"Annihilation through labor": The killing of state prisoners in the Third Reich

Journal of Modern History

Volumn 71, Issue 3, 1999, Pages 624-659

  Wachsmann, Nikolaus ^a  

^a DOWNING COLLEGE   (United Kingdom)

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 33750258343     PISSN: 00222801     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1086/235291     Document Type: Article

References (184)

1. See D. J. K. Peukert, Inside Nazi Germany (London, 1989).
2. M. Zimmermann, Verfolgt, vertrieben, vernichtet: Die nationalsozialistische Vernichtungspolitik gegen Sinti und Roma (Essen, 1989);
3. E. Klee, "Euthanasie" im NS-Staat: Die "Vernichtung lebensunwerten Lebens" (Frankfurt am Main, 1983);
4. M. Burleigh, Death and Deliverance: "Euthanasia" in Germany, 1900-1945 (Cambridge, 1994);
5. H. Friedlander, The Origins of Nazi Genocide: From Euthanasia to the Final Solution (Chapel Hill, N.C., and London, 1995);
6. U. Herbert, Fremdarbeiter: Politik und Praxis des "Ausländer-Einsatzes" in der Kriegswirtschaft des Dritten Reiches (Berlin and Bonn, 1985).
7. Erlaß des Chefs der Sicherheitspolizei und des Sicherheitsdienstes Reinhard Heydrich, 4.4.1938, reprinted in W. Ayass, ed., "Gemeinschaftsfremde": Quellen zur Verfolgung von "Asozialen," 1933-1945, Materialien aus dem Bundesarchiv series, no. 5 (Koblenz, 1998), pp. 124-26.
8. For the term "dual racism," see W. Wippermann, Wie die Zigeuner: Antisemitismus und Antiziganismus im Vergleich (Berlin, 1997), p. 142.
9. W. Ayass, "Asoziale" im Nationalsozialismus (Stuttgart, 1995), and Das Arbeitshaus Breitenau (Kassel, 1992);
10. G. Grau, ed., Hidden Holocaust? Gay and Lesbian Persecution in Germany, 1933-1945 (London and New York, 1995);
11. D. Peukert, "Arbeitslager und Jugend-KZ: die 'Behandlung Gemeinschaftsfremder' im Dritten Reich," in Die Reihen fast geschlossen, ed. D. Peukert and J. Reulecke (Wuppertal, 1981), pp. 413-34.
12. For a general introduction to this topic, see J. Noakes, "Social Outcasts in the Third Reich," in Life in the Third Reich, ed. R. Bessel (Oxford and New York, 1987), pp. 83-96.
13. The German penal system consisted of different institutions of confinement: Zuchthäuser (penitentiaries) for what were considered to be particularly serious offenses, Gefängnisse (prisons), and Gerichtsgefängnisse (jails) for very short periods of confinement. The treatment of inmates in penitentiaries was generally harsher than in prisons (e.g., longer working hours). Jails are of no interest for the present study. The general term in this article used for both penitentiaries and prisons is state penal institutions. However, terms like "prison governors" refer to governors not just of prisons but of penitentiaries as well.
14. Ayass, "Asoziale" im Nationalsozialismus, pp. 175-76;
15. M. Burleigh and W. Wippermann, The Racial State: Germany, 1933-1945 (Cambridge, 1991), pp. 180-81;
16. Projektgruppe für die vergessenen Opfer des NS-Regimes in Hamburg, ed., Verachtet-Verfolgt-Vernichtet (Hamburg, 1988).
17. There is only one useful more detailed account. However, it also fails to address vital questions concerning the transfer of "asocial" inmates to the police and is not always accurate; R. Möhler, "Strafvollzug im 'Dritten Reich': Nationale Politik und regionale Ausprägung am Beispiel des Saarlandes," in Strafvollzug im "Dritten Reich": Am Beispiel des Saarlandes, ed. H. Jung and H. Müller-Dietz (Baden-Baden, 1996), pp. 9-301, here pp. 152-60.
18. Bundesarchiv Berlin (hereafter cited as BA Berlin), 99 US 2 FC 585, microfilm 22933, BI. 300: Protokoll über die Abteilungsleiterbesprechung am 31. Januar 1945.
19. H. Schorn, Der Richter im Dritten Reich: Geschichte und Dokumente (Frankfurt am Main, 1959);
20. H. Weinkauff, Die Deutsche Justiz und der Nationalsozialismus: Ein Überblick, Quellen und Darstellungen zur Zeitgeschichte series, no. 16/I (Stuttgart, 1968).
21. J. Muntau, Strafvollzug und Gefangenenfürsorge im Wandel der Zeit (Bonn, 1962), p. 74. Muntau had been a leading German prison official until 1939.
22. Historians only started in the last decade to examine critically the Nazi prison system. The first full-scale study of the prison system in the Third Reich was published in 1996; see Möhler.
23. The term "sterile debates" is used in U. Herbert, "Vernichtungspolitik: Neue Antworten und Fragen zur Geschichte des 'Holocaust,'" in Nationalsozialistische Vernichtungspolitik: Neue Forschungen und Kontroversen, ed. U. Herbert (Frankfurt am Main, 1998), pp. 9-66, here p. 22.
24. For a very clear introduction to the intentionalist-structuralist debate, see I. Kershaw, The Nazi Dictatorship (London, 1989), pp. 62-70.
25. C. Browning, "Beyond 'Intentionalism' and 'Functionalism': The Decision for the Final Solution Reconsidered," in his The Path to Genocide (Cambridge, 1995), pp. 86-124;
26. S. Friedländer, Nazi Germany and the Jews, vol. 1 (London, 1997). For an overview of new research, see the volume edited by Herbert.
27. See the various essays in Herbert, ed.; see also C. Gerlach, Krieg, Ernährung, Völkermord: Forschungen zur deutschen Vernichtungspolitik im Zweiten Weltkrieg (Hamburg, 1998), pp. 263, 287-88.
