Stalinist terror and democracy: The 1937 union campaign

American Historical Review

Volumn 110, Issue 5, 2005, Pages 1427-1453

  Goldman, Wendy ^a  

^a CARNEGIE MELLON UNIVERSITY   (United States)

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 33749845331     PISSN: 00028762     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1086/ahr.110.5.1427     Document Type: Review

References (158)

1. Yelena Vladimirova, a Leningrad communist who was sent to the camps in the late 1930s, wrote the poem. It is reprinted in full in Roy Medvedev, Let History Judge: The Origins and Consequences of Stalinism (New York, 1989), 634.
2. The period of Nikolai Ezhov's tenure (September 1936-November 1938) is called the "Ezhovshchina" or "the Terror," terms that encompass purge, repression, and the general climate of fear. The term "purge" or chistka refers to a process within the Communist Party in which members were periodically reviewed and sometimes expelled for corruption, passivity, moral laxity, political differences, or other reasons. In the mid-1930s, these purges turned deadly, and expulsion was often the prelude to arrest, imprisonment, or execution. "Purge" is also sometimes used to describe expulsions from an institution. The term "repression" refers to the larger phenomena of arrest, imprisonment, and execution affecting people within and outside the Party.
3. Robert Conquest, The Great Terror: A Reassessment (New York, 1990);
4. Stephanie Courtois, Nicolas Werth, Jean-Louis Panne, Andrzei Paczkowski, Karel Bartosek, and Jean-Louis Margolin, The Black Book of Communism: Crimes, Terror, Repression (Cambridge, Mass., 1999);
5. Alexander Solzhenitsyn, The GULAG Archipelago: An Experiment in Literary Investigation, 1918-1956 (New York, 1973);
6. Marc Jansen and Nikita Petrov, Stalin's Loyal Executioner: People's Commissar Nikolai Ezhov (Stanford, Calif., 2002);
7. Hiroaki Kuromiya, Terror and Freedom in the Donbas (Cambridge, 1999).
8. Oleg Khlevniuk's works, including In Stalin's Shadow: The Career of "Sergo" Ordzhonikidze (New York, 1995)
9. and 1937-i: Stalin, NKVD i sovetskoe obshchestvo (Moscow, 1992), are informed by a similar view of the state, but focus mainly on the Ezhovshchina.
10. See, for example, J. Arch Getty, Origins of the Great Purges: The Soviet Communist Party Reconsidered, 1933-38 (New York, 1985);
11. Getty, "State and Society under Stalin: Constitutions and Elections in the 1930s," Slavic Review 50, no. 1 (1991);
12. Getty, Pragmatists and Puritans: The Rise and Fall of the Party Control Commission, The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies, no. 1208 (Pittsburgh, Pa., 1997);
13. Getty and Oleg Naumov, The Road to Terror: Stalin and the Self-Destruction of the Bolsheviks (New Haven, Conn., 1999);
14. James Harris, The Great Urals: Regional Interests and the Evolution of the Soviet System, 1934-1939 (Ithaca, N.Y., 1999);
15. E. A. Rees, ed., Centre-Local Relations in the Stalinist State, 1928-1941 (Houndmills, Basingstoke, 2002);
16. Gabor Rittersporn, Stalinist Simplifications and Soviet Complications: Social Tensions and Political Conflicts in the USSR, 1933-1953 (London, 1991);
17. Peter Solomon, Soviet Criminal Justice under Stalin (Cambridge, 1996).
18. On workers, industry, and repression, see Sheila Fitzpatrick, "Workers against Bosses: The Impact of the Great Purges on Labor-Management Relations," in Lewis Siegelbaum and Ronald Suny, eds., Making Workers Soviet: Power, Class and Identity (Ithaca, N.Y., 1994), 311-340;
19. and David Hoffman, "The Great Terror on the Local Level: Purges in Moscow Factories, 1936-1938,"
20. Roberta Manning, "The Soviet Economic Crisis of 1936-1940 and the Great Purges,"
21. and Robert Thurston, "The Stakhanovite Movement: The Background to the Great Terror in the Factories, 1935-1938,"
22. all in J. Arch Getty and Roberta Manning, eds., Stalinist Terror: New Perspectives (Cambridge, Mass., 1993).
