Creating kin: New family associations as welfare providers in liberalizing Jordan

International Journal of Middle East Studies

Volumn 38, Issue 3, 2006, Pages 349-368

  Baylouny, Anne Marie ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

CIVIL SOCIETY; KINSHIP; NEOLIBERALISM; NONGOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATION; WELFARE PROVISION;

ASIA; EURASIA; JORDAN; MIDDLE EAST;

EID: 33749130444     PISSN: 00207438     EISSN: 14716380     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0020743806412381     Document Type: Article

References (123)

1. Welfare is the system of social provisioning, the institutions and policies that attempt (at least) to provide protection for the lower classes against poverty and furnish insurance or social security for the middle classes.
2. Despite differences in kinship definitions and legal structures among family associations, Jordanians invariably identified this trend as a single phenomenon. I utilized exemplars to deal with the lack of a general definitional term for the association. No matter how different the exemplar from the individual's own kin association, the interviewee immediately identified the other as substantively equivalent. Survey institutions list several alternative names for family associations - rābita, diwān, madāfa, or jama'iyya. A consensus is converging on the last, translated as association, and is a recent label.
3. Center for Strategic Studies, Istitla' li-l-ra'i hawla al-dimuqratiyya fi al-Urdun 1996 [Opinion Survey on Democracy in Jordan 1996] (Amman: Markaz al-Dirasat al-Stratijiyya, University of Jordan, 1996), 18.
4. Directorate of Research and Social Studies General Union of Voluntary Societies, Dalil al-jama'iyyat al-khayriyya fi al-Urdun [Directory of Voluntary Societies in Jordan] (Amman: Ittihad al-'Amm li-l-Jama'iyyat al-Khayriyya, 1999)
5. Waleed Hammad, "Islamists and Charitable Work in Jordan: The Muslim Brotherhood as a Model," in Islamic Movements in Jordan, ed. Hani Hourani (Amman: Al-Urdun al-Jadid Research Center and Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, 1997), 169-92.
6. Richard T. Antoun, "Civil Society, Tribal Process, and Change in Jordan: An Anthropological View," International Journal of Middle East Studies 32 (2000):441-63
7. Laurie A. Brand, "Palestinians and Jordanians: A Crisis of Identity," Journal of Palestine Studies 24 (1995): 46-61
8. Andrew Shryock, "Bedouin in Suburbia: Redrawing the Boundaries of Urbanity and Tribalism in Amman, Jordan," Arab Studies Journal (1997): 40-56.
9. Karl Polanyi, The Great Transformation: The Political and Economic Origins of Our Time (Boston: Beacon Hill, 1957).
10. For a synthesis of social movement studies, see Doug McAdam, Sidney Tarrow, and Charles Tilly, Dynamics of Contention (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001).
11. This study is based on one and a half years of fieldwork in Jordan during 1998-2000, with follow-up visits in 2004 and 2005. I conducted over 200 interviews, 114 of which were with association staff and members, and used targeted questionnaires. The associations in my data set are roughly split between those established before and after 1989, to compare changes in programs and motivations. Most were from the capital region. Through interviews with over a dozen officials of the supervisory bodies, I obtained records and histories, including financial data, membership lists, promotional publications, annual reports, original registration data, and internal administrative reports detailing the associations' activities and funding.
12. Pierre Bourdieu, The Logic of Practice, trans. Richard Nice (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1990), chap. 7.
13. Identity is difficult to define and measure. The problem is simplified in this study, because I am measuring membership in formal organizations based on ascriptive identity of kinship or village of origin. The question of internalization of that identity remains; however, my research indicates that, for many, their new memberships have become a real, operative force in daily life.
14. Kinship and family refer to attachments stemming from belief in a common genealogical lineage, which can be village of origin. In the Arab world, as in many other regions of the world, this is considered kinship (qurāba). Village as a form of kinship has generally not been explicitly spelled out in the literature, but is often implied, conflated with tribe or clan, or referred to as locational or regional identity.
