Liberalism and conservatism in Chile: Attitudes and opinions of Chilean women at the start of the Twenty-First Century

Journal of Latin American Studies

Volumn 38, Issue 1, 2006, Pages 1-34

  Palacios, Margarita ^a,b   Martínez, Javier ^c  

^a FREIE UNIVERSITÄT BERLIN   (Germany)

^b UNIVERSIDAD DIEGO PORTALES   (Chile)

^c Quanta Applied Sociology   (Chile)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

LIBERALISM; RELIGION; TWENTY FIRST CENTURY; WOMENS STATUS;

CHILE; SOUTH AMERICA;

EID: 33748058459     PISSN: 0022216X     EISSN: 1469767X     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0022216X05000271     Document Type: Article

References (81)

1. Only 5.1 per cent of the women and 13.4 per cent of men surveyed stated that they did not consider themselves as belonging to any religious group. This figure shows the stagnation of the secularisation process in Chile, which can be interpreted in two ways. On the one hand, it can be said that it reflects the continued influence of the Catholic Church in Chilean society. On the other, this stagnation could be seen as reflecting a rise in Pentecostalism in Chile.
2. 7 per cent of women surveyed responded that 'is good for the woman but not for her family', or that if a woman works 'it is not good either for the woman or for her family'.
3. In Chile, as yet, there is no Divorce Law and even abortion for health reasons is illegal.
4. Women's share of the labour market increased from 24.1 per cent in 1990 to 35 per cent in 2000. Instituto Nacional de Estadísticas/Servicio Nacional de la Mujer, Mujeres chilenas. Estadísticas para el nuevo siglo (Santiago, 2001).
5. The percentage of women in the economically active population rose from 22 per cent to 32 per cent between 1960 and 2000. United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development in Chile, 2002, We the Chileans: A Cultural Challenge (Santiago, 2002) p. 219 (in the Spanish version).
6. Several studies and statistics reveal an increase in the number of separations and marriage annulments in Chile. According to the survey carried out by the Comisión Nacional De La Familia in 1993, 15.3 per cent of legally married couples were separated or divorced. Another study carried out in 1995 put the figure at 22.6 per cent. These figures contrast strongly with 3.7 per cent and 4.7 per cent from the censuses carried out in 1952 and 1960 by the Instituto Nacional de Estadisticas - H. Montenegro, Separación matrimonial y conflicto conyugal. Sus efectos en los hijos (Santiago, 2002), p. 13. According to INE figures, the marriage rate dropped from 7.6 Per cent in 1980 to 4.2 per cent in 2000 (per 1000 inhabitants) whilst annulments went up from 3.8 per cent in 1992 to 10.8 per cent in 2001. Instituto Nacional de Estadísticas, 'Matrimonio en Chile', Enfoques Estadísticos, No. 6 Quly 2000). Instituto Nacional de Estadísticas, 'Fecundidad Juvenil en Chile', Enfoques Estadísticos, No. 9 (October 2000).
7. It is estimated that 159,650 abortions are carried out each year, which means that one out of every three pregnancies ends in an abortion. Grupo Iniciativa Mujeres, El nuevo contrato social (Santiago, 2002).
8. Ibid. Unregistered cohabitation rose from 3.4 per cent in 1982 to 5.7 per cent in 1992.
9. Amongst others, it is worth mentioning: M. Anderson, Aproximaciones a la historia de la familia occidental (1500-1914) (Madrid, 1988)
10. P. Ariès, L'enfant et la vie familiale sous l'Ancien Régime (Paris, 1973)
11. M. Barret and M. McIntoch, Familias vs. sociedad (Bogotá, 1991)
12. P. Bourdieu, Raisons pratiques. Annexe. L'esprit de famille (Paris, 1994)
13. P. Bourdieu La dominación masculina (Barcelona, 2000)
14. R. Castel, Las metamorfosis de la Cuestión social. Una crónica del salariado (Buenos Aires, 1997)
15. R. Castel, Propriété privée, propriété sociale, propriété de soi (Paris, 2001)
16. C. Castelain-Meunier, La place de bommes et les métamorphoses de la famille (Paris, 2002)
17. J. Commaille and C. Martin, Les enjeux politiques de la famille Paris, 1998)
18. CNF/SERNAM, Informe Comisión Nacional de la Familia (Santiago, 1994)
19. Corporación 2000, Las valores del trabajo y la familia en Chile. Aproximación histórico-cultural y análisis de discursos (Santiago, 1998), unpublished
20. P. Covarrubias et al., En búsqueda de la familia chilena (Santiago, 1986)
21. Riet Delsing, 'La familia: El poder del discurso' in Revista Proposiciones, No. 26, Aproximaciones a la familia (Santiago, 1995)
22. François de Singly, 'Charges et charmes de la vie privée,' in Masculin-Féminin. Questions pour les sciences de l'homme (Paris, 2001)
