amazon, 1550-1646 (London, 1989), 123.
212. Thomas M. Truxes, Irish-American Trade, 1660-1783 (Cambridge, 1988), 14.
213. Akenson, If the Irish Ran the World, 7, 174.
214. Akenson, If the Irish Ran the World, 107.
215. Akenson, If the Irish Ran the World, 117.
216. A suggestion made by Jack P. Greene at the American Historical Association, January 3, 1997, in response to the paper I contributed to a panel on the "New British History in Its Atlantic Context." Some inroads have already been made to construct a historiography around an Atlantic world. See, for example, Jack P. Greene and J. R. Pole, eds., Colonial British America: Essays in the New History of the Early Modern Era (Baltimore, Md., 1984), esp. chap. 1;
217. Bailyn and Morgan, Strangers within the Realm, esp. the chapters by Nicholas Canny and Eric Richards;
218. Karen Kupperman, ed., America in European Consciousness, 1493-1750 (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1995), esp. the chapters by David Armitage and Kupperman;
219. Canny, Europeans on the Move.
220. For an Irish perspective, see the essays by Canny, Brendan Bradshaw, and Karl Bottigheimer in K. R. Andrews, N. Canny, and E. H. Hair, eds., The Westward Enterprise: English Activities in Ireland, the Atlantic and America, 1480-1650 (Liverpool, 1978);
221. Raymond Gillespie, "Explorers, Exploiters and Entrepreneurs: Early Modern Ireland and Its Context, 1500-1700," in B. J. Graham and L. J. Proudfoot, eds., An Historical Geography of Ireland (Dublin, 1993);
222. and W. J. Smyth, "The Western Isle of Ireland and the Eastern Seaboard of America - England's First Frontiers," Irish Geography 11 (1978).
223. For a Scottish perspective, see Arthur Williamson, "Scots, Indians and Empire: The Scottish Politics of Civilization 1519-1609," Past and Present 150 (1996).
224. Nicholas Canny, The Elizabethan Conquest of Ireland: A Pattern Established, 1565-1576 (New York, 1976), 160;
225. Howard Mumford Jones, "Origins of the Colonial Idea in England," Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 85, no. 5 (1942);
226. and "The Colonial Implies: An Analysis of the 'Promotion' Literature of Colonization," Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 90, no. 2 (1946);
227. D. B. Quinn, "Ireland and Sixteenth Century European Expansion," in T. D. Williams, ed., Historical Studies (London, 1958);
228. and Rolf Loeber, "Preliminaries to the Massachusetts Bay Colony: The Irish Ventures of Emanuel Downing and John Winthrop Sr," in Toby Barnard, Dáibhi Ó Cróinín, and Katherine Simms, eds., "A Miracle of Learning": Studies in Manuscripts and Irish Learning (Aldershot, 1998), 164-200.
229. Attempts to situate Ireland in an "Atlantic context" have not been universally welcomed by historians of early modern Ireland. See, for example, Hiram Morgan, "Mid-Atlantic Blues," Irish Review 11 (1991): 50-55;
230. and Andrew Hadfield's response, "Rocking the Boat: A Response to Hiram Morgan," in Irish Review 12 (1992): 15-19.
231. Andrew Hadfield and John McVeagh, eds., Strangers to That Land: British Perceptions of Ireland from the Reformation to the Famine (Gerrards Cross, Buckinghamshire, 1994), 27.
232. Discussed in Jane Ohlmeyer, "'Civilizinge of Those Rude Partes': Colonization within Britain and Ireland, 1580s-1640s," in Canny, Oxford History of the British Empire, 1: 130-43.
233. John Lynch, Cambrensis eversus, Mathew Kelly, trans., 3 vols. (Dublin, 1851-52), 3: 75.
234. Bernadette Cunningham and Raymond Gillespie, "The East Ulster Bardic Family of Ó Gnímh," Egise 20 (1984);
235. and Ó Buachalla, "James Our True King," 10.
236. For Scotland, see Colm Ó Baoill, ed., The Harps' Cry: An Anthology of 17th Century Gaelic Poetry (Edinburgh, 1994).
237. Ó Cuív, "Irish Language," 526.
238. Cunningham and Gillespie, "East Ulster Bardic Family of Ó Gnímh";
239. and Bernadette Cunningham, "Native Culture and Political Change in Ireland, 1580-1640," in Ciaran Brady and Raymond Gillespie, eds., Natives and Newcomers: Essays on the Making of Irish Colonial Society, 1534-1641 (Dublin, 1986).
240. Lynch, Cambrensis eversus, 3: 75.
241. Howard Lamar and Leonard Thompson, eds., The Frontier in History: North America and South Africa Compared (New Haven, Conn., 1981), 9.
242. For instructive insights from the Middle Ages, see T. E. McNeill, Anglo-Norman Ulster: The History of an Irish Barony, 1177-1400 (Edinburgh, 1980), where it is argued that the settlers harnessed traditional Irish agricultural practices "by using their commercial contacts to change the old subsistence aims of the Irish chiefs into a marketing structure" (p. 122).
243. For a specific example, see Ohlmeyer, Civil War and Restoration, 32-42.
244. For Scotland, see Allan I. Macinnes, Clanship, Commerce and the House of Stuart, 1603-1788 (Edinburgh, 1996).
245. The books of the Irish Statute Staple, where debts could be registered (the ones dealing with Dublin are extant from the 1590s to the 1680s) offer a possible means of untangling webs of indebtedness and financial interdependence, especially when they are examined in conjunction with other major sources that deal with the transfer of land, especially patent rolls, land surveys, and estate papers. Jane Ohlmeyer and Eamonn Ó Ciardha, eds., The Irish Statute Staple Books, 1596-1687 (Dublin, 1998);
246. and Ohlmeyer, "The Statute Staple in Early Modern Ireland," History Ireland 6, no. 4 (1998): 36-40. Kevin McKenny is currently entering the most important landed records dating from the mid-seventeenth century into a database that will be published by the Irish Manuscripts Commission.
247. Tacitus, Dialogus, Agricola, and Germania, W. Hamilton Fyfe, trans. (Oxford, 1908), 67.
248. owe this reference to David Harris Sacks. Also see Debora Shuger, "Irishmen, Aristocrats, and Other White Barbarians," Renaissance Quarterly 50, no. 2 (1997): 500-01. I am grateful to Karen Kupperman for bringing this reference to my attention.
249. Akenson, If the Irish Ran the World, 173.