15. See the excellent studies by Edouard Conte, "Agnatic Illusions: The Element of Choice in Arab Kinship," in Tribes and Power: Nationalism and Ethnicity in the Middle East, ed. Faleh Abdul-Jabar and Hosham Hawod (London: Saqi, 2003), 15-49
16. Beshara Doumani, "Endowing Family: Waaf, Property Devolution, and Gender in Greater Syria, 1800 to 1860," Comparative Studies in Society and History 40 (1998): 3-41
17. Beshara Doumani, ed., Family History in the Middle East Household, Property, and Gender (Albany, N.Y.: State University of New York Press, 2003)
18. Margaret L. Meriwether, The Kin Who Count: Family and Society in Ottoman Aleppo 1770-1840 (Austin, Tex.: University of Texas Press, 1999).
19. Faleh A. Jabar, "Sheikhs and Ideologues: Deconstruction and Reconstruction of Tribes under Patrimonial Totalitarianism in Iraq, 1968-1998," in Tribes and Power, 94.
20. Manuel Castells, The Information Age: Economy, Society and Culture. Vol. II: The Power of Identity (Cambridge, Mass.: Blackwell Publishers, 1997).
21. Jenny B. White, Islamist Mobilization in Turkey: A Study in Vernacular Politics (Seattle, Wash.: University of Washington Press, 2002), 60.
22. Richard Flacks, "Knowledge for What? Thoughts on the State of Social Movement Studies," in Rethinking Social Movements: Structure, Meaning, and Emotion, ed. Jeff Goodwin and James M. Jasper (Boulder, Colo.: Rowman & Littlefield, 2004), 143.
23. Janine A. Clark, "Islamist Women in Yemen: Informal Nodes of Activism," in Islamic Activism: A Social Movement Theory Approach, ed. Quintan Wiktorowicz (Bloomington, Ind.: Indiana University Press, 2004), 164-84
24. Ziad Munson, "Islamic Mobilization: Social Movement Theory and the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood," The Sociological Quarterly 42 (2001): 487-510.
25. Gary Teeple, Globalization and the Decline of Social Reform: Into the Twenty-First Century (New York: Humanity Books, 2000).
26. In practice, membership is restricted by the original founders, who have the legal ability to choose or reject new members at will. Members have to be nominated by active or executive committee members, made up of kin. Some associations recently began to include a small category of "friends of the association," families historically close to the association or neighbors and friends of association leaders. They do not have voting rights and cannot influence the basic nature of the association. The intent is perhaps to deflect criticism from their exclusive character.
27. Most charitable associations charge an average of 6 dinars yearly. For cooperatives, a minimum number of shares is purchased to join the association, usually 100 shares at 1 dinar each, up to an established maximum.
28. These cultural models have been present throughout the region, but only in a few countries did they lead to the new association. Palestinians organized family associations in Kuwait closely linked to those in Jordan. Lebanon also developed family associations, beginning with the Christians and spreading to other groups. Shafeeq N. Ghabra, Palestinians in Kuwait: The Family and Politics of Survival (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1987)
29. Samir Khalaf, Lebanon's Predicament (New York: Columbia University Press, 1987), chap. 8.
30. The guesthouse goes by various names. In Syria, it is called madāfa; in Kuwait, diwān; in Lebanon, manzūl or majlis; in Kuwait and Yemen, mafraj. In Jordan, East Bankers generally use diwān or madāfa, and Palestinians use rābita.
31. Abd el-Hakim K. al-Husbani, "al-'Asha'iriyya wa-l-dawla: Dirasa li-zahira al-madaaft fi madinat Irbid [Tribalism and the State: The Phenomenon of Madafas in Irbid]" (M.A., Yarmouk University, 1991)
32. Shryock, "Bedouin in Suburbia"
33. Susan Slymovics, The Object of Memory: Arab and Jew Narrate the Palestinian Village (Philadelphia, Penn.: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1998).
34. Antoun, "Civil Society, Tribal Process, and Change in Jordan"
35. Jean Hannoyer, "L'hospitalité, économie de la violence," Maghreb-Machrek (1989): 226-40
36. Jon Hanssen-Bauer, Jon Pedersen, and Age A. Tiltnes, ed., Jordanian Society: Living Conditions in the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, FAFO-Report 253 (Oslo: FAFO Institute for Applied Social Science, 1998), 280, 303-4.