23. This collection included pioneering articles on repression in factories, villages, the military, and other places, yet only a few contributors developed their initial findings. See also Siegelbaum, Stakhanovism and the Politics of Productivity in the USSR, 1935-41 (Cambridge, 1988);
24. Thurston, "Reassessing the History of Soviet Workers: Opportunities to Criticize and Participate in Decision-Making," in Stephen White, ed., New Directions in Soviet History (Cambridge, 1992);
25. and Thurston, Life and Terror in Stalin's Russia, 1934-1941 (New Haven, Conn., 1996).
26. On peasant reactions, see Fitzpatrick, "How the Mice Buried the Cat: Scenes from the Great Purges of 1937 in the Russian Provinces," Russian Review 52 (1993),
27. and Stalin's Peasants: Resistance and Survival in the Russian Village after Collectivization (New York, 1994);
28. Roberta Manning, Government in the Soviet Countryside in the Stalinist Thirties: The Case of Belyi Raion in 1937, The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies, no. 301 (Pittsburgh, Pa., 1984).
29. On institutional conflict, see William Chase, Enemies within the Gates: The Comintern and the Stalinist Repression, 1934-39 (New Haven, Conn., 2001);
30. Asif Siddiqi, "The Rockets' Red Glare: Technology, Conflict, and Terror in the Soviet Union," Technology and Culture 44, no. 3 (July 2003).
31. Sheila Fitzpatrick, Everyday Stalinism: Ordinary Life in Extraordinary Times-Soviet Russia in the 1930s (Oxford, 1999);
32. Veronique Garros, Natalia Korenevskaya, and Thomas Lahusen, Intimacy and Terror: Soviet Diaries of the 1930s (New York, 1995);
33. Igal Halfin, Terror in My Soul: Communist Autobiographies on Trial (Cambridge, Mass., 2003);
34. Jochen Hellbeck, "Fashioning the Stalinist Soul: The Diary of Stepan Podlubnyi, 1931-39," in Fitzpatrick, ed., Stalinism: New Directions (New York, 2000). This list does not include memoirists and novelists, who explore the reactions and psychology of the individual in great detail.
35. On mass operations, see J. Arch Getty, " 'Excesses Are Not Permitted': Mass Terror and Stalinist Governance in the Late 1930s," Russian Review 61 (January 2002);
36. Paul Hagenloh, "Socially Harmful Elements and the Great Terror," in Fitzpatrick, Stalinism: New Directions;
37. Oleg Khlevniuk, "The Objectives of the Great Terror, 1937-1938," in J. Cooper, M. Perrie, and E. A. Rees, eds., Soviet History, 1917-1953: Essays in Honor of R. W. Davies (London, 1995);
38. and Barry McLoughlin, "Mass Operations of the NKVD, 1937-9: A Survey,"
39. Nikita Firsov and Arsenii Roginskii, "The 'Polish Operation' of the NKVD, 1937-8,"
40. and David Shearer, "Social Disorder, Mass Repression and the NKVD during the 1930s," all in Barry McLoughlin and Kevin McDermott, eds., Stalin's Terror: High Politics and Mass Repression in the Soviet Union (Houndmills, Basingstoke, 2003).
41. Barry McLoughlin and Kevin McDermott, "Rethinking Stalinist Terror," in McLoughlin and McDermott, Stalin's Terror, 3.
42. Oleg Khlevniuk, The History of the Gulag: From Collectivization to the Great Terror (New Haven, Conn., 2004), 140.
43. See also Khlevniuk's review of Jansen and Petrov's Stalin's Loyal Executioner in Kritika; Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History 4, no. 3 (2003),
44. and J. Arch Getty's response in "To the Editors," Kritika 5, no. 1 (2004).
45. A sampling includes Christopher Browning, Ordinary Men: Reserve Police Battalion 101 and the Final Solution in Poland (New York, 1992);
46. Norman Finkelstein and Ruth Birn, A Nation on Trial: The Goldhagen Thesis and Historical Truth (New York, 1998);
47. Robert Gellately, Backing Hitler: Consent and Coercion in Nazi Germany (Oxford, 2001);
48. Michael Geyer and John Boyer, eds., Resistance against the Third Reich (Chicago, 1994);
49. Daniel Goldhagen, Hitler's Willing Executioners: Ordinary Germans and the Holocaust (New York, 1996);
50. Raul Hilberg, Perpetrators, Victims, Bystanders: The Jewish Catastrophe, 1933-1945 (New York, 1992);
51. Eric Johnson, Nazi Terror: The Gestapo, Jews, and Ordinary Germans (New York, 1999);
52. Ian Kershaw, Popular Opinion and Political Dissent in the Third Reich: Bavaria, 1933-45 (Oxford, 1983);
53. Claudia Koonz, Mothers in the Fatherland: Women, the Family, and Nazi Politics (New York, 1987);
54. Detlev Peukert, Inside Nazi Germany: Conformity, Opposition and Racism in Everyday Life (New Haven, Conn., 1987);
55. and Marlis G. Steinert, Hitler's War and the Germans: Public Mood and Attitude during the Second World War (Athens, Ohio, 1977).