28. R. Angermund, Deutsche Richterschaft, 1919-1945 (Frankfurt am Main, 1990); I.
29. Müller, Hitler's Justice (London, 1991);
30. Redaktion Kritische Justiz, ed., Der Unrechts-Staat, vol. 1 (Frankfurt am Main, 1979),
31. and Der Unrechts-Staat, vol. 2 (Baden-Baden, 1984);
32. B. Diestelkamp and M. Stolleis, eds., Justizalltag im Dritten Reich (Frankfurt am Main, 1988).
33. The main representative of this line of interpretation is the historian Lothar Gruchmann. See L. Gruchmann, "Rechtssystem und nationalsozialistische Justizpolitik," in Das Dritte Reich, ed. M. Broszat and H. Möller (Munich, 1986), pp. 83-103,
34. and "Die 'rechtsprechende Gewalt' im nationalsozialistischen Herrschaftssystem," in Der Nationalsozialismus: Studien zur Ideologie und Herrschaft, ed. W. Benz, H. Buchheim, and H. Mommsen (Frankfurt am Main, 1993), pp. 78-103,
35. and Justiz im Dritten Reich: Anpassung und Unterwerfung in der Ära Gütner, Quellen und Darstellungen zur Zeitgeschichte series, no. 28 (Munich, 1990).
36. Gruchmann draws on the structural analysis of the émigré German political scientist Ernst Fraenkel; see E. Fraenkel, The Dual State (New York, 1969), esp. pp. 3-73.
37. Suspects could be taken by the police into protective custody (Schutzhaft) and into preventive police custody (polizeiliche Vorbeugungshaft); see K.-L. Terhorst, Polizeiliche planmäßige Überwachung und polizeiliche Vorbeugungshaft im Dritten Reich (Heidelberg, 1985);
38. G. Werle, Justiz-Strafrecht und polizeiliche Verbrechensbekämpfung im Dritten Reich (Berlin and New York, 1989).
39. W. Jochmann, ed., Adolf Hitler: Monologe im Führerhauptquartier, 1941-1944 (Hamburg, 1980), pp. 347-54, here pp. 348-49.
40. The translation of this section follows R. J. Evans, Rituals of Retribution: Capital Punishment in Germany, 1600-1987 (London, 1997), pp. 702-3.
41. A. Hillgruber, ed., Staatsmänner und Diplomaten bei Hitler: Vertrauliche Aufzeichnungen und Unterredungen mit Vertretern des Auslandes, 1939-1941 (Frankfurt am Main, 1967), pp.611-12; see also Jochmann, ed., pp. 125-27.
42. Table talk of May 10, 1942, reprinted in H. Picker, ed., Hitlers Tischgespräche im Führerhauptquartier, 3d ed. (Stuttgart, 1976), p. 280.
43. For the wider context, see T. Mason, "The Legacy of 1918 for National Socialism," in German Democracy and the Triumph of Hitler, ed. A. Nicholls and E. Matthias (London, 1971), pp. 215-39. Mason, however, only focuses on the lessons the Nazis drew from the revolution in 1918 in regard to the working class.
44. Table talk of April 7, 1942; May 22, 1942; and July 7, 1942; reprinted in Picker, ed., pp. 200, 331-32, 430.
45. Table talk of July 7, 1942, reprinted in ibid., p. 430.
46. Table talk of April 7, 1942, reprinted in ibid., p. 201.
47. R. J. Evans, Szenen aus der deutschen Unterwelt (Reinbek bei Hamburg, 1997), pp. 119, 123.
48. This theme was apparently not central in Hitler's mind in earlier periods. For instance, in his speeches in the early 1920s, he used the term "November-criminal" to attack Jews and "Bolsheviks," not common criminals; see E. Jäckel and A. Kuhn, eds., Hitler: Sämtliche Aufzeichungen, 1905-1924 (Stuttgart, 1980).
49. See, e.g., M. M. Weber, Ernst Rüdin: Eine kritische Biographie (Berlin, 1993), pp. 89-90.
50. BA Berlin, R 22/4199, Bl. 8-137: Besprechung mit den Chefpräsidenten und Generalstaatsanwälten im RJM, 29.9.1942, here Bl. 39.
51. Zentrale Stelle der Landesjustizverwaltungen zur Aufklärung nationalsozialistischer Gewaltverbrechen in Ludwigsburg (hereafter cited as ZStL), II 416 AR 2643/65, Bl. 117-21: interrogation Eugen E., 25.1.1949. See also the judgment of the Landgericht Wiesbaden of 24.3.1952 (2 Ks 2/51), reprinted in A. L. Rüter-Ehlermann, H. H. Fuchs, and C. F. Rüter, eds., Justiz und NS-Verbrechen: Sammlung deutscher Strafurteile wegen nationalsozialistischer Totungsverbrechen, 1945-1966, vol. 6 (Amsterdam, 1971), pp. 267-367, here p. 274.
52. On September 30, 1942, there were 190,250 state prisoners in Nazi Germany; BA Berlin, R 22/897, Bl. 82: Gesamtbelegung am 30. September 1942.
53. F. von Liszt, "Der Zweckgedanke im Strafrecht," in Strafrechtliche Aufsätze und Vorträge, ed. F. von Liszt, vol. 1 (Berlin, 1905), pp. 127-78, here pp. 167-70.
54. See, e.g., R. Christians, "Ziele des Strafvollzugs," Blätter für Gefängniskunde (hereafter cited as BlGefK) 68 (1937-38): 339-50.
55. Goebbels diary entry of September 15, 1942, reprinted in Die Tagebücher von Joseph Goebbels, ed. E. Fröhlich, vol. 2/5 (Munich, 1995), p. 504;
56. BA Berlin, R 22/4062, Bl. 52: Aussprache zwischen Thierack und Lammers, 16.9.1942; K. H. Roth, "'Abgabe asozialer Justizgefangener an die Polizei' - eine unbekannte Vernichtungsaktion der Justiz: Eine Dokumentation," in Heilen und Vernichten im Mustergau Hamburg: Bevölkerungs- und Gesundheitspolitik im Dritten Reich, ed. A. Ebbinghaus, H. Kaupen-Hass, and K. H. Roth (Hamburg, 1984), pp. 21-25, here p. 21.
57. BA Berlin, R 22/4062, Bl. 35a-37: Besprechung mit Reichsführer SS Himmler am 18.9.1942 in seinem Feldquartier. At first, this program was only aimed at male prisoners, as well as female Jewish, Polish, and Sinti and Roma inmates. However, "asocial" women in security confinement and penitentiaries were later (possibly from December 1942 onward) also included in the program.