37. Ghabra, Palestinians in Kuwait, 108. Interviews in Jordan and Syria, spring 1998, fall 1999-summer 2000. Non-kin versions of this treasury also exist, a version for women only among others. In Cairo, Singerman identified such informal institutions as jama'iyyat.
38. Diane Singerman, Avenues of Participation: Family, Politics, and Networks in Urban Quarters of Cairo (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1995), chap. 3.
39. This change occurred in the early 1990s. Officials would not provide specifics.
40. Quintan Wiktorowicz, The Management of Islamic Activism: Salafis, the Muslim Brotherhood, and State Power in Jordan (Albany, N.Y.: State University of New York Press, 2001), 34-35.
41. A total of 51 percent of members from one typical urban family association hold a bachelor's degree or higher; 35 percent earn over 500 dinars a month, clearly middle class and somewhat richer than the income distribution of Jordan as a whole or the capital Amman. Interviews, February-April 2000, Amman.
42. Ghabra, Palestinians in Kuwait, 122.
43. al-Husbani, "Tribalism and the State."
44. Palestinians in Kuwait were in a similar situation. In response to the lack of "normal" or regular employment, they used and created ties of family and friendship to obtain jobs. Ghabra, Palestinians in Kuwait, 36.
45. Bryan Roberts, "Informal Economy and Family Strategies," International Journal of Urban and Regional Relations 18 (1994): 9.
46. Vicente Espinoza, "Social Networks among the Urban Poor: Inequality and Integration in a Latin American City," in Networks in the Global Village, ed. Barry Wellman (Boulder Colo.: Westview Press, 1999), 151
47. Singerman, Avenues of Participation, 192
48. Gavin Smith, "Towards an Ethnography of Idiosyncratic Forms of Livelihood," International Journal of Urban and Regional Relations 18 (1994): 78, 83.
49. Smith, "Towards an Ethnography of Idiosyncratic Forms of Livelihood," 83-84.
50. Rogers M. Smith, "Identities, Interests, and the Future of Political Science," Perspectives on Politics 2 (2004): 301-12.
51. Interview with member of Abna' al-Harith Cooperative, 7 May 2000.
52. This was a village-based Palestinian charity. Interview with founding member, Sour Bahir Charity, 9 February 2000.
53. Interview with founding member of Mdan Cooperative, 1 December 1999.
54. Interview with member of al-Sahl al-Akhdar Cooperative, 3 May 1998.
55. Interview with Bassam F. Mayeh, former president al-Basat al-Akhdar Cooperative, 24 June 2000.
56. Because this detracts from demands on the state, he believed family associations aid globalization, in which the state's role is diminished. Interview with Munther al-Qara'en, Vice President of al-Azhar Cooperative Association, 12 March 2000.
57. Interview with Mohammad Abu Sa'ad, president of Lifta Charitable Association, 11 February 2000.
58. Interview with member of Abna' al-Harith.
59. Lamia al-Radi, "La famille comme mode de gestion et de contrôle du social chez les élites traditionnelles Palestiniennes," in Palestine, Palestinians: Territoire national, espaces communautaires, ed. Riccardo Bocco, Blandine Destremau, and Jean Hannoyer, Les Cahiers du Cermoc (Amman: CERMOC, 1997), 351-66
60. Andrew Shryock and Sandy Howell, "'Ever a Guest in Our House': The Emir Abdullah, Shaykh Majid al-'Adwan, and the Practice of Jordanian House Politics, as Remembered by Umm Sultan, the Widow of Majid," International Journal of Middle East Studies 33 (2001): 247. Shryock focuses on traditional elite families, allied to the ruling coalition, who are notably divorced from their lower class kin.
61. The leaders of the family organizations are overwhelmingly male. Although many of the family associations' programs are geared toward women, such as employment training, the presence of women on decision-making bodies is small. Of the thirty-two family associations for which leadership gender data were obtainable, only one (Christian) association had a woman on its board. Overall, the ratio of women on charitable association steering committees is just under one third. This figure includes specialized and women's associations and is not limited to family associations. It also excludes cooperatives, for which data were unavailable. Of charitable associations as a whole, the highest percentage of women on steering committees (45%) is in Amman governorate, where the majority of women's associations are located. General Union of Voluntary Societies, Taqrir al-majlis al-tanfithi. al-Idari wa-l-mali wa-l-mawazina al-taqdiriyya [Executive Report. Administration and Finances and Projected Budget] (Amman: Ittihad al-'Amm li-l-Jama'iyyat al-Khayriyya, 1997-98).