56. Comparative approaches include Omer Bartov, "Review Forum: Rewriting the Twentieth Century-Extreme Opinions," Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History 3, no. 2 (2002);
57. Alan Bullock, Hitler and Stalin: Parallel Lives (New York, 1992);
58. "Special Issue on Denunciation," ed. Sheila Fitzpatrick and Robert Gellately, Journal of Modern History 68, no. 4 (1997);
59. Fitzpatrick and Gellately, eds., Accusatory Practices: Denunciation in Modern European History, 1789-1989 (Chicago, 1997);
60. Gellately and Ben Kiernan, The Specter of Genocide: Mass Murder in Historical Perspective (New York, 2005);
61. Ian Kershaw and Moshe Lewin, eds., Stalinism and Nazism: Dictatorships in Comparison (Cambridge, 1997);
62. Mark Mazower, Dark Continent: Europe's Twentieth Century (New York, 1999);
63. and Eric Weitz, A Century of Genocide: Utopias of Race and Nation (Princeton, N.J., 2003.)
64. Tim Mason, "Intention and Explanation: A Current Controversy about the Interpretation of National Socialism," in Jane Caplan, ed., Nazism, Fascism and the Working Class; Essays by Tim Mason (Cambridge, 1995), 212;
65. Martin Malia, "To the Editors," Kritika 2, no. 4 (2001).
66. See also Ian Kershaw, The Nazi Dictatorship: Problems and Perspectives of Interpretation (London, 1993);
67. "From the Editors: Really-Existing Revisionism?" Kritika 3, no. 3 (2002);
68. Christopher Browning, "Beyond 'Intentionalism' and 'Functionalism': A Reassessment of Nazi Jewish Policy from 1939 to 1941," in Thomas Childers and Jane Caplan, eds., Reevaluating the Third Reich (New York, 1993).
69. On "revisionism," see The Russian Review 45, no. 4 (1986)
70. and The Russian Review 46, no. 4 (1987),
71. and more recently Martin Malia, "Judging Nazism and Communism," National Interest 69 (Fall 2002);
72. Michael David-Fox, "On the Primacy of Ideology: Soviet Revisionists and Holocaust Deniers (In Response to Martin Malia)," Kritika 5, no. 1 (2004).
73. A disgruntled former Party member, Leonid V. Nikolaev, assassinated Kirov in December 1934. The murder led to mass arrests of former oppositionists and the abrogation of civil liberties. On the Kirov murder, see Amy Knight, Who Killed Kirov? The Kremlin's Greatest Mystery (New York, 1999),
74. and Robert Conquest, Stalin and the Kirov Murder (Oxford, 1989).
75. John Scott, Behind the Urals: An American Worker in Russia's City of Steel (Bloomington, Ind., 1989), 197, notes that newspapers, radio, and theater constantly encouraged Soviet citizens to be vigilant about spies. Ochnaia Stavka (The Confrontation) was one of several spy plays popular in the late 1930s. The movie Velikii Grazhdanin (Great Citizen) taught audiences how to "unmask" hidden oppositionists.
76. Getty and Naumov, The Road to Terror, 282.
77. "Informatsionnoe Soobshchenie ob Ocherednom Plenume TsK VKP (b)," Voprosy profdvizheniia 5-6 (March 1937): 2.
78. Elections to the Supreme Soviet were held in October 1937, but single-candidate elections were substituted for the promised multi-candidate form at the last minute. See Getty, "State and Society under Stalin."
79. Constitution of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (Moscow, 1938).
80. "Materialy Fevral'sko-Martovskogo Plenuma TsK VKP (b) 1937 Goda," Voprosy istorii 5 (1993), contains Zhdanov's speech;
81. Voprosy istorii 7 (1993) contains resolutions on Zhdanov's speech;
82. Voprosy istorii 3 (1995) contains Stalin's speech;
83. and Voprosy istorii 11-12 (1995) contains Stalin's concluding words.