58. "Gesetz gegen gefährliche Gewohnheitsverbrecher und über Maßregeln der Sicherung und Besserung vom 24.11.1933," Monatsschrift für Kriminalpsychologie und Strafrechtsreform (hereafter cited as MSchriftKrim) 25 (1934): 261-68;
59. Gruchmann, Justiz im Dritten Reich (n. 16 above), pp. 838-40.
60. For the background and the application of this law, see C. Müller, Das Gewohnheitsverbrechergesetz vom 24. November 1933: Kriminalpolitik als Rassenpolitik, Juristische Zeitgeschichte series, no. 3/2 (BadenBaden, 1997). By February 1941 there were fourteen individual institutions or special wards for the security confined.
61. Between 1934 and 1938, 7, 862 inmates were sentenced to security confinement. By April 30, 1938, 701 inmates had been released, only for at least seventy-nine of them to be immediately arrested again. From May 1940 onward, no more inmates were released at all; F. Exner, "Wie erkennt man den gefährlichen Gewohnheitsverbrecher?" Deutsche Justiz 11 (1943): 377-79;
62. A. Wingler, "1. Tagung der Gesellschaft für Deutsches Strafrecht, München 27./29. Oktober 1938," BlGefK 69 (1938): 305-12, here p. 310; BA Berlin, R 22/1337, Bl. 416: Reichsminister der Justiz to Generalstaatsanwälte, 4.5.1940.
63. BA Berlin, 99 US 2 FC 588, microfilm 22941, Bl. 50-55: Besprechung am 9. Oktober 1942, signed Dr. Crohne, 13.10.1942. The minutes of the meeting of October 9, 1942, do not state that this provision was also to be valid for all "reformable" prisoners with a sentence of security confinement after their prison or penitentiary term. However, this was, in fact, the case. Jung's suggestion was made at the meeting in Berlin on September 29, 1942, between Thierack and the leading members of the German judiciary; BA Berlin, R 22/4199, Bl. 8-137: Besprechung mit den Chefpräsidenten und Generalstaatsanwälten im RJM, 29.9.1942, here Bl. 125-26. For some minor exceptions to the transfer, e.g., regarding prisoners of war and certain other foreigners, see BA Berlin, 99 US 2 FC 588, microfilm 22941, Bl. 56-61 : Reichsminister der Justiz to Generalstaatsanwälte, 22.10.1942.
64. The quotation is taken from Himmler's notes in his diary of this meeting. On the margins, this entry is ticked, signifying that this topic had been raised with Hitler: BA Berlin, NS 10/1447, Bl. 78-89: Vortrag b. Führer, 22.9.1942, here Bl. 88. Himmler's notes have now been published in P. Witte, U. Lohalm, and W. Scheffler, eds., Der Dienstkalender Heinrich Himmlers 1941/1942 (Hamburg, 1999).
65. B A Berlin, R 22/4199, Bl. 8-137: Besprechung mit den Chefpräsidenten und Generalstaatsanwälten in RJM, 29.9.1942, here Bl. 41. On September 16,1942, Lammers had suggested to Thierack that he should personally present to Hitler his plans for dealing with "the problem asocials." On October 1, 1942, Thierack informed Lammers that Hitler had endorsed the plans for the "treatment of the associais (sic)"; BA Berlin, R 22/4062, Bl. 52-53: Fortsetzung der Aussprache am 16.9.1942; ibid., Bl. 50: Besprechung mit Reichsminister Dr. Lammers am 1. Oktober 1942.
66. L. Gruchmann, "Hitler über die Justiz: Das Tischgespräch vom 20. August 1942," Vierteljahreshefte für Zeitgeschichte 12 (1964): 86-101, here pp. 86, 91.
67. Evans (n. 18 above), pp. 696-700; A. L. Rüter-Ehlermann and C. F. Rüter, eds., Justiz und NS-Verbrechen: Sammlung deutscher Strafurteile wegen nationalsozialistischer Tötungsverbrechen, 1945-1966, vol. 4 (Amsterdam, 1970), pp. 149-55.
68. W. Johe, Die gleichgeschaltete Justiz (Frankfurt am Main, 1967), p. 175.
69. See BA Berlin, R 22/1437, Bl. 60-61: Vermerk, 15.2.1937; BA Berlin, R 22/1429, Bl. 133: Reichsführer SS to Reichsminister der Justiz, 26.8.1939.
70. Friedlander (n. 2 above), pp. 88, 117; G. Aly, "Medizin gegen Unbrauchbare," in Aussonderung und Tod: Die klinische Hinrichtung der Unbrauchbaren, Beiträge zur Nationalsozialistischen Gesundheits- und Sozialpolitik, vol. 1 (Berlin, 1985), pp. 9-74, here pp. 42-44;
71. Gruchmann, Justiz im Dritten Reich (n. 16 above), p. 516.
72. BA Berlin, R 22/1238, Bl. 286: Reichsminister der Justiz to Oberreichsanwalt beim Volksgerichtshof, Oberlandesgerichtspräsidenten, and Generalstaatsanwälte, 16.4.1942.
73. BA Berlin, 99 US 2 FC 585, microfilm 22933, Bl. 287: Reichsminister der Justiz to Reichsleiter Bormann, 13.10.1942. It was already agreed in the meeting between Himmler and Thierack on September 18, 1942, that "in future criminal law cases involving Jews, Poles, Gypsies, Russians and Ukrainians should no longer be dealt with by ordinary courts, but by the Reichsführer SS"; BA Berlin, R 22/4062, Bl. 35a-37: Besprechung mit Reichsführer SS Himmler am 18.9.1942 in seinem Feldquartier. This agreement excluded Poles in the German Volksliste.
74. See, e.g., Besprechung zwischen dem Reichsführer-SS Heinrich Himmler und Reichsjustizminister Thierack, 21.12.1942; reprinted in Ayass (n. 3 above), pp. 319-20. For the wider context, P. Wagner, "Das Gesetz über die Behandlung Gemeinschaftsfremder," in Feinderklärung und Prävention: Kriminalbiologie, Zigeunerforschung und Asozialenpolitik, Beiträge zur Nationalsozialistischen Gesundheits- und Sozialpolitik, vol. 6 (Berlin, 1988), pp. 75-100. See also Angermund, p. 186; Werle, pp. 619-80.
75. BA Berlin, film 44325, interrogation Albert Hupperschwiller, 24.1.1947; Rüter-Ehlermann, Fuchs, Rüter, eds. (n. 27 above), p. 317.
