The decline of citizen participation in electoral politics in post-authoritarian Chile

Democratization

Volumn 13, Issue 4, 2006, Pages 632-651

  Carlin, Ryan E ^a  

^a NONE

Author keywords

Chile; Electoral behaviour; Political culture; Quality of democracy; Voting laws

Indexed keywords

AUTHORITARIANISM; DEMOCRACY; DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION; ELECTORAL GEOGRAPHY; POLITICAL PARTICIPATION; VOTING BEHAVIOR;

CHILE; LATIN AMERICA; SOUTH AMERICA;

EID: 33746288378     PISSN: 13510347     EISSN: 1743890X     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/13510340600791921     Document Type: Article

References (122)

1. Since ultimately this article analyses vote intention, it uses 'valid vote' to refer to any vote that is cast intended to count in favour of a particular candidate and 'blank/null votes' as any ballot cast that is not intended to count in favour of a candidate. I am not insinuating in any way that an intentionally cast spoiled or blank vote is normatively less valid than a vote for a candidate.
2. Alfredo Riquelme Segovia, 'Quiénes y por qué 'no están ni ahí? Marginación y/o automarginación en la democracia transicional. Chile. 1998-1997', in Paul Drake and Iván Jaksic (eds), El Modelo Chileno: democracia y desarrollo en los noventa (Santiago: LOM, 1999), pp.261-79.
3. Mark M. Payne, Daniel Zovatto G., Fernando Carrillo Florez and Andrés Allamand Zavala, La Política Importa: Democracia y Desarrollo en América Latina (Washington, DC: Inter-American Development Bank and International Institute for Electoral Assistance, 2003).
4. Patricio Navia, 'Participación electoral en Chile, 1988-2001', Revista de Ciencia Política, Vol. 24, No. 1 (2004), pp.81-103.
5. Latinobarómetro, 'Informe-Resumen: Latinobarómetro 2004 Una Década de Mediciones', Latinobarómetro, 2004, .
6. Voters may register in their districts during the first seven work days of each month, from 9 a.m. to 1 p.m., no later than 120 days before the election.
7. Claudio Fuentes and Andrés Villar, 'Sistema de Inscripción y Calidad de Democracia', in Claudio Fuentes and Andrés Villar (eds), Voto ciudadano: Debate sobre la inscripción electoral (Santiago: FLACSO, 2005), pp.17-44.
8. Samuel Valenzuela, '¿El voto voluntario fortalece o debilita la democracia?', Informe 399, Asuntos Públicos, 2004, Navia (note 4).
9. Mitchell A. Seligson and John A. Booth (eds), Elections and Democracy in Central America, Revisited (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1995)
10. Aníbal Pérez-Liñán, 'Neoinstitutional Accounts of Voter Turnout: Moving Beyond Industrial Democracies', Electoral Studies, Vol. 20, No. 2 (2001), pp.281-97
11. Mitchell A. Seligson, 'Trouble in Paradise?', Latin America Research Review, Vol. 37, No. 1 (2002), pp.160-86
12. Darío Canton and Jorge Raúl Jorrat, 'Abstention in Argentine Presidential Elections, 1983-1999', Latin America Research Review, Vol. 38, No. 1 (2003), pp.187-201
13. Karen L. Remmer and François Gélineau, 'Subnational Electoral Choice: Economic and Referendum Voting in Argentina, 1983-1999', Comparative Political Studies, Vol. 36, No. 7 (2003), pp.801-21
14. José E. Molina V. and Carmen Pérez B., 'Radical Change at the Ballot Box: Causes and Consequences of Electoral Behavior in Venezuela's 2000 Elections', Latin American Politics and Society, Vol. 46, No. 1 (2004), pp.103-34
15. Carolina A. Fornos, Timothy J. Power and James C. Grand, 'Explaining Voter Turnout in Latin America, 1980 to 2000', Comparative Political Studies, Vol. 37, No. 8 (2004), pp.909-40.
16. Gabriel A. Almond and Sidney Verba, The Civic Culture: Political Attitudes and Democracy in Five Nations (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1963).
17. Mark M. Payne, Daniel Zovatto G., Fernando Carrillo Florez and Andrés Allamand Zavala, La Política Importa: Democracia y Desarrollo en América Latina (Washington, DC: Inter-American Development Bank and International Institute for Electoral Assistance, 2003). Payne M.M. Zovatto D.G. Carrillo Florez F. Allamand Zavala A.
18. Sidney Verba and Norman H. Nie, Participation in America: Political Democracy and Social Equality (New York: Harper & Row, 1972)
19. Sidney Verba, Kay Lehman Schlozman and Henry E. Brady, Voice and Equality: Civic Voluntarism in American Politics (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1995)