84. For many years, knowledge of the February-March 1937 Central Committee plenum was based on rumors and reminiscences. The full stenographic report was published in sections in Voprosy istorii between 1992 and 1995.
85. An excerpt in English, dealing with the purge of Bukharin and Rykov, and discussion can be found in Getty and Naumov, The Road to Terror, 364-419.
86. I am indebted to J. Arch Getty for the phrase "action text," which describes how key speeches set the agenda for action in a much wider arena. He writes, "The role that such speeches played as action-texts was certainly different than the roles speeches play in other countries. It's almost as if the texts had power in themselves and were used at many levels in different ways as power deployments. The most graphic example, of course, was the physical display of Mao's Little Red Book where, quite literally, the text was a tangible weapon." Personal correspondence, October 2003.
87. "Materialy Fevral'sko-Martovskogo Plenuma," Voprosy istorii 5 (1993);
88. "Materialy Fevral'sko-Martovskogo Plenuma," Voprosy istorii 7 (1993).
89. "Materialy Fevral'sko-Martovskogo Plenuma," Voprosy istorii 5 (1993);
90. "Materialy Fevral'sko-Martovskogo Plenuma," Voprosy istorii 10 (1995).
91. These fears were among the main subtexts of the first Moscow show trial in August 1936. See The Case of the Trotskyite-Zinovievite Terrorist Center: Report of Court Proceedings (Moscow, 1936).
92. See also the speeches of Stalin, Ivan Kabakov, Robert Eikhe, A. S. Kalygina, and Stanislav Kosior in "Materialy Fevral'sko-Martovskogo Plenuma," Voprosy istorii 6 (1993);
93. Ivan Kabakov, Robert Eikhe, A. S. Kalygina, and Stanislav Kosior in "Materialy Fevral'sko-Martovskogo Plenuma," Voprosy istorii 7 (1993);
94. Ivan Kabakov, Robert Eikhe, A. S. Kalygina, and Stanislav Kosior in "Materialy Fevral'sko-Martovskogo Plenuma," Voprosy istorii 3 (1995).
95. The Politburo met on February 17 to review the draft resolutions to be adopted at the upcoming plenum, and the key speeches to be delivered by Zhdanov, Stalin, Ezhov, Ordzhonikidze, and Kaganovich. Shvernik's speech, along with many others, does not appear to have been reviewed by the Politburo. See Khlevniuk, In Stalin's Shadow, 126-127, 145-146.
96. "Materialy Fevral'sko-Martovskogo Plenuma," Voprosy istorii 10 (1995).
97. "Materialy Fevral'sko-Martovskogo Plenuma," Voprosy istorii 7 (1993);
98. "Informatsionnoe Soobshchenie," 2-3.
99. Getty and Naumov, The Road to Tenor, 358-360. Although the resolutions ostensibly called for more democracy, Getty and Naumov contend that the real aim of Stalin, Zhdanov, and other leaders was not to empower the lower ranks, but to use them to weaken the regional leadership, thus strengthening power at the top.
100. See also Getty, "Pragmatists and Puritans," 25-26.
101. "Itogi Plenuma TsK VKP (b) i Zadachi Profsoiuzov," Voprosy profdvizheniia 5-6 (March 1937): 4-8.
102. "Itogi Plenuma TsK VKP (b) i Zadachi Profsoiuzov," Voprosy profdvizheniia 5-6 (1937): 4-8. Ibid.
103. "Itogi Plenuma TsK VKP (b) i Zadachi Profsoiuzov," Voprosy profdvizheniia 5-6 (1937): 4-8. Ibid.
104. Voprosy profdvizheniia Ibid., 8-9.
105. The "rightists" were branded as "capitalist trade unionists" for suggesting that unions should defend workers' interests against managers and the state. After they were purged, the unions' main role was to encourage worker productivity. On living conditions and the wage crisis, see Fitzpatrick, Everyday Stalinism, 40-66, 89-114;
106. Wendy Goldman, Women at the Gates: Gender and Industry in Stalin's Russia (Cambridge, 2002);
107. Elena Osokina, Our Daily Bread: Socialist Distribution and the Art of Survival in Stalin's Russia, 1927-41 (Armonk, N.Y., 2001).