76. ZStL, VI 415 AR-Nr 1310/63, Staatsanwaltschaft beim Kammergericht Berlin, Einleitungsvermerk vom 30.4.1965. The transfer apparently also included a small number of Jews, Sinti and Roma, Russians, and Ukranians in state workhouses; BA Berlin, 99 US 2 FC 588, microfilm 22941, Bl. 56-61: Reichsminister der Justiz to Generalstaatsanwälte, 22.10.1942.
77. BA Berlin, R 22/Pers. 67687; ibid., R 2/Pers. SG (ex. BDC), Rudolf Marx.
78. BA Berlin, R 22/Pers. 59371; ZStL, Sammelakte Nr. 27a, Antrag des Oberstaatsanwalts in Wiesbaden auf Eröffnung des Hauptverfahrens vor dem Schwurgericht Wiesbaden, 24.11.1949; ZStL, II 416 AR 2643/65, Bl. 117-21: Interrogation Eugen E., 25.1. 1949.
79. BA Berlin, film 44840, interrogation Rudolf Marx and Robert Hecker, 25.3.1947. At the RSHA, the lists containing the names of Jewish, Polish, Russian, and Ukrainian prisoners, as well as of political prisoners, were passed on to the Gestapo. The criminal police (Kripo) in turn were responsible for Sinti and Roma and the "criminal" prisoners; Reichskriminalpolizeiamt to Kommandantur des KZ Mauthausen, 10.3.1943, reprinted in ZStL, VI415 AR-Nr 13 10/63, Staatsanwaltschaft beim Kammergericht Berlin, Vermerk vom 17.4.1969.
80. ZStL, VI 415 AR-Nr 1310/63, Staatsanwaltschaft beim Kammergericht Berlin, Einleitungsvermerk vom 30.4.1965.
81. According to this statistic, probably drawn up in late spring 1943, 15,590 men and 1,717 women had been reported to the police for deportation; BA Berlin, R 22/1262, Bl. 15: Abgabe asozialer Gefangener an die Polizei, no date (spring or summer 1943). The actual figure is higher, as prisoners were still reported to the police after this statistic was drawn up. See, e.g., E. Scharf, "Strafvollzug in der Pfalz unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der JVA Zweibrücken," in Justiz im Dritten Reich: Justizverwaltung, Rechtsprechung, und Strafvollzug auf dem Gebiet des heutigen Landes Rheinland-Pfalz, ed. Ministerium der Justiz Rheinland-Pfalz, 2 vols. (Frankfurt am Main, 1995), 2:757-849, here p. 822.
82. This figure also includes 246 Sinti and Roma and 451 Russians; BA Berlin, R 22/ 1417, Bl. 141: Abgabe an die Polizei, Stand: 24. April 1943. There was an obvious time gap of several weeks between the moment when the Ministry of Justice passed on the lists of prisoners to the police and the actual transfer of prisoners to the camps. Thus, by April 30, 1943, 14,700 prisoners had actually been transported by the police to concentration camps; BA Berlin, R 22/1262, Bl. 15: Abgabe asozialer Gefangener an die Polizei, no date (spring or summer 1943).
83. At the end of March 1943, after large numbers of Polish prisoners had already been handed over to the police, there were still 36,148 Poles in German penal institutions - almost 19 percent of all state prisoners; Institut für Zeitgeschichte, Munich (hereafter cited as IfZ), MA 624, Bl. 3664437-38: Vermerk, Reichsjustizministerium, no date.
84. Thüringisches Staatsarchiv Meiningen (hereafter cited as ThStA Mgn.), Zuchthaus Untermaßfeld, Nr. 456.
85. The figure consists of 4,296 inmates in security confinement (including 223 women) and 4,517 inmates in penitentiaries with subsequent security confinement (including 267 women); BA Berlin, R 22/1417, Bl. 141 : Abgabe an die Polizei, Stand: 24. April 1943.
86. BA Berlin, film 44184, interrogation Karl Engert, 5.12.1946; E. Kogon, Der SS-Staat (Munich, 1995), pp. 68-69;
87. H. Eiden, "Das war Buchenwald: Tatsachenbericht," in H. Gobrecht, ed., Eh' die Sonne lacht: Hans Eiden-Kommunist und Lagerältester im KZ Buchenwald (Bonn, 1995), pp. 207-64, here p. 221.
88. E. Schmidt, "Sicherungsverwahrung in Zahlen," in Dringende Fragen der Sicherungsverwahrung, ed. R. Freisler and F. Schlegelberger (Berlin, 1938), pp. 105-13;
89. J. Hellmer, Der Gewohnheitsverbrecher und die Sicherungsverwahrung, 1934-1945, Kriminologische Forschungen series, no. 2 (Berlin, 1961), pp. 41-50, 209-47, 261-66, 300;
90. F. Weber, "Erfahrungen in der Sicherungsanstalt," BlGefK 68 (1938): 429-48, here p. 432;
91. L. Lotz, Der gefährliche Gewohnheitsverbrecher, Kriminalistische Abhandlungen series, no. 41 (Leipzig, 1939), p. 46.
92. ThStA Mgn., Zuchthaus Untermaßfeld, Nr. 311, Bl. 19-45: Urteil des Sondergerichts für den Oberlandesgerichtsbezirk Jena, 11.7.1940; ibid., Bl. 47: Selbstverfasster Lebenslauf des Gefangenen F., 30.7.1940; ibid., Bl. 76: Strafanstaltsdirektor Gericke to Oberstaatsanwalt bei dem Landgericht in Weimar, 28.1.1943.
93. The meeting for south German governors took place on October 19, 1942; the meeting for north and west German governors one day later; Rüter-Ehlermann, Fuchs, and Rüter, eds. (n. 27 above), p. 283.
94. IfZ, MB-1, interrogation Otto Gündner, 12.3.1948, 13.3.1948, 15.3.1948, 16.3.1948, 17.3.1948; Rüter-Ehlermann, Fuchs, and Rüter, eds. (n. 27 above), pp. 313-14.
95. This passage is based on two preserved questionnaires filled in by the governor of the penal institution in Kassel-Wehlheiden on March 29, 1944. It seems likely that the same forms were used in 1942/3; ZStL, VI 416 AR-Nr 1127/66, Bl. 280-81.
96. BA Berlin, film 44564, interrogation Joseph P., 17.12.1946; BA Berlin, 99 US 2 FC 38577/47455 P, testimony Benedikt W., Militärgerichtshof Nr. 3, Nuremberg, 28.4.1947.
