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Volumn 30, Issue 1, 1999, Pages 61-89

Age and empire in the Indian census, 1871-1931

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EID: 33749273480     PISSN: 00221953     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1162/002219599551912     Document Type: Review
Times cited : (19)

References (100)
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    • which critically evaluates official statistics on productivity and wages for various Indian and African famines but spends little time analyzing the relevant vital statistics. See also the contributions to N. Gerald Barrier (ed.), The Census in British India: New Perspectives (New Delhi, 1981).
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    • similarly interprets the British-administered census of Egypt (1917) as an exercise in "governmentality" that assisted in defining the postcolonial Egyptian nation-state. Arjun Appadurai, "Number in the Colonial Imagination," in Carol A. Breckenridge and Peter van der Veer (eds.), Orientalism and the Postcolonial Predicament: Perspectives on South Asia (Philadelphia, 1993), 318-319, 331, similarly suggests that the category of "caste" in the Indian census provided an opportunity for indigenous self-identification that coexisted in tension with its "objectifying" features, contributing, as Benedict Anderson argues, to the communitarian origins of present-day Indian nationalism.
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    • With regard to the unprecedented use of the census, see, for example, Geraldine Forbes, "The Indian Women's Movement: A Struggle for Women's Rights or National Liberation?" in Gail Minault (ed.), The Extended Family: Women and Political Participation in India and Pakistan (Delhi, 1981), 49-82, as well as the sources cited in notes 37-41.
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    • London
    • The important place of age returns in the English census qualifies Appadurai's contrast ("Number in the Colonial Imagination," 317-318) between the Indian census' focus on ethnography and the English census' primary concern with territorial and occupational categories - a concern that prevailed only in the United Kingdom after 1900. See Edward Higgs, Making Sense of the Census: The Manuscript Returns for England and Wales, 1801-1901 (London, 1989), 17.
    • (1989) Making Sense of the Census: The Manuscript Returns for England and Wales, 1801-1901 , pp. 17
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    • See also Richard Lawton, "Census Data for Urban Areas," in idem (ed.), The Census and Social Structure (London, 1978), 82-145.
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    • George Francis Hardy, "The Rates of Mortality among the Natives of India, as Deduced from the Recent Census Returns," Journal of the Institute of Actuaries, XXV (1885), 241;
    • (1885) Journal of the Institute of Actuaries , vol.25 , pp. 241
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    • (1913) Journal of the Institute of Actuaries , vol.48 , pp. 400
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    • Durgaprasad Bhattachary (ed.), New Delhi
    • Although there were many enumerations and population estimates of Indian natives prior to 1870 - both by East India Company officials and private civilians - none of them extended to the questions of longevity and age distribution. For examples of these early efforts to count natives prior to 1870, see Durgaprasad Bhattachary (ed.), Report on the Population Estimates of India (Census of India 1961) (New Delhi, 1961), I, III;
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    • Hardy, "On the Rates of Mortality and the Mean Duration of Life in the Various Provinces as Deduced from the Age Statistics and Rates of Increase," Report on the Census of British India . . . 1881 (London, 1883), I, 144.
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    • Meikle, Report (1921), 34-35. Meikle's reason for grouping more years around numbers ending in zero was that the least-reported ages ended in nine and one. Vaidyanathan, "Actuarial Report" (1931), 108-109.
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    • For the Malthusian population principle, see Thomas R. Malthus, An Essay on the Principle of Population . . . (New York, 1992; orig. pub. 1798). In Memorandum, Hardy mentioned the possibility of "a steady increase in the means of subsistence" (17), but both he and other actuaries devoted practically all their speculations to the other two options.
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    • Sources and Types of Census Error
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    • Compare Joseph Schwartzberg, "Sources and Types of Census Error," in Barrier (ed.), The Census in British India, 41-60. In Report (1921), Meikle allowed that it was not the enumerators' fault that they tended to return estimates in increments of five years, which was the main source of the spikes in reported age (3).
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    • Gait's diagnosis was only partly correct. Subsequent demographers have also linked famine with temporary amenorrhea among women. See John Bongaarts and Mead Cain, "Demographic Responses to Famine," in Kevin M. Cahill (ed.), Famine (Maryknoll, N.Y., 1982), 47-49.
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    • Vaidyanathan, Idem, "Actuarial Report" (1931), 156, 151. Vaidyanathan condemned purdah (that is, the forced seclusion of women) in the same way that he had criticized child marriage, by linking it to increased mortality rates in regions where he assumed it to be a prevalent practice (in this case, the largely Muslim Northwest Provinces) (158).
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    • New Delhi
    • Hutton, "Report," 97, xv. For an example of nationalist resistance to the Child Marriage Restraint Act of 1929, see Radha Krishna Sharma, Nationalism, Social Reform and Indian Women (New Delhi, 1981), 208.
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    • Embattled Advocates: The Debate over Birth Control in India, 1920-40
    • Many Indian nationalists were even more hesitant to support birth control, owing to Mohandas K. Gandhi's opposition to contraception: See Barbara N. Ramusack, "Embattled Advocates: The Debate over Birth Control in India, 1920-40," Journal of Women's History, I (1989), 34-64, who confirms that Indian natives who advocated birth control were almost all, like Vaidyanathan, from the urban elite.
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    • See also Rathbone's private comment in 1930 revealing her distress regarding "all the wretched little brides who are likely to be sacrificed on the altar of India's political aspiration during the next few years," cited in Ramusack, "Women's Organizations and Social Change: The Age-of-Marriage Issue in India," in Naomi Black and Ann Baker Cottrell (eds.), Women and World Change: Equity Issues in Development (London, 1981), 209.
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