23. J. Donzelot, La policía de las familias (Valencia, 1998)
24. L. Dumont, Essais sur l'individualisme (Paris 1983)
25. Norbert Elias, 'El cambiante equilibrio de poder entre los sexos. Un estudio sociológico procesual: El ejemplo del antiguo estado romano,' in Norbert Elias (ed.), La civilización de los padres y otros ensayos (Santa Fé de Bogotá, 1998). Norbert Elias, 'La civilización de los padres,' in La civilización de los padres y otros ensayos
26. Michèle Ferrand, 'Du droit des pères aux pouvoirs des mères,' in Masculin-Féminin
27. M. Garretón, La sociedad en que vivi (re)mos. Introducción sociológica al cambio de siglo (Santiago, 2000)
28. A. Giddens La transformación de la intimidad. Sexualidad, amor y erotismo en las sociedades modernas (Madrid, 1992)
29. V. Guzman et al., Trayectorias laborales de mujeres (Santiago, nd)
30. J. Olavarría and R. Parrini (eds.), Masculinidad/des. Identidad, sexualidad y familia (Santiago, 2000)
31. A. Mattelart and M. Perrot. La mujer chilena en una nueva sociedad. Un estudio exploratorio acerca de la situación e imagen de la mujer en Chile (Santiago, 1968)
32. S. Montecino and M. E. Acuña (eds.), Diálogos sobre el género masculino en Chile (Santiago, 1996)
33. P. Morandé, Persona, matrimonio y familia (Santiago, 1994)
34. R. Sennet, Le travail sans qualités. Les conséquences humaines de la flexibilité (Paris, 2000)
35. E. Shorter, La naissance de la famille moderne (Paris, 1975)
36. E. Sullerot, La crise de la famille (Paris, 2000)
37. A. Touraine and F. Khosrokhavar, La recherche de soi. Dialogue sur le sujet (Paris, 2000)
38. A. Touraine, Pourrons nous vivre ensemble? Egaux et différents (Paris, 1997)
39. UNICEF, 'Boletín Informativo para Centros de Padres', in Contactos, No. 1, (Santiago, August 2001)
40. X. Valdés and K. Araujo, Vida privada, modernización y modernidad (Santiago, 1999)
41. Ximena Valdés, El marco de las transformaciones en la familia y la vida privada. Informe de avance, Proyecto FONDECYT No. 1000018, unpublished. This bibliography does not include the books articles and other publications quoted in other parts of this document.
42. One assumption of conservatism is the legitimate right to impose matters on people who oppose them. The liberal response is more specific and demanding in this respect. Locke would say that the only legitimate coercion is one which ensures freedom. The key aspect of this second point of view is the priority given to freedom. On this point see Antonio Bascuñán, 'Por qué es preferible ser liberal que Cat-acolico,' Estudios Públicos, No. 93 (summer 2004).
43. The idea of personal autonomy expresses a political metaphor since it refers to the ability to 'govern oneself'. Robert Russell examines the different possible meanings of this concept in R. Russell, From Antagonistic Autonomy to Relational Autonomy: A Theoretical Reflection from the Southern Cone (Coral Gables, 2003).
44. Other characteristics of a liberal attitude are also included in this definition, such as: [Liberals] would never talk of paradise. They let everyone imagine their own version of it, pursue it and if possible attain it - Pablo Ruiz-Tagle, 'La contradicción del liberalismo católico en Chile', Estudios Públicos, No. 93 (summer 2004).
45. 'The soul of a liberal shudders at the idea of complete salvation, at any idea of reducing the Whole to the One', Ernesto Rodríguez, 'Porque soy católico y liberal y me resisto a sus consecuencias,' Estudios Públicos, No. 93 (summer 2004). Given these definitions, we can understand liberalism very broadly as the liberation of all forms of knowledge and activity from a constraining, regulatory authority which is opposed to autonomy.
46. See: A. Binimeliz and M. Blazquez, 'Análisis de roles y estereotipos sexuales en los textos escolares chilenos,' in Documento de trabajo SERNAM, No. 8 (Santiago, 1992)
47. J. Goody, La familia europea (Barcelona, 2001).
48. See Daniela Sharim and Enrique Espinoza, 'Responsabilidades familiares compartidas. Sistematización y análisis', in Documentos de Trabajo SEKNAM, No. 41, 1995
49. Daniela Sharim and Uca Silva, 'Familia y reparto de responsabilidades,' in Documento de Trabajo SERNAM, No. 58, 1998.
