Territoriality and collective identity in Tokugawa Japan

Daedalus

Volumn 127, Issue 3, 1998, Pages 105-132

  Howell, David L ^a  

^a PRINCETON UNIVERSITY   (United States)

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 33748204672     PISSN: 00115266     EISSN: 15486192     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: None     Document Type: Article

References (67)

1. The two notable exceptions are John W. Hall, "Rule by Status in Tokugawa Japan," Journal of Japanese Studies 1 (1) (Autumn 1974): 39-49,
2. and particularly Herman Ooms, Tokugawa Village Practice: Class, Status, Power, Law (Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press, 1996). Ooms uses status both in the sense employed here and, following Pierre Bourdieu, as a broader measure of peasants' standing within the village community (see ibid., 125-137).
3. A useful introduction to status in early modern society is Asao Naohiro, "Kinsei no mibun to sono hen'yō," in Asao Naohiro, ed., Mibun to kakushiki (Nihon no kinsei, vol. 7) (Tokyo: Chūō kōronsha, 1992), 7-40;
4. see also Yamamoto Naotomo, "Kinsei shakai to sono mibun: Jo ni kaete," in Kyōto burakushi kenkyūjo, ed., Kinsei no minshū to geinō (Kyoto: Aunsha, 1989), 1-12.
5. The term "outcaste" is problematic, as Tokugawa Japan was not a caste society, but I shall follow conventional usage here. Its use has been proposed most systematically by George DeVos and Hiroshi Wagatsuma, "The Problem: Caste and Race, a Syncretic View," in George DeVos and Hiroshi Wagatsuma, eds., Japan's Invisible Race (Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press, 1966), xix-xxiii.
6. Tsukada Takashi, Kinsei Nihon mibunsei no kenkyū (Kobe: Hyōgo buraku mondai kenkyūjo, 1987), 287-307.
7. Tsukada Takashi, Mibunsei shakai to shimin shakai: Kinsei Nihon no shakai to hō (Tokyo: Kashiwa shobō, 1992), 19-21, differentiates between status (mibun) and condition (jōtai). He sees the increasing appearance, particularly after the 1790s, of people such as the homeless, whose status and condition did not coincide, as evidence of collapsing status boundaries.
8. Hall, "Rule by Status," 48.
9. Yamamoto, "Kinsei shakai to sono mibun," 3. Sabetsu might also be translated as "differentiation," for social relations between members of different status groups - such as dealings between townspeople and samurai - did not necessarily entail prejudice or intolerance.
10. On discrimination in post-World War II Japan, see David L. Howell, "Ethnicity and Culture in Contemporary Japan," Journal of Contemporary History 31 (1) (January 1996): 171-190.
11. Katō Yasuaki, "Kinsei no shōgaisha to mibun seido," in Asao, ed., Mibun to kakushiki, 125-178. The tōdō antedated the establishment of the Tokugawa shogunate, but it acquired its centrally recognized administrative authority only in the seventeenth century.
12. On the boundaries of the medieval polity, see Kikuchi Isao, "Kyōkai to etonosu," in Arano Yasunori, Ishii Masatoshi, and Murai Shōsuke, eds., Chiiki to etonosu (Ajia no naka no Nihonshi, vol. 4) (Tokyo: Tōkyō daigaku shuppankai, 1992), 57;
13. see also Murai Shōsuke, "Kenmu, Muromachi seiken to higashi Ajia," in Rekishigaku kenkyūkai and Nihonshi kenkyūkai, eds., Kōza Nihon rekishi, 13 vols. (Tokyo: Tōkyō daigaku shuppankai, 1985), 4: 1-42;
14. Murai Shōsuke, Ajia no naka no chūsei Nihon (Tokyo: Azekura shobō, 1988).
15. For an excellent and innovative treatment of boundaries in another Asian society, see Thongchai Winichakul, Siam Mapped: The Geo-body of a Nation (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1994).
16. For a discussion of the boundaries of the city of Edo that illustrates this point, see Katō Takashi, "Governing Edo," in James L. McClain, John M. Merriman, and Ugawa Kaoru, eds., Edo and Paris: Urban Life and the State in the Early Modern Era (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1994), 41-67.