97. B A Berlin, R 22/Pers 55261; BA Berlin, R 22/4349, Bl. 51-53; BA Berlin, R 2/Pers. SG (ex. BDC), Karl Engert; BA Berlin, R 22/58, Geschäftsverteilungsplan; BA Berlin, film 44184, interrogation Karl Engert, 6.12.1946,6.2.1947; Ifz, F 37/2, 1942/II, Telefongespräche des Reichsführers SS am 18.9.1942. The members of section XV were later joined by another more junior official, Otto Gündner. For their personal details, see ZStL, Sammelakte Nr. 27a, Antrag des Oberstaatsanwalts in Wiesbaden auf Eröffnung des Hauptverfahrens vor dem Schwurgericht Wiesbaden, 24.11.1949. Engert was promoted in June 1943 and made head of Section V (in addition to being head of Section XV). Rudolf Marx was relegated to the brief for prison farming and security.
98. BA Berlin, R 22/895, Karl Engert, Tätigkeitsbericht der Abteilung XV, Stand vom 23.2.1944.1 wish to thank Herrn Zarwel at the Bundesarchiv-Berlin for sending me a copy of this document at short notice.
99. IfZ, MB-1, interrogation Herbert Peter, 13.7.1948; B A Berlin, film 44320, interrogation Robert Hecker, 16.4.1947; Rüter-Ehlermann, Fuchs, and Rüter, eds. (n. 27 above), p. 315. For the operational details, see also BA Berlin, film 44325, interrogation Albert Hupperschwiller, 24.1.1947.
100. Friedlander, pp. 74-77, 83; Burleigh and Wippermann (n. 7 above), p. 144.
101. IfZ, MB-1, interrogation Karl Engert, 5.1.1949; Friedlander, p. 122.
102. Friedlander, pp. 295-302; Burleigh (n. 2 above), pp. 220-37.
103. IfZ, MB-1, Staatsanwaltschaft Wiesbaden, interrogation Kurt Giese, 3.6.1948; BA Berlin, R 2/Pers. SG (ex. BDC), Kurt Giese. Giese later introduced Herbert Peter, a more junior member of the Chancellery of the Führer, to the murderous project. For the workings of the chancellery, see J. Noakes; "Philipp Bouhler und die Kanzlei des Führers der NSDAP," in Verwaltung contra Menschenführung, ed. D. Rebentisch and K. Teppe (Göttingen, 1986), pp. 208-36.
104. BA Berlin, film 44184, interrogation Karl Engert, 5.12.1946; BA Berlin, film 44325, interrogation Albert Hupperschwiller, 24.1.1947.
105. IfZ, MB-1, Ernst Niekisch to Deutsche Justizverwaltung, 8.12.1948.
106. BA Berlin, film 44184, interrogation Karl Engert, 5.12.1946.
107. IfZ, MB-1, interrogation Herbert Peter, 13.7.1948.
108. IfZ, MA 624, Bl. 3664611-12: Anzeigen der Anstaltsvorstände über die durch Abteilung XV zu überprüfenden Gefangenen, 7.12.1942. Political opponents of the regime were routinely sentenced to very lengthy spells in penitentiaries. Only very few political prisoners had been sentenced to security confinement (see n. 89). And following a secret decree of October 22, 1942, all of these inmates were to be individually examined by Engert's commission as well; BA Berlin, 99 US 2 FC 588, microfilm 22941, Bl. 56-61: Reichsminister der Justiz to Generalstaatsanwälte, 22.10.1942.
109. IfZ, MB-1, Vermerk über die Rücksprache mit Dr. Brill, 3.9.1949; IfZ, ED 106, Bd. 86, Bl. 131-35: Eduard W. (et al.) to Oberstaatsanwaltschaft beim Landgericht Hannover, 15.5.1948. For Brill, see M. Overesch, Hermann Brill: Ein Kämpfer gegen Hitler und Ulbricht (Bonn, 1992).
110. For instance, according to the prison ledger of the Ebrach penitentiary, nineteen of the thirty-six inmates transported to Mauthausen between June 1943 and March 1944 after "individual" examinations had been sentenced for murder; BA Berlin, 99 US 2 FC 588, Microfilm 22941, Bl. 89-102: Ebrach Prisoner Ledger.
111. Staatsarchiv München (hereafter cited as StAMü), Justizvollzugsanstalten Nr. 13672, Direktor Reitzenstein on Ernestine S., 11.2.1943.
112. Ibid., Direktor der Anstalt Aichach to Staatsanwaltschaft beim Landgericht Wien II, 2.12.1943.
113. BA Berlin, R 22/895, Karl Engert, Tätigkeitsbericht der Abteilung XV, Stand vom 23.2.1944. A further 105 of the approximately six thousand inmates were judged "asocial" by Engert's commission. As they were Czech nationals, their transfer to the police was recommended to the responsible Reichsprotektor Wilhelm Frick. For the Bewährungstruppen, see H.-P. Klausch, Die Geschichte der Bewährungsbatallione 999 unter besonderer Berücksichtigung des antifaschistischen Widerstands, 2 vols. (Cologne, 1987).
114. Bericht des Generalstaatsanwalts in Hamm, 9.6.1944, reprinted in Justizakademie des Landes Nordrhein-Westfalen, ed., Zum Strafvollzug 1933-1945 und seiner Vorgeschichte in der Weimarer Republik (Recklinghausen, n.d.), source 26h.
115. BA Berlin, R 22/4049: Vorstand des Zuchthauses Kaisheini to Reichsminister der Justiz, 29.10.1942.
116. Of the 684 prisoners in Ebrach, 129 were sentenced to subsequent security confinement and were deemed "incorrigibly asocial"; sixty-seven prisoners had received sentences of more than eight years forpolitical crimes; fifty-seven inmates had been sentenced to more than eight years for nonpolitical crimes and were seen as "asocial"; four inmates were Jews and three inmates were Sinti and Roma; BA Berlin, R 22/4045, Bl. 55: Vorstand des Zuchthauses Ebrach to Reichsminister der Justiz, 29.10.1942.
117. ZStL, Sammelakte Nr. 27a, Antrag des Oberstaatsanwalts in Wiesbaden auf Eröffnung des Hauptverfahrens vor dem Schwurgericht Wiesbaden, 24.11.1949; here reference to the testimony of S. Noerr.