50. Full integration into society through work and equal rights is an objective which is strongly desired by women. They see it as providing more than just income. They also see the possibility of asserting their individuality and promoting their personal development. This can be seen from the significance attributed to work by men and women. UNPD, Report on Human Development in Chile p. 215 (in the Spanish version). Among men, 61 per cent see work as a means of obtaining economic resources, 25 per cent as a means of personal development, 12 per cent as something enabling an individual to be part of the group and 2 per cent said they did not know or did not respond. For women, the respective percentages were 51 per cent, 38 per cent, 8 per cent and 3 per cent. So women, in comparison to men, tend to see work less as a way of obtaining economic resources and more as a means of personal development.
51. Ibid., pp. 214-21 (in the Spanish version). On this point, the same report also states, 'From the perspective of desire for individuality and equality, people attach enormous importance to changes in gender relations. From the point of view the opportunities and problems encountered in achieving these desires, though, these changes are a significant source of tension.'
52. Ibid., p. 214 (in the Spanish version).
53. Ibid., p. 216, 'There is tension between the requirements of traditional domestic roles, which continue to be valid and the new demands of work' (in the Spanish version). This results in an overlapping of domestic and professional activities which has been rightly named the double day's work [doble jornada de trabajo]. For woman who are heads of their household this situation is becoming critical and is worsened when the conflicts which women face not just in their family circle but also those outside it - in their working environment - are taken into account (See the following point in this article: 'Igualdad o discriminación laboral').
54. See also Victoria Nieto, 'Habla la gente. Trabajo y familia: Una relación compleja,' in Documentos de Trabajo SERNAM, No. 68, 1999
55. SUR Profesionales Consultores, 'Análisis de experiencias en empresa sobre compatibilización de vida laboral y familiar,' in Documentos de Trabajo SERNAM, No. 67, 1999
56. In defining the different groups the Esomar model, used by ADIMARK, for determining socio-economic level was used. It considers two key variables: 'the level of education of the head of the household' and 'having a series of goods' (a selection of 10 goods was chosen: Shower, colour TV, fridge, washing machine, water heater, microwave, car (saloon, truck, jeep, van), cable or satellite TV, PC and internet). These variables are conceptually related to income, cultural capital and accumulated wealth and therefore coincide with the traditional definition of socio-economic standing. Both of the above variables are combined in a socio-economic classification matrix which determines corresponding levels and classifies them in six groups: A = Very high, B = High, Ca = Mid-High, Cb = Middle, D = Middle-Low, and E = Low. More information can be obtained from www.adimarkcl.
57. See ADIMARK, Manual de aplicación del nivel socio-económico ESOMAR (Chile, October 2000).
58. The ages were split into three groups: 20 to 34, 35 to 44, and 45 and over.
59. L. Tilly and J. Scott, Les femmes, le travail et la famille (Paris, 1987).
60. See: Grupo Iniciativa Mujeres, El nuevo contraBo social: balance de una década de democracia en Chile (Santiago, 2000)
61. M. Muñoz, Fuerza de trabajo femenina: Evolución y tendencias (Santiago, 1988).
62. An example of this can be found in women working in the agriculture for export market in the north of Chile. Anna Bee carried out a full study on the changes in production in this sector and the slower changes in gender issues. The traditional structures tend to persist in a modern context.
63. See Anna Bee, 'Globalization, Grapes and Gender: Women's Work in Traditional and Agro-export Production in Northern Chile,' The Geographical Journal, vol. 166, no. 3, 2000.
64. See D. Méda, Le temps des femmes. Pour un nouveau partage des rôles (Paris, 2001)
65. L. Stone, Familia, sexo y matrimonio en Inglaterra. 1500-1800 (Mexico, 1990)
66. M. Muñoz and C. Reyes, Una mirada al interior de la familia. Q¿ué piensan los bombres y las muires en Chile? C¿ómo viven en pareja? Q¿ué sienten los hijos? (Santiago, 1997).
67. Conservatism does not mean not being aware of the drop, especially over the last three decades, in the age at which sexual activity begins. The Estudio Nacional de Comportamiento Sexual carried out in 2000 acknowledges this situation and finds that most Chileans begin their sex life at 18. Miguel Muñoz-Laboy, 'Estudio Nacional de Comportamiento Sexual: Primeros Análisis, Chile 2000,' Archives of Sexual Behavior (New York, 2003).
