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Volumn 130, Issue 3, 2001, Pages 157-185

Crime, Italian style

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EID: 33748019394     PISSN: 00115266     EISSN: 15486192     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: None     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (8)

References (100)
  • 3
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    • Much more so than mafia and corruption, both left- and right-wing terrorism made headlines in the 1970s and early 1980s and were long regarded as a serious threat to the stability of the whole country. Nonetheless, this topic is not analyzed here. Terrorism, and in particular left-wing terrorism, on which both public opinion and state institutions largely focused their attention from the mid-1970s onwards, is not peculiarly Italian, nor did it manifest itself in Italy in ways different from other Western European countries. See Donatella Della Porta, Il terrorismo di sinistra (Bologna: Il Mulino, 1990);
    • (1990) Il Terrorismo di Sinistra
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    • Donatella Della Porta, ed., Terrorismi in Italia (Bologna: Il Mulino, 1984);
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    • Martha Crenshaw, ed., University Park, Pa.: The Pennsylvania State University Press
    • Martha Crenshaw, ed., Terrorism in Context (University Park, Pa.: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 1995). It might be argued that a peculiarity of Italian right-wing terrorism is the extensive support it received from Italian and foreign secret services and segments of the army. Although ongoing investigations are showing promising results, these allegations cannot yet be judicially proved, and the circumstantial evidence that has been gathered so far is too fragmented and complicated to be presented here. Furthermore, in the Cold War era Italy was by no means the only country where Western European and U.S. secret services concluded shady deals and supported terrorist or counter-revolutionary groups. Indeed, the CIA's involvement was much deeper and further-reaching in countries such as Chile, Nicaragua, and Burma than it has ever been suspected to be in Italy. Finally, unlike the three phenomena discussed here, the reasons for the collusion between Italian right-wing groups and the secret services hardly lie in the long-term evolution of Italy's state and society (though the subversive strategy funded by the secret services was at least partially prompted by the electoral strength of the Italian Communist Party), but are primarily to be found in the logic of the Cold War.
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    • Westmead: Saxon House
    • Until the early 1980s, the predominant view among social scientists was to conceive of the mafia as a cultural attitude and a form of power, denying it a corporate dimension. See Henner Hess, Mafia and Mafiosi: The Structure of Power (Westmead: Saxon House, [1970] 1973);
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    • Maurice Aymard and Giuseppe Giarrizzo, eds., Turin: Giulio Einaudi Editore
    • As the historian Paolo Pezzino puts it, "if it is true that these sources have to be examined with great prudence, it is also true that the statements on the existence of well structured associations are so many, finding confirmation in several judicial proceedings, that it would be difficult to deny their reliability." See Paolo Pezzino, "Stato violenza società: Nascita e sviluppo del paradigma mafioso," in Maurice Aymard and Giuseppe Giarrizzo, eds., La Sicilia (Turin: Giulio Einaudi Editore, 1987), 905-984.
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    • For a similar opinion, see also Salvatore Lupo, "Il tenebroso sodalizio': Un rapporto sulla mafia palermitana di fine Ottocento," Studi storici 29 (2) (1988): 463-489.
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    • The Future of Sicilian and Calabrian Organized Crime
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    • "The Future of Sicilian and Calabrian Organized Crime," in Stanley Einstein and Menachem Amir, eds., Organized Crime: Uncertainties and Dilemmas (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1999), 155-186.
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    • Mafia e politica
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    • See, for example, the autobiographical account of a magistrate who coordinated many of these pioneering investigations and has been a member of the "Clean Hands" pool since 1992: Gherardo Colombo, Il vizio della memoria (Milan: Feltrinelli, 1997).
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    • A labor unit corresponds to a full-time position, whether or not it is carried out by more than one person. As already mentioned, many irregular positions are part-time or second jobs. In order to have a homogenous unity of measure, the ISTAT transforms the latter into labor units, each of which corresponds to the full-time commitment of a regular employee: two part-time jobs are, thus, counted as one. See ISTAT, Rapporto animale: La situazione nel Paese nel 1998 (Rome: ISTAT, 1999), 146-149.
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    • It is enough to say that one of Italy's major cocaine importers in the 1990s was a former bank manager from Naples, Pasquale Centore, who organized several 400-700-kilogram cocaine shipments. Though members of Southern Italian mafia groups were among his customers, Centore operated independently and indeed was long protected by his own apparent respectability. See Letizia Paoli, Pilot Project to Describe and Analyze Local Drug Markets - First Phase Final Report: Illegal Drug Markets in Frankfurt and Milan (Lisbon: EMCDDA, 2000) at .
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    • Analisi economica ed evidenza empirica dell'attività illegale in Italia
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    • doc. XXIII, XI legislatura Rome: Camera dei Deputati
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    • The reform plan is well described at . This web site also includes reports and presentations made by Minister Franco Bassanini in various international conferences (some of the presentations are in English).
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    • La corruzione nel sistema politico
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    • Mafia, Antimafia and the Question of Sicilian Culture
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    • La via maestra della prescrizione
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    • Bologna: Il Mulino
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    • 24 June
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