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Volumn 44, Issue 1, 2005, Pages 64-91

Let but one of them come before me, and I'll commit him: Trade unions, magistrates, and the law in mid-nineteenth-century Staffordshire

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EID: 33746418597     PISSN: 00219371     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1086/426157     Document Type: Review
Times cited : (12)

References (103)
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    • The most frequently cited causes for this change in orientation of the law include the combination of new master and servant acts, changes in the social composition of the magisterial bench, and the construction of new gaols and bridewells. Woods's account relies upon newspaper reports, a source likely to underreport wage claims brought by workers. The unknown quantity of wage cases handled by courts of request and the new country courts also has to be considered. Hay and Craven, "Introduction," p. 8
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    • ed. J. Saville London
    • Robert Steinfeld has examined high-court litigation in master and servant cases from an earlier period, but he neglects struggles that do not appear in the reported cases and does not explore the social contexts, strategies, and coordination that produced union-funded challenges to master and servant prosecutions. D. Simon, "Master and Servant," in Democracy and the Labour Movement: Essays in Honour of Donna Torr, ed. J. Saville (London, 1954), pp. 160-200
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    • Those advocating the expansion of magistrates' powers to determine cases of petty theft, workplace misappropriation, and juvenile crime summarily were very clear in their motives. They claimed that the jury trial was too expensive, time-consuming, and maddeningly uncertain for the prosecutor. They claimed that juries were unsure to convict, judges "overprotected" defendants, and lawyers exploited technicalities to free the guilty. T. Sweeney, "The Extension and Practice of Summary Jurisdiction in England, c. 1790-1860" (Ph.D. diss., Cambridge University, 1985), pp. 34-35, 86, 91-102, 111, 118, 129-33, 139, 141, 145-59
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    • (London), cols. 470-80 (2 April 1846), 90, col. 1136 (11 March 1847), 93, cols. 120, 947-53 (4 and 25 June 1847);
    • Many of these latter originated from magistrates' rulings in labor cases. Hansard Parliamentary Debates, 3d series, Commencing with the Accession of William IV (London, 1843-48), vol. 85, cols. 470-80 (2 April 1846), vol. 90, col. 1136 (11 March 1847), vol. 93, cols. 120, 947-53 (4 and 25 June 1847)
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    • The crowd destroyed police offices in Hanley and Fenton, the coal office of the earl of Granville, the home of master potter Charles Mason. It also burned down the homes of magistrates William Parker, Thomas Allen, and R. E. Aitken. Challinor, Radical Lawyer, p. 65
    • Challinor, Radical Lawyer , pp. 65
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    • Rethinking Partisanship in the Conduct of Chartist Trials, 1839-1848
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    • London
    • One of Home Secretary James Graham's biographers suggests that many magistrates "neglected their duties through idleness, fear, 'economical' reliance on the Army or desire to embarrass the Government." Graham told the Queen that "he was by no means satisfied with the activity of the magistrates . . . [who] had shown a want of proper spirit in defending their property." Lord Lieutenant Talbot defended Rose, arguing to the home secretary that despite the "difficult position in which Mr. Rose was placed" one could "not find that he was wanting in activity or exertion to quell the riots." J. T. Ward, Sir James Graham (London, 1967), pp. 190-91
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    • Potters also objected to the employers' right to refuse to pay them for "dirty ware" (and then sell it at discounted prices) and to the unlimited power to fine them. Their bond allowed some employers to operate an allowance system, whereby they were "allowed" to deduct 2d. to 4d. from every shilling a potter earned. Warburton, The History of Trade Union Organization, pp. 44-46, 90-98, 105
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    • 23 December
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    • Rose commonly made similar warnings to the wider community when issuing rulings from the bench. Staffordshire Advertiser (6 September 1851), p. 4, (12 July 1851), p. 4
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    • The author assessed Rose's impact on the legitimacy of the law, suggesting, "How can they reasonably expect that the masses will treat with awe, that which magistrates administer with contempt?" PEWA (30 March 1844), pp. 137-39
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    • 1 February