20. Arend Lijphart, 'Unequal Participation: Democracy's Unresolved Dilemma', American Political Science Review, Vol. 91, No. 1 (1997), pp.1-14.
21. V.O. Key, Southern Politics in State and Nation (New York: Vintage Books, 1949), p.527 cited in (note 11), p.4.
22. Frances Hagopian, 'Economic Liberalization, Party Competition, and Elite Partisan Cleavages: Brazil in Comparative (Latin American) Perspective', Paper prepared for the Workshop on the Analysis of Political Cleavages and Party Competition, Duke University, Department of Political Science, 2-3 April 2004.
23. I analyse data from 1999 since the hypothesis tests below are on data from this electoral year. Carla Lehmann analyses a different set of political issues after the 1997 parliamentary elections, in 'La voz de los que no votaron', Puntos de Referencia Número 197 (Santiago: CEP, 1998). But given the recent attention to the generation of new political cleavages and the fading of old ones (see ibid and Juan Pablo Luna, Programmatic and Non-Programmatic Party-Voter Linkages in Two Institutionalized Party Systems: Chile and Uruguay in Comparative Perspective. Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Political Science, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2005), these issues are at least as relevant to the study how elections affect emocratic quality in Chile, if not more so.
24. Mark M. Payne, Daniel Zovatto G., Fernando Carrillo Florez and Andrés Allamand Zavala, La Política Importa: Democracia y Desarrollo en América Latina (Washington, DC: Inter-American Development Bank and International Institute for Electoral Assistance, 2003).
25. Guillermo A. O'Donnell, 'Horizontal Accountability in New Democracies', in Andreas Schedler, Larry Diamond and Marc F. Plattner (eds), The Self-Restraining State: Power and Accountability in New Democracies (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1999), pp.29-52.
26. United Nations Development Programme, La Democracia en América Latina: Hacia una Democracia de Ciudadanas y Ciudadanos (Buenos Aires: Aguilar, Altea, Taurus, Alfaguara, SA, 2004).
27. Lijphart (note 11)
28. Carlos Huneeus, 'Malestar y Desencanto en Chile: Legados del autoritarismo y costos de la transición' Papeles de Trabajo Número 63 (Santiago: Corporación Tiempo 2000, 1998); Payne et al. (note 3).
29. Centro de Estudios Públicos (CEP), 'Estudio Nacional de Opinión Pública No 14, Tema Especial: Elecciones Parlamentarias 2001, Participación y Ciudadanía' Documento de Trabajo Número 329 (Santiago: CEP, 2002), p.11.
30. Timothy R. Scully, Rethinking the Center: Cleavages, Critical Junctures, and Party Evolution in Chile (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1992).
31. Javier Martínez and Lilián Mires, 'Elecciones: La política en cifras', Proposiciones, Vol. 16 (1998), pp.95-116.
32. Eduardo Cruz-Coke, Historia electoral de Chile (Santiago: Editorial Jurídica de Chile, 1984); Patricio Meller, Un siglo de economía política en Chilena. 1980-1990 (Santiago: Andrés Bello, 1996).
33. Navia (note 4); Eduardo Cruz-Coke, Historia electoral de Chile (Santiago: Editorial Jurídica de Chile, 1984)
34. Patricio Meller, Un siglo de economía política en Chilena. 1980-1990 (Santiago: Andrés Bello, 1996).
35. Navia (note 4).
36. Payne et al. (note 3).
37. Fundación Futuro, 'Estudio de Opinión Pública. Los Jóvenes y la Política ¿Que' Pasa Ahí?', Fundación Futuro, 2004, .
38. Kenneth M. Roberts, 'Social Correlates of Party System Demise and Populist Resurgence in Venezuela', Latin American Politics and Society, Vol. 45, No. 3 (2003), pp.35-57.
39. Huneeus (note 19).
40. Mark M. Payne, Daniel Zovatto G., Fernando Carrillo Florez and Andrés Allamand Zavala, La Política Importa: Democracia y Desarrollo en América Latina (Washington, DC: Inter-American Development Bank and International Institute for Electoral Assistance, 2003).
41. Eugenio Tironi, El régimen autoritario: Para una sociología de Pinochet (Santiago: Dolmen Ediciones, 1998).
42. Centro de Estudios de la Realidad Contemporánea (CERC), 'Informe de Prensa: Encuesta Nacional, Julio 2004' (Santiago: CERC, 2004).
43. Centro de Estudios Públicos, 'Encuesta Social y de Opinión Pública', Documento de Trabajo Número 265 (Santiago: CEP, 1996), p.1; idem, 'Encuesta Social y de Opinión Pública, Tema Especial: Elecciones 1999', Documento de Trabajo Número 300 (Santiago: CEP, 1999), p.3.