118. Reichsminister der Justiz to Generalstaatsanwälte, 2.11.1942; reprinted in ZStL, VI 416 AR-Nr 1127/66, Bl. 259.
119. BA Berlin, R 22/1417, B1. 141: Abgabe an die Polizei, Stand: 24. April 1943.
120. This exception was Dr. Karl-Friedrich Engelhardt, the governor of the Remscheid-Lüttringhausen penitentiary; for Engelhardt, see ZStL, VI 416 AR-Nr 1127/66, Bl. 174-80: Vorstand der Strafanstalt Remscheid-Lüttringhausen to Generalstaatsanwalt in Düsseldorf, 27.8.1947; A. Breidenbach, Antifaschistischer Widerstand im Zuchthaus Remscheid-Lüttringhausen (Remscheid, 1992), pp. 13-14; Justizakademie des Landes Nordrhein-Westfalen (n. 81 above), sources 29d, 29g.
121. In October 1942, there were approximately 7,600 inmates held in security confinement. Unfortunately, there are no detailed statistics for those inmates sentenced to security confinement but still serving other sentences in penal institutions. Here, we have to rely on estimates. Regarding the figures for the "general transfer," by spring 1943 a total of 4,557 inmates in state penal institutions with sentences of subsequent security confinement (mit anschließender Sicherungsvenvahrung) had already been reported to the police. Probably another 1,500 such inmates in state penal institutions had been temporarily exempted from the "general transfer" to the police as skilled workers (around 3,100 "asocial" inmates overall had been exempted. The great majority of them were inmates in security confinement or in state penal institutions with subsequent security confinement). Regarding the figures of the "individual transfer," approximately three hundred inmates in state penal institutions with subsequent security confinement had been reported to the Ministry of Justice as possibly "reformable" (in December 1942 governors had reported a total of 593 inmates in security confinement or in state penal institutions with subsequent security confinement for individual examinations). Adding up these different figures, one arrives at a number of approximately 6,350 inmates in penal institutions with subsequent sentences of security confinement. If one adds the number of inmates already in security confinement, one arrives at a total of approximately fourteen thousand inmates. Only a very small number of these inmates were "racial aliens" and as such had to be included by the governors in the "general transfer." All the remaining inmates could have been judged as potentially "reformable" by the governors and thus would have been included in the "individual transfer." For the figures, see BA Berlin, R 22/1262, Bl. 15: Abgabe asozialer Gefangener an die Polizei, no date (spring or summer 1943); IfZ, MA 624, Bl. 3664611-12: Anzeigen der Anstaltsvorstände über die durch Abteilung XV zu überprüfenden Gefangenen, 7.12.1942.
122. IfZ, MA 624, Bl. 3664611-12: Anzeigen der Anstaltsvorstände über die durch Abteilung XV zu überprüfenden Gefangenen, 7.12.1942. This figure of 593 inmates is not quite complete. It does not yet include the (very small number of) "asocial" women to be examined and the potentially "reformable" inmates with sentences of security confinement in the Brandenburg-Goerden institution. Examining these statistics, one has to recall that the governors had to automatically include all those inmates in the "individual transfer" lists with sentences of security confinement who had been sentenced for high treason (Hoch- und Landesverrat). This was the case for twenty-two of the 593 inmates. Thus, the governors themselves only chose 571 of the inmates as potentially "reformable"; see also BA Berlin, 99 US 2 FC 588, microfilm 22941, Bl. 56-61: Reichsminister der Justiz to Generalstaatsanwälte, 22.10.1942.
123. Cit. in Evans (n. 18 above), pp. 690-93. For statistics on death sentences, see ibid., p. 916 (table 1).
124. Richterbrief Nr. 4, 1.1.1943, reprinted in H. Boberach, ed., Richterbriefe: Dokumente zur Beeinflussung der deutschen Rechtsprechung, 1942-1944, Schriften des Bundesarchivs series, no. 21 (Boppard, 1975), pp. 51-67, here pp. 55-58.
125. W. Eberhard, "Zu neuen Wegen im Strafvollzug," MSchriftKrim 33 (1942): 59-68, here p. 64.
126. StAMü, Oberlandesgericht München Nr. 527, Reichsminister der Justiz to Generalstaatsanwälte, 18.8.1942.
127. BA Berlin, R 3001/5982, Bl. 89-99: Reichsministerium der Justiz, Kommissarische Beratung vom 11.10.1933 über den Entwurf eines Gesetzes gegen gefährliche Gewohnheitsverbrecher und über Maßregeln der Sicherung und Besserung, 19.10.33; ibid., R 22/ 1337. Bl. 319: Reichsminister der Justiz to Generalstaatsanwälte, 2.7.1937; ibid., R 22/ 1338. Bl. 11: Ministerialrat Schmidt to Stolzenburg, 17.6.1935; ibid., R 22/1337, Bl. 330: Reichsminister der Justiz to Generalstaatsanwälte, 8.3.1938; D. Majer, "Fremdvölkische" im Dritten Reich: Ein Beitrag zur nationalsozialistischen Rechtssetzung und Rechtspraxis in Verwaltung und Justiz unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der eingegliederten Ostgebiete und des Generalgouvernement, Schriften des Bundesarchivs series, no. 28 (Boppard 1981), p. 649.
128. Scharf (n. 52 above), pp. 834-35.
129. StAMü, Generalstaatsanwalt beim Oberlandesgericht München, Nr. 52, Frauenstraf- und Verwahrungsanstalt Aichach to Generalstaatsanwalt in München, 18.2.1943; ibid., Generalstaatsanwalt beim Oberlandesgericht München, Nr. 51, Dienstaufsicht über die Vollzugsanstalten, 26.3.1943.
130. Inmate numbers increased from just over 100,000 to 139,636, calculated for the pre1939 borders; BA Berlin, R 3001/9920/2, Bl. 2; BA Berlin, R 22/897, Bl. 83. These increases were partly the result of ideological beliefs, such as the determination of the German judges in fighting "community aliens."
131. BA Berlin, film 44184, interrogation Karl Engert, 5.12.1946.
132. Ibid., R22/1424, Bl. 20-21: Generalstaatsanwalt in Kattowitz to Reichsminister der Justiz, 24.3.1943.
133. Ibid., Bl. 14: Reichsminister der Justiz to Generalstaatsanwalt in Kattowitz, 1.4. 1943. The fate of M. is unknown.
134. ZStL, VI 416 AR-Nr 1127/66, Bl. 209-17: Verfügung des Leitenden Oberstaatsanwalts bei dem Landgericht Dortmund.
135. BA Berlin, R 22/1429, Bl. 106-21: Niederschrift über die Besprechung mit den Vorständen der Sicherungsanstalten der Reichsjustizverwaltung, 14.8.1939.