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    • Oxford, 95-98
    • Through his defense of union officials charged with conspiring to violate the 1825 act, Roberts was important in the establishment of much of the case law that defined these terms. In 1847 he had been the solicitor in the case of twenty-six Warrington mechanics charged with conspiring to violate the 1825 act by warning replacement workers that they would be known as " knobsticks" if they continued to work. In this case, R v. Selsby (1847), Baron Rolfe defined an illegal threat as one that communicated the possibility of bodily harm. The words "obstruction" and "molestation" remained vague until the conspiracy cases of R. v. Rowlands and R. v. Duffield (1851), in which Judge Erle defined them in the "broadest possible terms." Erle told a jury at the Staffordshire Assizes that conspiring to take away all of the plaintiffs workmen qualified as obstruction and molestation under the 1825 act. This ruling made it legal for men to combine to raise wages or reduce hours but criminalized tactics that could effectively achieve these ends, such as the information picket. The case led to political agitation by labor that ultimately resulted in the 1859 Molestation of Workmen Act. J. Orth, Combination and Conspiracy: A Leflal History of Trade Unionism, 1721-1906 (Oxford, 1991), pp. 87-90, 95-98
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    • Cardiff
    • Challinor, Radical Lawyer. Two other solicitors who did considerable work for trade unions and merit further investigation are J. H. Owen of Wales and William Broomhead of Sheffield. For Owen, see E. W Evans, The Miners of South Wales (Cardiff, 1961)
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    • 18 March
    • This was a relevant point because in 1843 two Staffordshire magistrates were forced to pay the costs of all parties in a criminal information brought against them for refusing to accept the bail of Chartist prisoners. In the summer of 1848, a Norfolk magistrate was pursued in civil action for erroneously revoking the bail of a defendant. Justice of the Peace 7, no. 11(18 March 1843), pp. 128-30, 7, no. 23 (10 June 1843), pp. 317-318, 12, no. 30 (22 July 1848), p. 469
    • (1843) Justice of the Peace , vol.7 , Issue.11 , pp. 128-130
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    • Dictionary of National Biography
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    • John Walter Huddleston was an active barrister on the Oxford Circuit who often handled Roberts's briefs from Staffordshire. In 1875 he became a judge in Common Pleas and in the same year was transferred to the Exchequer. See Dictionary of National Biography; Justice of the Peace, 15, no. 1 (4 January 1851), pp. 9-10
    • (1851) Justice of the Peace , vol.15 , Issue.1 , pp. 9-10
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    • County of Staffordshire
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    • (1850) Orders of Sessions , vol.37
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    • Cases of Distress and Oppression in the Staffordshire Potteries
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    • According to a correspondent of the Morning Chronicle writing from Staffordshire between 1849 and 1851, "Not a few magistrates themselves are notorious truck store keepers." Cases of Distress and Oppression in the Staffordshire Potteries; By Labourers Wages Being Paid in Truck (Burslem, 1830), pp. 4-12
    • (1830) Labourers Wages Being Paid in Truck , pp. 4-12
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    • Dread of the Crown Office: The Magistracy and the King's Bench, 1740-1800
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    • D. Hay, "Dread of the Crown Office: The Magistracy and the King's Bench, 1740-1800," in Law, Crime, and English Society, 1660-1840, ed. N. Landau (Cambridge, 2003), pp. 26-30
    • (2003) Law, Crime, and English Society, 1660-1840 , pp. 26-30
    • Hay, D.1
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    • (23 November), 14, no. 48 (30 November 1850), pp. 738-39
    • In another 1850 criminal information against a magistrate, Judge Campbell asserted that the Queen's Bench would send a criminal information before a special jury at the assizes "if he [the magistrate] gives way to passion in doing anything connected with the administration of justice or if he is guilty of any impropriety of demeanor, so as to affect the due discharge of his duties." It would appear that the affidavits of Greaves and Daniels met this standard. Justice of the Peace 14, no. 47 (23 November 1850), p. 47, 14, no. 48 (30 November 1850), pp. 738-39
    • (1850) Justice of the Peace , vol.14 , Issue.47 , pp. 47
    • Campbell, J.1
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    • (12 June 1866), pp.101-5 (19 June 1866)
    • For Roberts's testimony, see pp. 70-81 (12 June 1866), pp.101-5 (19 June 1866)
    • Roberts's testimony , pp. 70-81


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