44. idem, 'Encuesta Social y de Opinión Pública, Tema Especial: Elecciones 1999', Documento de Trabajo Número 300 (Santiago: CEP, 1999), p.3.
45. United Nations Development Programme, Desarrollo Humano en Chile: Más Sociedad para Gobernar el Futuro (Santiago: United Nations Development Programme, 2000).
46. Centro de Estudios Públicos, 'Encuesta Social y de Opinión Pública, Tema Especial: Elecciones 1999', p.3.
47. Ibid, p.3; Centro de Estudios Públicos, 'Estudio Nacional de Opinión Pública No 14, Tema Especial: Elecciones Parlamentarias 2001', p.3.
48. Centro de Estudios Públicos, 'Estudio Nacional de Opinión Pública No 14, Tema Especial: Elecciones Parlamentarias 2001', p.3.
49. Lehmann (note 14).
50. (see ibid and Juan Pablo Luna, Programmatic and Non-Programmatic Party-Voter Linkages in Two Institutionalized Party Systems: Chile and Uruguay in Comparative Perspective. Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Political Science, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2005), these issues are at least as relevant to the study how elections affect democratic quality in Chile, if not more so.
51. Manuel Antonio Garretón, 'Balance y perspectivas de la democratización política chilena', in Amparo Menéndez-Carrión and Alfredo Joignant (eds), La Caja de Pandora: El Retorno de la Transición Chilena (Santiago: Planeta/ Ariel, 1999), pp.49-88.
52. Navia (note 4).
53. Ian McAllister and Toni Makkai, 'Institutions, Society, or Protest? Explaining Invalid Votes in Australian Elections', Electoral Studies, Vol. 12, No. 1 (1993), pp.23-40.
54. Seligson (note 8). Voting is mandatory in Costa Rica, but there are no fines for abstention.
55. Riquelme Segovia (note 2); Navia (note 4).
56. Centro de Estudios Públicos, 'Estudio Nacional de Opinión Pública No 14, Tema Especial: Elecciones Parlamentarias 2001', p.9.
57. Ibid.
58. Sebastián Madrid, '¿Políticos de ayer, apáticos de hoy? Generaciones, juventud y política en Chilé, in Claudio Fuentes and Andre's Villar (eds), Voto ciudadano: Debate sobre la inscripción electoral (Santiago: FLACSO-Chile, 2005), pp.45-83; Alfredo Joignant R., 'La democracia da la indiferencia. Despolitización, desencanto y malestar en el gobierno de Eduardo Frei Ruiz-Tagle', in O' scar Muñoz and Carolina Stefoni (eds), El Período del Presidente Frei Ruiz-Tagle (Santiago: FLACSO-Chile and Editorial Universitaria, 2003), pp.83-106; Lehmann (note 14).
59. Alfredo Joignant R., 'La democracia da la indiferencia. Despolitización, desencanto y malestar en el gobierno de Eduardo Frei Ruiz-Tagle', in Óscar Muñoz and Carolina Stefoni (eds), El Período del Presidente Frei Ruiz-Tagle (Santiago: FLACSO-Chile and Editorial Universitaria, 2003), pp.83-106; Lehmann (note 14).
60. Joignant (note 43), p.90.
61. Patricio Silva, 'Doing Politics in a Depoliticised Society: Social Change and Political Deactivation in Chile', Bulletin of Latin American Research, Vol. 23, No. 1 (2004), pp.63-78.
62. Joignant (note 43).
63. Paul W. Posner, 'Popular Representation and Political Dissatisfaction in Chile's New Democracy', Journal of Interamerican and World Affairs, Vol. 41, No. 1 (1999), pp.59-85.
64. Luna (note 14).
65. Joignant (note 43).
66. Madrid (note 43).
67. Sergio Micco and Francisca Ortega, 'Análisis de una mala noticia: los jóvenes no se han inscrito en los registros electorales', Documento Programa de Asistencia Legislativa (1998); Riquelme Segovia (note 2); Dimas Santibáñez, Reinhard Friedmann, Daniela Moreno and Dafne Englander, ¿Debieron Haberse Inscrito los Jóvenes en los Registros Electorales? Cuadernos del Segundo Centenario Número 7 (Santiago: Centro de Estudios para el Desarrollo, 2000); Cristián Parker, Los Jóvenes Chilenos: Cambios Culturales; Perspectivas para el Siglo XXI (Santiago: MIDEPLAN, Gobierno de Chile, 2000).
68. Alfredo Riquelme Segovia, 'Quiénes y por qué 'no están ni ahí? Marginación y/o automarginación en la democracia transicional. Chile. 1998-1997', in Paul Drake and Iván Jaksic (eds), El Modelo Chileno: democracia y desarrollo en los noventa (Santiago: LOM, 1999), pp.261-79.
69. Parker (note 51), p.143.
70. Instituto Nacional de la Juventud, Tercera Encuesta Nacional de la Juventud: Situación y Condición de los Jóvenes Chilenos a Comienzos del Nuevo Siglo, (Santiago: Gobierno de Chile, 2000), pp.84-5.
71. Angus Campbell, Philip E. Converse, Warren E. Miller and Donald E. Stokes, The American Voter (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1960)