136. O. Seibert, "Invaliden-Sicherungsanstalten," BlGefK 69 (1938): 286-90, here p. 286.
137. BA Berlin, R 22/1261, Reichsminister der Justiz to Generalstaatsanwälte, 28.10. 1939; ibid., R 22/1442, Bl. 125: Verordung des Reichsministers für Ernährung und Landwirtschaft, 16.1.1940.
138. StAMü, Justizvollzugsanstalten, Nr. 10756; ibid., JVA 12340, Krankenakte Elisabeth S.; ibid., Justizvollzugsanstalten, Nr. 7112; ibid., JVA 12340, Krankenakte Luise M.
139. More than 17,300 state prisoners were part of the "general transfer." By February 23,1944,2,464 inmates had already been transferred to the police as part of the "individual transfer." By the end of the war, this figure had probably increased to approximately three thousand; ZStL, VI 415 AR-Nr 1310/63, Staatsanwaltschaft beim Kammergericht Berlin, Einleitungsvermerk vom 30.4.1965.
140. The Wiesbaden State Prosecution after the war conducted an investigation into the transfer of state prisoners. Of 3,696 prisoners who were individually identified as having been handed over, it was established that 1,712 had died and 580 had survived the war. In all other cases, the fate of the prisoners was unknown. Undoubtedly, at least half of those prisoners also died in the camps. After all, the prosecution authorities had put all the Jewish prisoners into this "unknown" category. Thus, at least 2,414 prisoners in the sample can be assumed to have died; ZStL, VI 415 AR-Nr 1310/63, Staatsanwaltschaft beim Kammergericht Berlin, Einleitungsvermerk vom 30.4.1965.
141. Geheimerlaß des Chefs der Sicherheitspolizei und des SD, 2.1.1941, reprinted in ZStL, VI 415 AR-Nr 1310/63, Staatsanwaltschaft beim Kammergericht Berlin, Einleitungsvermerk vom 30.4.1965.
142. Overall, approximately 11,200 state prisoners were taken to Mauthausen. At least 7,500 of them were German prisoners, another three thousand were Polish; H. Maršálek, Die Geschichte des Konzentrationslagers Mauthausen: Dokumentation (Vienna, 1974), p. 119.
143. ZStL, Sammelakte Nr. 27a, Antrag des Oberstaatsanwalts in Wiesbaden auf Eröffnung des Hauptverfahrens vor dem Schwurgericht Wiesbaden, 24.11.1949; Maršálek, p. 30; IfZ, MB-1, testimony Franz S., 4.10.1948.
144. M. Fabréguet, "Entwicklung und Veränderung der Funktionen des Konzentrationslagers Mauthausen," in Die nationalsozialistischen Konzentrationslager, ed. U. Herbert, K. Orth, and C. Dieckmann, 2 vols. (Göttingen, 1998), 1:193-214, here p. 199.
145. ZStL, Sammelakte Nr. 27a, Antrag des Oberstaatsanwalts in Wiesbaden auf Eröffnung des Hauptverfahrens vor dem Schwurgericht Wiesbaden, 24.11.1949.
146. D. J. Goldhagen, Hitler's Willing Executioners (London, 1997), p. 313.
147. For this general point, see W. Sofsky, Die Ordnung des Terrors: Das Konzentrationslager (Frankfurt am Main, 1997), p. 220.
148. IfZ, Fa 183, Bl. 67: Chef des SS-Wirtschaftsverwaltungshauptamtes Pohl to Reichsführer SS Himmler, 18.3.1943. Pohl only refers to "security confined" in his letter, but clearly means all transferred state prisoners with this term; Maršálek, p. 97, n. 5. State prisoners transported to the camps later in 1943 had better chances of survival.
149. For his point, see also Herbert (n. 12 above), p. 57.
150. There is some controversy as to what this sign looked like. According to Eugen Kogon, a former inmate in Buchenwald, it consisted of the green triangle for "criminals" with the added letter S in the middle; Kogon (n. 57 above), p. 72. By contrast, Wolfgang Sofsky states that the security confined had to wear the green triangle, pointing up; Sofsky, p. 141.
151. Between November and December 1942, the average monthly mortality rate among the security confined was 35 percent. By contrast, the mortality rate of inmates classified as "professional criminals" was 1 percent, among "asocials" less than 0.5 percent. Among Polish inmates, it was 4 percent. By contrast, no Jew in Mauthausen apparently survived longer than one month; F. Pingel, Häftlinge unter SS-Herrschaft (Hamburg, 1978), pp. 186, 302.
152. See also Pingel, pp. 186-87. For some of the wider issues, see B. Perz, "Der Arbeitseinsatz in Mauthausen," in Herbert, Orth, and Dieckmann, eds., 2:533-57, esp. p. 545.
153. BA Berlin, R 22/895, Karl Engert, Tätigkeitsbericht der Abteilung XV, Stand vom 23.2.1944; ThHStAW, Generalstaatsanwalt bei dem Oberlandesgericht Jena, Nr. 431, Bl. 172-87: Tagung der Oberlandesgerichtspräsidenten und Generalstaatsanwälte im Reichsjustizministerium in Berlin am 10. und 11.2.1943; IfZ, MB-1, interrogation Friedrich W. Meyer, n.d.
154. BA Berlin, R 22/895, Karl Engert, Tätigkeitsbericht der Abteilung XV, Stand vom 23.2.1944; IfZ, MB-1, Bl. 129-40: interrogation Albert Hupperschwiller, 17.2.1948.
155. B A Berlin, R 22/5103, Reisebericht des Staatsanwalts Dr. Gündner über die im Auftrag von Ministerialdirektor Engert vorgenommene Besichtigung von Arbeitsbetrieben bei den Vollzugsanstalten in Siegburg, Enisheim, und Rottenburg (Neckar), 26.1.1944.