68. Conservatism does not mean not being aware of the drop, especially over the last three decades, in the age at which sexual activity begins. The Estudio Nacional de Comportamiento Sexual carried out in 2000 acknowledges this situation and finds that most Chileans begin their sex life at 18. Miguel Muñoz-Laboy, 'Estudio Nacional de Comportamiento Sexual: Primeros Análisis, Chile 2000,' Archives of Sexual Behavior (New York, 2003).
69. This is only for the purposes of information. It has no statistical value.
70. In Chile in the 1990s physical abuse was carried out in one out of four homes and psychological abuse in one out of three. Grupo Iniciativa Mujeres, El nuevo contrato social.
71. This corresponds to the image of the Latin American 'macho'. O. Paz, El laberinto de la soledad. Postdata. Vuelta a El laberinto de la soledad (Mexico, 1994).
72. S. Montecino, Madres y huachos. Alegorías sobre el mestizaje chileno (Santiago, 1991).
73. The Gobierno de la Concertación is a broad coalition of democratic parties which has governed Chile since the end of the military dictatorship.
74. According to Emile Durkheim, a social order without a moral basis is impossible. Every society has a 'system of rules for behaviour' with at least two features: It is compulsory and based on discipline (it is a duty), and it is wanted because these are norms and rules which express beliefs and ideals.
75. The resistance to women having the vote and participation of women in politics are two aspects frequently referred to in the specialised bibliography. See: E. Maza, Catolicismo, anticlericalismo y extensión del sufragio a la mujer en Chile (Santiago, 1995)
76. M. Tagle, La separación de la Iglesia y el estado en Chile. Historiografía y debate (Santiago, 1997).
77. In 2001 women occupied a very small number of all elected public posts: 11 per cent were mayors, 16 per cent were councillors, and only 10 per cent members of parliament. The same is true of the top posts in the public administration where women represent only 15 per cent of intendentes, 18 per cent of governors, 13 per cent of seremis, 29 per cent of local authority directors and 34 per cent of the ministers in the Appeals Court. United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development in Chile. On women's participation in feminist movements, see Susan Franceschet, 'State Feminism and Women's Movements: The Impact of Chile's Servicio Nacional De La Mujer on Women's Activism,' Latin American Research Review, vol. 38, issue 1, 2003.
78. Eugenio Tironi describes Chilean society on the basis of a contradiction between the complete openness to the outside world in economic and commercial terms and the rigid protectionism of traditional social values which tend to be defended by groups in power as truths which are not up for discussion. This situation is, in his opinion, an expression of 'anomia', in other words imbalance in material life, institutions and collective representative bodies. Eugenio Tironi, 'La sociedad como lugar de vida moral,' Estudios Públicos, No. 71 (winter 1998).
79. Joaquín Fermandois analyses the relationship between the Catholic religion and liberal politics in Chile. He argues that liberalism in Chile, unlike conservatism, traditionally identified with secularity, or anticlericalism and promoted political processes of secularisation which provoked a conservative reaction from the Catholic church (and from some Protestant ones). He adds that this stormy relationship between Catholicism and liberalism has persisted until now and is expressed through modern Catholicism which has a social doctrine but rejects the 'capitalistic materialism' and the 'moral undermining' brought by modernity. Joaquín Fermandois, 'Catolicismo y liberalismo en Chile del siglo XX,' Estudios Públicos, No. 93, summer 2004.
80. Eugenio Tironi refers to this situation, suggesting that: 'there is a big difference between the debates we have in our society on sexuality, censorship, divorce, etc. and between the values and norms which dominate public expression and our customs and habits'. Eugenio Tironi, 'La sociedad como lugar de vida moral,' p. 83.
81. The main challenges raised by the Report on Human Development in Chile underline the importance of strengthening the symbolic reference points which might permit the idea of 'we the Chileans' to be revitalised in order to channel the process of development and social change. People themselves cannot be aware or effective in this search if they lack the collective imagination (in addition to other social resources) which would allow them to give meaning to the changes, and thereby shape them. UNDP Human Development in Chile.