17. Hatanaka Toshiyuki, "Kinsei 'senmin' mibunron no kadai," in Aoki Michio and Hosaka Satoru, eds., Sōten: Nihon no rekishi: Kinsei hen (Tokyo: Shinjinbutsu ōraisha, 1991), 176-178.
18. There were some exceptions to this general rule. See Hatanaka Toshiyuki, Kinsei sonraku shakai no mibun kōzō (Kyoto: Buraku mondai kenkyūjo, 1990), 11-41.
19. See the panel discussion in Kyōto burakushi kenkyūjo, ed., Kinsei no minshū to geinō, 196-197.
20. The power of political authorities to dictate status disadvantaged the eta doubly, first by denying their communities the autonomy enjoyed by peasants of commoner status and second by perpetuating discrimination against them by forcing them to maintain ties to activities considered to be unclean. On the other hand, their status-based monopoly over outcaste occupations (particularly leather-working) appears in at least some cases to have fostered a measure of economic prosperity, reflected in part in an eta population that rose steadily throughout the Tokugawa period. See Hatanaka, "Kinsei 'senmin' mibunron no kadai," 176-183.
21. However, the village examined by Dana Morris and Thomas C. Smith, "Fertility and Mortality in an Outcaste Village in Japan, 1750-1869," in Susan B. Hanley and Arthur P. Wolf, eds., Family and Population in East Asian History (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1985), 229-246, was marked by extreme poverty despite a heavy reliance on outcaste occupations.
22. On groups bound to the Tsuchimikado house, see Yamamoto Naotomo, "Innai: Koyomi o uri, uranai ya kitō o suru," in Kyoto burakushi kenkyūjo, ed., Kinsei no minshū to geinō, 30-34,
23. and Yamaji Kōzō, "Manzai: Danna o tayori, teritorii o kakuritsu," in Kinsei no minshū to geinō, ibid., 65-71;
24. on the ebune, see Kawaoka Takeharu, Umi no tami (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1987).
25. See, for example, the case of the eta doctor who was denied elevation to commoner status by the head of the Kantō eta, Danzaemon, cited in Asao, "Kinsei no mibun to sono hen'yō," 7-10.
26. Donald H. Shively, "Sumptuary Regulation and Status in Early Tokugawa Japan," Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 25 (1964-1965): 123-164.
27. The decrees' notorious lack of efficacy does not diminish their significance. 18 This practice was quite common. For one example, see the case of Kane, adopted in 1860 by her employer, Yanagioka Heinai, preparatory to marriage to Kawai Eikichi, in "Hayashi-ke monjo: Ban nikki" [1860-1866],
28. in Matsumae chō shi henshūshitsu, ed., Matsumae chō shi: Shiryōhen (Matsumae: Matsumae chō, 1977), 2: 691.
29. See Hatanaka Toshiyuki, "Mibun o koeru toki," in Tsukada Takashi, Yoshida Nobuyuki, and Wakita Osamu, eds., Mibunteki shūen (Kyoto: Buraku mondai kenkyūjo, 1994), 403-460.
30. Kikuchi Shunsuke, ed., Tokugawa kinreikō, 6 vols. (Tokyo: Yoshikawa kōbunkan, 1931-1932), 5: 539-540.
31. Yokokawa Ryōsuke, "Naishiryaku" [c. 1854], in Iwate kenritsu toshokan, ed., Iwate shisō, vols. 1-5 (Morioka: Iwate ken bunkazai aigo kyōkai, 1974), 3: 209-233.
32. discuss the incident at length in "Private Violence and Public Virtue in Late Tokugawa Japan" (unpublished paper, 1997).
33. Takayanagi Kaneyoshi, Edo no daidōgei (Tokyo: Kashiwa shobō, 1982), 29-30.
34. On federalism, see Mary Elizabeth Berry, Hideyoshi (Cambridge, Mass.: Council on East Asian Studies, Harvard University, 1982);
35. absolutism, James W. White, "State Growth and Popular Protest in Tokugawa Japan," Journal of Japanese Studies 14 (1988): 1-25
36. and Eiko Ikegami, Taming the Samurai (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1995);
37. flamboyant state, Philip C. Brown, Central Authority and Local Autonomy in the Formation of Early Modern Japan: The Case of Kaga Domain (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1993);
38. compound state, Mark Ravina, "State-building and Political Economy in Early-modern Japan," Journal of Asian Studies 54 (4) (November 1995): 997-1022.
39. See Edwin O. Reischauer, "Japanese Feudalism," in Rushton Coulborn, ed., Feudalism in History (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1956), 26-48;