62. Interviews, questionnaires, and General Union of Voluntary Societies, al-Sira al-dhatiyya li-l-jama'iyyat al-muta'addida al-aghrad [Profile of Multi-Purpose Associations] (Internal Document) (Amman: Ittihad al-'Amm li-l-Jama'iyyat al-Khayriyya, 1999).
63. Despite the temporal coincidence, the return of thousands of Palestinian workers from Kuwait during the 1990-91 Gulf War was not directly tied to the forming of family associations. The returnees themselves were not among the founders or leaders of the new organizations.
64. Also a Muslim Brother, this leader, Dr. Ali al-Hawamdeh, was elected to parliament in 1989 from Amman (second district). He formed the family association after ending his stint in parliament. Despite that he was born in Kerak, from a Transjordanian background, he was listed in 1989 parliamentary data as a Palestinian. Tim Riedel, Who's Who in the Jordanian Parliament 1989-1993 (Amman, Jordan: Friedrich Ebert Stiftung Amman, 1993), 36. Although this could be a mistake, it is a telling one. The family is mainly engaged in the private sector and is allied with the Palestinians by extension of the leader's membership in the Muslim Brotherhood (which supports Palestinian causes). He alternates identifying as Jordanian or Palestinian.
65. Interview with member of Abna' al-Harith.
66. These functions are similar to burial societies found in many cultures.
67. Interview with Abu Sa'ad.
68. Interviews with officials in the Amman, Kerak, and Irbid industrial zones, April-May 2004.
69. The number of Irbid's nurseries increased from three in 1993 to fifteen in 1999.
70. Mafraq went from having seven to ten nurseries. Irbid from nine to fifteen. General Union of Voluntary Societies, Ri'aya al-tufula [Childhood Care] (Promotional Pamphlet) (Amman: Ittihad al-'Amm li-l-Jama'iyyat al-Khayriyya, 1999)
71. Mustafa Hamarneh, al-Urdun [Jordan], ed. Sa'ad al-Deen Ibrahim, Dirasat mashru' al-mujtama' al-madani wa-l-tahawwul al-dimuqrati fi al-watan al-'arabi [Studies in the Civil Society Project and the Democratic Transformation of the Arab World] (Cairo: Markaz Ibn Khaldun and Dar al-Ameen, 1995), 194.
72. The only exception to this is Aqaba in the south, which also has a low percentage. It is a new governorate and little populated.
73. General Union of Voluntary Societies, "Childhood Care," Hamarneh, Jordan, 190.
74. In 1997, Kerak had thirty kindergartens; Tafileh, thirteen; Ma'an thirty-two. Kindergartens in Aqaba jumped from three in 1997 to twenty-six in 1999, the same period when the region was the focus of legislation to create free and qualified industrial zones.
75. The amount increased from fifteen to twenty-five. General Union of Voluntary Societies, Executive Report, 98
76. Department of Statistics Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, Statistical Yearbook 1998 (Amman, Jordan: Department of Statistics, 1999), 118.
77. Labor market position itself was partly a result of political allegiance or estrangement from the regime.
78. Ghabra, Palestinians in Kuwait, 18.
79. Similarly, Fandy states that family can be expansive, extending to non-kin. Mamoun Fandy, Saudi Arabia and the Politics of Dissent (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1999), 31.
80. For analyses of the varying structure of Middle Eastern families and its connection to the local economy, see Doumani, "Endowing Family"
81. Meriwether, The Kin Who Count.
82. The term "tribe" is overused and ill-defined. Richard Tapper, "Anthropologists, Historians, and Tribes-people on Tribe and State Formation in the Middle East," in Tribes and State Formation in the Middle East, ed. Philip S. Khoury and Joseph Kostiner (Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press, 1990), 48-73.