108. On unions and workers in the 1930s, see Donald Filtzer, Soviet Workers and Stalinist Industrialization: The Foundation of Modern Soviet Production Relations, 1928-1941 (New York, 1986);
109. Hiroaki Kuromiya, Stalin's Industrial Revolution, 1928-1932 (Cambridge, 1988);
110. Kevin Murphy, Revolution and Counterrevolution: Class Struggle in a Moscow Metal Factory (Oxford, 2005);
111. Jeffrey Rossman, Worker Resistance under Stalin: Class and Revolution on the Shop Floor (Cambridge, Mass., 2005);
112. Kenneth Straus, Factory and Community in Stalin's Russia: The Making of an Industrial Working Class (Pittsburgh, Pa., 1997).
113. Each union was headed by a central committee, with regional (oblast'), factory, and shop committees, and the profgrup, the smallest unit, at the base. Some unions also had district (raion) committees.
114. "Ob otchetakh profsoiuznykh organov v sviazi s vyborami poslednikh," Gosudarstvennyi Arkhiv Rossiiskoi Federatsii (GARF), fond 5451, opis' 21, delo 1, 68.
115. "Rezoliutsiia VI plenuma VTsSPS 'Ob otchetakh proforganov v sviazi s vyborami poslednikh' po dokladu tov. Shvernika," GARF, f. 5451, o. 21, d. 1, 126-129.
116. "Ob otchetakh profsoiuznykh organov," 58-59.
117. "Stenogramme VI plenuma VTsSPS," GARF, f. 5451, o. 21, d. 1-6, contains the stenographic report of the plenum in six volumes.
118. GARF, Ibid., d. 1, 195.
119. See also the comments of Diachenko, the chairman of the factory committee of "Serp i Molot" in Ukraine, 224.
120. "Stenogramma VI plenuma VTsSPS," d. 1, 197, 198.
121. "Stenogramma VI plenuma VTsSPS," Ibid., 198.
122. After a tightly scripted national debate and much opposition from women, the Soviet state prohibited abortion in 1936. The decree led to considerable hardship, particularly among working mothers. Wendy Goldman, Women, the State and Revolution: Soviet Family Policy and Social Life, 1917-1936 (New York, 1993), chap. 7.
123. "Stenogramma VI plenuma VTsSPS," d. 1, 199, 200, 201, 202.
124. The presidium of the VTsSPS had thirteen members and candidates as of March 1937, according to "Protokol zasedaniia prezidiuma VTsSPS ot Marta 1937," f. 5451, o. 21, d. 12, 1.
125. "Stenogramma VI plenuma VTsSPS," d. 1, 209-210, 214-215.
126. "Stenogramma VI plenuma VTsSPS," Ibid., 204, 206.
127. "Stenogramma VI plenuma VTsSPS," Ibid., 218-219.
128. "Rezoliutsiia," 130-137;
129. "Ob otchetakh profsoiuznykh organov," 62-64.
130. See also "Resheniia VI plenuma VTsSPS," GARF, f. 5451, o. 21, d. 114, 69-82.
131. "Zavod 'Proletarskii Trud,' " GARF, f. 5451, o. 21, d. 103, 48-51. The membership process was cumbersome and time-consuming. A new worker would write an application and submit it to the union group (profgrup), the primary organization in the plant. After a cursory background check, the profgrup would make a recommendation and pass the application to the shop committee, who would in turn make their decision and send it to the factory committee for final approval. In most cases, these reviews were pro forma; yet the large size of factories coupled with high labor turnover and poor records meant that many shop and factory committees did little more than process applications. In the metal factory Proletarian Labor, for example, the factory committee plenum discussed thirty or more applications every time they met. Turnover in the factory was so great that the number of workers quitting exceeded the number hired in certain months. The factory committee kept no records of its meetings, but it appeared to be occupied solely with membership.
132. "O perestroike raboty profsoiuznykh organizatsii v sviazi s sokrasheniem platnogo apparata," GARF, f. 5451, o. 22, d. 11, 12.
133. "TsK soiuzov metallurgov vostochnykh raionov," GARF, f. 5451, o. 21, d. 114, 1.
134. "TsK rabochikh tsementnoi prom.," GARF, f. 5451, o. 21, d. 114, 1-3.
135. "TsK metallurgov iuga," GARF, f. 5451, o. 21, d. 114, 3.
136. "Prezidium TsK soiuza stanko-instrumental'noi prom.," GARF, f. 5451, o. 21, d. 114, 9.