156. BA Berlin, R 22/895, Karl Engert, Tätigkeitsbericht der Abteilung XV, Stand vom 23.2.1944; BA Berlin, R 22/5103, Reisebericht des Staatsanwalts Dr. Gündner über die im Auftrag von Ministerialdirektor Engert vorgenommene Besichtigung von Arbeitsbetrieben bei den Vollzugsanstalten in Siegburg, Enisheim, und Rottenburg (Neckar), 26.1.1944; IfZ, Ms 361, Walter Schwerdtfeger, "Zuchthausjahre 1935-1945" (manuscript). In addition to these three penal institutions, Engert also designated the prisoner camps in Griebo (for women) and Norway for "asocial" inmates.
157. BA Berlin, R 22/895, Karl Engert, Tätigkeitsbericht der Abteilung XV, Stand vom 23.2.1944.
158. See D. Dölling, "Kriminologie im 'Dritten Reich,'" in Recht und Justiz im "Dritten Reich," ed. R. Dreier and W. Sellert (Frankfurt am Main, 1989), pp. 194-235, here pp. 218-19.
159. Rüter-Ehlermann, Fuchs, and Rüter, eds. (n. 27 above), pp. 316, 340.
160. ZStL, Verschiedenes, 301 Cz, Nr. 184, Bl. 226-36, here p. 232: Niederschrift über die Tagung bei der Generalstaatsanwaltschaft in Bamberg vom 16.11.1944.
161. Some aspects of this slaughter are described in A. Hohengarten, Das Massaker im Zuchthaus Sonnenburg vom 30./31. Januar 1945 (Luxemburg, 1979). The judicial authorities were also involved in the transfer to the police of western European civilians (so-called NN-prisoners).
162. H. Ostendorf and H. ter Veen, Das "Nürnberger Juristenurteil": Eine kommentierte Dokumentation (Frankfurt am Main and New York, 1985).
163. Rüter-Ehlermann, Fuchs, and Rüter, eds. (n. 27 above).
164. For an overview, see ZStL, VI 416 AR-Nr 1127/66.
165. Of 119 prison governors still in office after 1953 in West Germany, at least thirty-three had been governors before the end of the war; Mohler, p. 120. Many of these thirty-three officials had been involved in the transfer.
166. ThStA Mgn., Zuchthaus Untermaßfeld, Nr. 13, 62, 66, 184, 227, 309, 414, 448, 564, 656, 664, 738, 756, 757, 802, 803, 1, 381, 1, 388, 1, 420, 1, 427, 1, 438, 1, 580, 1, 679.
167. Ibid., Nr. 227, Direktor der Strafanstalt Untermaßfeld to Verwaltung des Konzentrationslagers Buchenwald, 23.12.1943.
168. ZStL, Sammelakte Nr. 27a, Antrag des Oberstaatsanwalts in Wiesbaden auf Eröffnung des Hauptverfahrens vor dem Schwurgericht Wiesbaden, 24.11.1949.
169. Cited in Rüter-Ehlermann, Fuchs, and Rüter, eds. (n. 27 above), p. 278; Der Leuchtturm, vol. 18 (18.10.1942).
170. BA Berlin, 99 US 2 FC 585, microfilm 22933, Bl. 142-68: Rede des Reichsministers der Justiz Dr. Thierack in der Grosskundgebung der NSDAP am 5. Januar 1943 in der Jahrhunderthalle in Breslau; ibid., Bl. 169-76: Rede des Staatssekretärs Dr. Rothenberger am 17. Februar 1943 in Lüneburg; V. Klemperer, Ich will Zeugnis ablegen bis zum letzten: Tagebücher, 1942-1945 (Berlin, 1995), p. 272.
171. There is no mention of any public reaction to these speeches or any other aspects of the transfer in the reports of the Sicherheitsdienst on public opinion; H. Boberach, ed., Meldungen aus dem Reich, 1938-1945, vols. 11-17 (Herrsching, 1984).
172. For the concept of "working toward the Führer" see I. Kershaw, Hitler, 1889-1936: Hubris (London, 1998), pp. 529-31.
173. Burleigh (n. 2 above), pp. 97, 111-13; Friedlander (n. 2 above), p. 285.
174. For a discussion of the view that Hitler did not give an order, see, e.g., M. Broszat, "Hitler und die Genesis der 'Endlösung': Aus Anlass der Thesen von David Irving," Vierteljahreshefte für Zeitgeschichte 26 (1977): 739-75.
175. See Browning (n. 13 above), pp. 113-14; Gerlach (n. 14 above), pp. 160, 285.
176. See, e.g., H. Heer and K. Naumann, eds., Vernichtungskrieg: Verbrechen der Wehrmacht 1941 bis 1944 (Hamburg, 1995);
177. Burleigh; G. Aly and S. Heim, Vordenker der Vernichtung (Frankfurt am Main, 1993); Herbert (n. 2 above).
178. For these organizational similarities, see K. Drobisch, "Konzentrationslager und Justizhaft: Versuch einer Zusammenschau," in Die Normalität des Verbrechens: Bilanz und Perspektiven der Forschung zu den nationalsozialistischen Gewaltverbrechen, ed. H. Grabitz, K. Bästlein, and J. Tuchel, Deutsche Vergangenheit series, no. 112 (Berlin, 1994), pp. 280-97.
179. For instance, Gruchmann, Justiz im Dritten Reich (n. 16 above).
180. The administrative apparatus of the Gestapo was not as large as has been suggested in many postwar historical studies. Recent research has shown that the enforcement of Nazi policy relied to a large extent on information passed on from sources outside the police; K.-M. Mallmann and G. Paul, "Omniscient, Omnipotent, Omnipresent? Gestapo, Society, and Resistance," in Nazism and German Society, ed. D. F. Crew (London and New York, 1994), pp. 166-96;
181. R. Gellately, The Gestapo and German Society: Enforcing Racial Policy, 1933-1945 (Oxford, 1990).
182. IfZ, MB-1, interrogation Karl Engert, 5.1.1949; ibid., interrogation Otto Gündner, 12.3.1948, 13.3.1948, 15.3.1948, 16.3.1948, 17.3.1948.
183. ZStL, Verschiedenes, 301 Cz, Nr. 184, Bl. 124-31: Reisebericht von Ministerialrat Müller und Erstem Staatsanwalt Dr. Gündner über eine Besichtigung des Konzentrationslagers Auschwitz am 28.6.1944.
184. Ibid., Bl. 226-36: Niederschrift über die Tagung bei der Generalstaatsanwaltschaft in Bamberg vom 16.11.1944.