83. Khoury and Kostiner use a loose definition of tribes as "large kin groups organized and regulated according to ties of blood or family lineage," Philip S. Khoury and Joseph Kostiner, "Introduction: Tribes and the Complexities of State Formation in the Middle East," in Tribes and State Formation, 4. Historically in the Middle East tribes moved, lived, and produced together, based on a nomadic and/or agricultural lifestyle. The definition often includes a cultural component, that the group believes it shares a culture distinct from that of other groups.
84. Village as a form of kinship has been implicitly recognized and used by analysts but not explicitly theorized. See Amatzia Baram, "Neo-Tribalism in Iraq: Saddam Hussein's Tribal Policies 1991-96," International Journal of Middle East Studies 29 (1997): 1-31
85. Hanna Batatu, The Old Social Classes and the Revolutionary Movements of Iraq (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1978), chap. 58
86. Sara Berry, Fathers Work for Their Sons: Accumulation, Mobility, and Class Formation in an Extended Yoruba Community (Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press, 1985)
87. Guilain Denoeux, Urban Unrest in the Middle East: A Comparative Study of Informal Networks in Egypt, Iran, and Lebanon (Albany, N.Y.: State University of New York Press, 1993), 215
88. Faleh A. Jabar, "Shaykhs and Ideologues: Detribalization and Retribalization in Iraq, 1968-1988," Middle East Report (2000): 28-31, 48
89. Samir Khalaf, "Changing Forms of Political Patronage in Lebanon," in Patrons and Clients in Mediterranean Societies, ed. Ernest Gellner and John Waterbury (London: Duckworth, 1977), 190
90. Olivier Roy, "État et recompositions identitaires: L'exemple du Tadjikistan," in Guerres civiles: Économies de la violence, dimensions de la civilité, ed. Jean Hannoyer (Paris: Karthala, 1999), 221-34
91. Barnett R. Rubin, "Russian Hegemony and the State Breakdown in the Periphery: Causes and Consequences of the Civil War in Tajikistan," in Post-Soviet Political Order: Conflict and State Building, ed. Barnett R. Rubin and Jack Snyder (New York: Routledge, 1998), 128-61.
92. Migration has been shown to cause networks of kinship to widen. Remittances in Yemen fueled the cooperative movement there. Sheila Carapico, Civil Society in Yemen: The Political Economy of Activism in Modern Arabia (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998).
93. See also Denoeux, Urban Unrest in the Middle East
94. Leila Tarazi Fawaz, Merchants and Migrants in Nineteenth-Century Beirut (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1983)
95. Gary Gereffi, Miguel Korzeniewicz, and Roberto P. Korzeniewicz, "Introduction: Global Commodity Chains," in Commodity Chains and Global Capitalism, ed. Gary Gereffi and Miguel Korzeniewicz (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1994),1-14
96. Aihwa Ong, Flexible Citizenship: The Cultural Logic of Transnationality (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1999)
97. Barry Wellman, "Preface," in Networks in the Global Village, ed. Barry Wellman (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1999), xi-xxii. This is not the only way migrants organize; they also form community and neighborhood associations or unite on their common characteristic as migrants.
98. For the former, see the Latin American case, Andres A. Thompson and Leilah Landim, "Civil Society and Philanthropy in Latin America: From Religious Charity to the Search for Citizenship," in Philanthropy in the World's Traditions, ed. Warren F. Ilchman, Stanley N. Katz, and Edward L. Queen II (Bloomington, Ind.: Indiana University Press, 1998), 355-70.
99. In Jordan, the latter occurred with the returnees from Kuwait, but it is the exception. Yann Le Troquer and Rozenn Hommery al-Oudat, "From Kuwait to Jordan: The Palestinians' Third Exodus," Journal of Palestine Studies 28 (1999) 37-51
100. John M. Roberts, "The Political Economy of Identity: State and Society in Jordan" (Ph.D., University of Chicago, 1994), 215-16.
101. Berry, Fathers Work for Their Sons.
102. David T. Pratten and Suliman Ali Baldo, "'Return to the Roots:' Processes of Legitimacy in Sudanese Migrant Associations," in Beyond the Magic Bullet: NGO Performance and Accountability in the Post-Cold War World, ed. Michael Edwards and David Hulme (West Hartford, Conn.: Kumerian Press, 1996), 142-55.