137. The unions also launched investigations in the barracks and dormitories that housed hundreds of thousands of new workers who had migrated to the cities during the industrialization drive. See "Piatidnevnaia svodka o praktike raboty profsoiuzov," GARF, f. 5451, o. 21, d. 114, 22.
138. "Dokladnaia zapiska o perestroike prof, raboty na osnove resheniia VI plenuma VTsSPS," GARF, f. 5451, o. 22, d. 64, 211-224. Of the people elected to the factory committees, 40 percent were Party members, and 17 percent were engineering or technical employees.
139. "Dokladnaia zapiska o khode vyborov tsentral'nykh komitetov profsoiuzov i vydvizhenii bespartiinykh na rukovodiashchuiu profsoiuznuiu rabotu," GARF, f. 5451, o. 22, d. 64, 12-13.
140. "Dokladnaia zapiska o khode vyborov tsentral'nykh komitetov profsoiuzov i vydvizhenii bespartiinykh na rukovodiashchuiu profsoiuznuiu rabotu," GARF, 12-13. Ibid.
141. GARF, Ibid., 10-14.
142. There was a similar pattern in the May 1937 Party elections: the regional (oblast' and krai) first secretaries retained their positions, while the district (raion) and primary party officials were voted out. Getty, "Pragmatists and Puritans," 28.
143. "Dokladnaia zapiska o khode vyborov," 10-14.
144. The percentage of non-Party members decreased as one moved up the unions' hierarchies: 84 percent of shop committee members, 80 percent of factory committee members, 66 percent of factory committee chairmen, 47 percent of regional committee members, 34 percent of regional committee presidiums, and 33 percent of central committee members did not belong to the Party. "Dokladnaia zapiska o khode vyborov," 16.
145. "Dokladnaia zapiska o khode vyborov," Ibid., 11.
146. Getty argues that regional leaders were targeted for removal by Stalin and his supporters not only because they represented a threat to centralized power, but because they were a likely pool of oppositionists. The process of mobilizing the lower ranks against the regional leaders involved several advances and retreats between the June 1936 and February-March 1937 Central Committee plenums. See Getty and Naumov, The Road to Terror, 263-268, 322-333, 357-361, 576-583.
147. Salaried posts included chairmen and secretaries of union central and regional committees, and chairmen and secretaries of their respective presidiums. The study covered 1,349 paid elected officials, or about one-quarter of the total paid elected union apparat. "O zarabotnoi plate shtatnykh vybornykh rabotnikov v tsentral'nykh komitetakh i oblastnykh komitetakh profsoiuzov," GARF, f. 5451, o. 22, d. 75, 2-4.
148. The average monthly wage in industry in 1935 was 185 rubles, with a range from 129 rubles for workers in the linen industry to 223 rubles in the oil industry. Women textile workers were frantic when machine stoppages further reduced their small paychecks, because they could scarcely feed their children on their regular wages. Highly skilled workers in heavy industry might earn up to 500 rubles. Yet union officials earned considerably more than workers even at the highest end of the pay scale. Trud v SSSR: Statisticheskii spravochnik (Moscow, 1936), 97.
149. "Dokladnaia zapiska o khode vyborov," 23.
150. See, for example, the Plywood and Matches Workers' Union, "Sekretariu VTsSPS, tov. Shverniku, N.M., tov. Bregmanu, S.," GARF, f. 5451, o. 22, d. 64, 204-204
151. ob.; the Glass Workers' Union, "Dokladnaia zapiska o rezultatakh proverki raboty TsK soiuza rabochikh stekol'noi promyshlennosti," GARF, f. 5451, o. 22, d. 64, 187-193;
152. the Cotton Textile Workers' Union, "Material k protokolu prezidiuma VTsSPS ot 10/V/38: O polozhenii del v TsK soiuza khlopchatobumazhnoi promyshlennosti," GARF, f. 5451, o. 22, d. 11, 241-276;
153. and the Coal and Slate Workers' Union, "V Sekretariat VTsSPS: Dokladnaia zapiska," GARF, f. 5451, o. 22, d. 64, 93-94.
154. "Otvetstvennomu redaktoru gazety Trud' tov. Popovu," GARF, f. 5451, o. 22, d. 64, 122, 123, 125.
155. GARF, Ibid., 123, 124.
156. GARF, Ibid., 126. For the charges, see 122-126.
157. GARF, Ibid., 127, 129. For the entire denunciation, see 127-129.
158. "Sekretariu VTsSPS, tov. Bregmanu," GARF, f. 5451, o. 22, d. 64, 120.