40. John W. Hall, "Feudalism in Japan - A Reassessment," in John W. Hall and Marius B. Jansen, eds., Studies in the Institutional History of Early Modern Japan (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1968), 15-51;
41. Joseph R. Strayer, "The Tokugawa Period and Japanese Feudalism," in Studies in the Institutional History of Early Modern Japan (ibid., 1-15;
42. and Peter Duus, Feudalism in Japan, 2d ed. (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1976).
43. Rodney Hilton, "Introduction," in Hilton, ed., The Transition from Feudalism to Capitalism (London: Verso Editions, 1978), 30.
44. On the kokudaka system, see Wakita Osamu, "The Kokudaka System: A Device for Unification," Journal of Japanese Studies 1 (2) (Summer 1975): 297-320.
45. Ronald P. Toby, State and Diplomacy in Early Modern Japan (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1984);
46. see also Arano Yasunori, Kinsei Nihon to higashi Ajia (Tokyo: Tōkyō daigaku shuppankai, 1988).
47. See Murai, Ajia no naka no chūsei Nihon, 32-59,
48. and Hino Tatsuo, "Kinsei bungaku ni arawareta ikokuzō," in Asao Naohiro, ed., Sekaishi no naka no kinsei (Nihon no kinsei, vol. 1) (Tokyo: Chūō kōronsha, 1991), 265-304.
49. On relations with Korea, see Tashiro Kazui, "Foreign Relations during the Edo Period: Sakoku Reexamined," Journal of Japanese Studies 8 (2) (Summer 1982): 283-306;
50. the Matsumae domain's relations with the Ainu are discussed by David L. Howell, "Ainu Ethnicity and the Boundaries of the Early Modern Japanese State," Past and Present 142 (February 1994): 69-93.
51. Asato Susumu, "Ryūkyū ōkoku no keisei," in Arano et al., eds., Chiiki to etonosu, 128-129.
52. See David L. Howell, Capitalism from Within: Economy, Society, and the State in a Japanese Fishery (Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press, 1995), 27-35.
53. Kamiya Nobuyuki, "Kinsei no tōitsu to Dattan," in Tanaka Takeo, ed., Nihon zenkindai no kokka to taigai kankei (Tokyo: Yoshikawa kōbunkan, 1987), 145-176.
54. Howell, "Ainu Ethnicity and the Boundaries of the Early Modern Japanese State";
55. Kikuchi Isao, Hoppōshi no naka no kinsei Nihon (Tokyo: Azekura shobō, 1991).
56. Bob Tadashi Wakabayashi, Anti-Foreignism and Western Learning in Early-Modern Japan (Cambridge, Mass.: Council on East Asian Studies, Harvard University, 1986), 18-22.
57. In Tsukamoto's phrase, inaka 'i'-naka (the countryside [inaka] is in the midst [naka] of barbarism [i]): Tsukamoto Manabu, Kinsei saikō: Chihō no shiten kara (Tokyo: Nihon editaa sukūru shuppanbu, 1986), 75-105, esp. 90-97.
58. Kikuchi Isao, Bakuhan taisei to Ezochi (Tokyo: Yūzankaku, 1984), 216-220.
59. Howell, "Ainu Ethnicity and the Boundaries of the Early Modern Japanese State."
60. On the purported connections between the outcastes and Ainu, see Ooms, Tokugawa Village Practice, 296-298.
61. "Bunsei roku hitsujidoshi irai Ezojin omemie kenjōhin narabi ni kudasaremono shirabegaki" [c. 1833], Hakodate Municipal Library.
62. Many restrictive policies toward the outcastes were imposed late in the Tokugawa period, such as rules requiring outcastes to tie their hair with straw or wear leather patches on their kimono. Hatanaka, "Kinsei 'senmin' mibunron no kadai," 181-183.
63. See Buyō Inshi, Seji kenmonrokn [c. 1816], vol. 1 of Honjō Eijirō et al., eds., Kinsei shakai keizai sōsho, 12 vols. (Tokyo: Kaizōsha, 1926), 271-274.
64. See H. D. Harootunian, Things Seen and Unseen: Discourse and Ideology in Tokugawa Nativism (Chicago, Ill.: University of Chicago Press, 1988).
65. Tsukada Takashi, "Mibun shakai no kaitai: Ōsaka Watanabe mura-Nishihama no jirei kara," Rekishi hyōron 527 (March 1994): 73-99.
66. Thomas C. Smith, The Agrarian Origins of Modern Japan (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1959), remains the standard treatment of this process.
67. I develop this point more fully in Howell, Capitalism from Within, 44-49, 88-92.