103. Roy, "État et recompositions identitaires."
104. Kiren Aziz Chaudhry, The Price of Wealth: Oil and Labor Exporters in the International Economy (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1997).
105. These initial cooperatives registered as mutual benefit, a category reserved for kin organizing. The trend now is to register as a multipurpose association. Interview with Jordan Cooperative Corporation official, 14 April 1998 and various dates, fall 1999.
106. A significant amount of international migration to the West is present in the Christian groups. The director of one cooperative stated that only a minority of members are employees, which in general refers to government employees. Interview with Jamal al-Naber, Director of Al al-Naber Cooperative, 9 January 2000.
107. Ghabra, Palestinians in Kuwait, 17-18. Ghabra implicitly uses village as a form of kinship.
108. Palestinians use the name of that village as the association's name and register about equally as cooperatives and charities.
109. Signe Gilen et al., "Finding Ways: Palestinian Coping Strategies in Changing Environments," (Oslo: FAFO, 1994)
110. Aseel Sawalha, "Identity, Self and the Other Among Palestinian Refugees in East Amman," in Amman, Ville et Société, ed. Jean Hannoyer and Seteney Shami (Beirut, Lebanon: CERMOC, 1996), 345-57.
111. Ghabra, Palestinians in Kuwait, 109.
112. Interview with Abu Sa'ad.
113. Labor possibilities in the Gulf states have shrunk considerably, making success in the domestic market critical.
114. A large portion (41 percent) of previous migrants to the Gulf countries established their own businesses upon return. Charles B. Keely and Bassam Saket, "Jordanian Migrant Workers in the Arab Region: A Case Study of Consequences for Labor Supplying Countries," Middle East Journal 38 (1984): 692. Returnees from the Gulf war in the 1990s found employment in banking, financial services, commercial, and the health sector, in addition to running retail businesses. Le Troquer and al-Oudat, "From Kuwait to Jordan." These activities created a new commercial district of the capital, Gardens Street.
115. Gilen et al., "Finding Ways"
116. Khalid M. Rasheed, "Social Structure, Kinship and Settlement: A Case Study from Southern Jordan" (M.A., Yarmouk University, 1991).
117. Multiple names for the tribe exist, depending on how descent is traced. The writer's name takes up four lines, tracing ancestry back to the time of the Prophet. The definition he uses of his tribe, however, is more limited than that lineage would imply. Abdullah Isma'il al-Kaswani, Qabila al-Zaydan Zayadna [The Tribe of Zaydan al-Zayadna] (Amman, Jordan: Al-Maktaba al-Wataniyya, 1994), 30, 96.
118. Rural village associations are considered similar in structure and organizing principles. See Hani Hourani and Hussein Abu Rumman, Tatawwur al-mujtama' al-madani fi al-Urdun wa-waqa'ha al-rahin [The Development of Civil Society in Jordan and its Current Situation] (Amman, Jordan: al-Urdun al-Jadid and Dar Sindbad li-l-Nashr, 2004), 119.
119. Migrant associations in other locations also began as urban, then spread back to the rural areas, serving different purposes in each. In the Sudan, migrant associations function as developmental organizations in the countryside, whereas in the city they offer social security and identity useful in inheritance disputes. Pratten and Baldo, "'Return to the Roots'," 143-45. In Yemen, Carapico demonstrates similar functions for rural cooperatives. Carapico, Civil Society in Yemen.
120. Hanssen-Bauer, Pedersen, and Tiltnes, ed., Jordanian Society, 280.
121. Interview with Mohammad al-Ardha, Researcher, Directorate of Studies and Research, General Union of Voluntary Societies, 12 October 1999.
122. Free-riding is not an overwhelming problem. Family members can refuse to join; however, once a majority of the potential kin group has agreed, individual families find it hard to opt-out or not participate. Some do attempt to avoid paying dues, but this is a temporary and individual escape. Those same individuals recognize the need to eventually become dues-paying members and would need to in the event they requested services from the organization.
123. Jillian Schwedler, Don't Blink: Jordan's Democratic Opening and Closing, Middle East Report Online; available from www.merip.org/mero/ mero070302.html