72. Russell J. Dalton and Martin Wattenberg, 'The Not So Simple Act of Voting', in Ada W. Finifter (ed.), The State of the Discipline, 2nd edn (Washington, DC: American Political Science Association, 1993), pp.193-218.
73. Russell J. Dalton and Martin Wattenberg, 'The Not So Simple Act of Voting', in Ada W. Finifter (ed.), The State of the Discipline, 2nd edn (Washington, DC: American Political Science Association, 1993), pp.193-218.
74. Wolfgang Hirczy, 'The Impact of Mandatory Voting Laws on Turnout: A Quasi-Experimental Approach', Electoral Studies, Vol. 13, No. 1 (1994), pp.64-76.
75. Timothy J. Power and J. Timmons Roberts, 'Compulsory Voting, Invalid Ballots, and Abstention in Brazil', Political Research Quarterly, Vol. 48, No. 4 (1995), pp.795-826.
76. Parker (note 51)
77. Pedro Güell, Soledad Godoy M., Norbert Lechner B., Rodrigo Márquez A., Jorge Morales J. and Cristóbal Rovira K., 'Transformaciones culturales e identidad juvenil en Chile', Temas de Desarrollo Sustentable Número 9 (Santiago: UNDP-Chile, 2003).
78. Pedro Güell, Soledad Godoy M., Norbert Lechner B., Rodrigo Márquez A., Jorge Morales J. and Cristóbal Rovira K., 'Transformaciones culturales e identidad juvenil en Chile', Temas de Desarrollo Sustentable Número 9 (Santiago: UNDP-Chile, 2003).
79. Madrid (note 43), p.90.
80. Ronald Inglehart, Culture Shift in Advanced Industrial Society (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990); R. Inglehart, Modernization and Post-modernization: Cultural, Economic, and Political Change in 43 Societies (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997).
81. Parker (note 51); Güell et al. (note 57).
82. Pedro Güell, Soledad Godoy M., Norbert Lechner B., Rodrigo Márquez A., Jorge Morales J. and Cristóbal Rovira K., 'Transformaciones culturales e identidad juvenil en Chile', Temas de Desarrollo Sustentable Nu'mero 9 (Santiago: UNDP-Chile, 2003).
83. Parker (note 51).
84. Güell et al. (note 57), pp.7-9.
85. Silva (note 45).
86. United Nations Development Programme, Desarrollo Humano en Chile.
87. Sami Borg, 'Electoral Participation', in Jan W. van Deth and Elinor Scarbrough (eds), The Impact of Values (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995), pp.441-60.
88. Seventeen remote communities were not sampled, including Easter Island, Juan Fernández Island, and in Antarctica. Intended sample size was 2,200 cases, of which 2,148 (97.6 per cent) were successfully collected between May and July of 1999. Although the survey was undertaken five to seven months prior to the 1999 election, intended electoral behaviour in the dataset matches the actual electoral behaviour the election fairly well. The sample under-predicts abstention and non-registration in the population, probably due in part to the combination of temporal distance (Chileans can register to vote until 120 days away from the election) and the inclusion of the 'undecided' response choice. Given andatory voting laws, intentional, not circumstantial, non-compliant 'abstention' may suffer from social desirability effects when surveyed.
89. While some might advocate using post-electoral CEP data, such as Estudio Nacional de Opinión Pública Número 35 Diciembre1997-Enero 1998, Tema Especial: Situación post elecciones parlamentarias and/or Estudio Nacional de Opinión Pública Número 42, Tema Especial: Elecciones Parlamentarias 2001, y ciudadanía, unfortunately these surveys do not have the appropriate indicators of political support.
90. Payne et al. (note 3).
91. It should be noted that the reported model does not pass Small-Hsiao tests of the IIA assumption.
92. J. Dow and J. Endersby argue in 'Multinomial Probit and Multinomial Logit: A Comparison of Choice Models for Voting Research', Electoral Studies, Vol. 23, No. 1 (2004), pp.107-22, that for most voting studies the IIA property is 'rarely relevant' (p.120) and is 'most appropriate in candidate-centred elections - especially those where candidates enjoy ease of entry and exit and are seen as close substitutes and one seeks to estimate the consequences of hypothetical changes in choice sets' (p.113). Furthermore, they favour multinomial logit over multinomial probit, an estimation procedure that relaxes the IIA assumption, because the probit model can have estimation problems and tends to be weakly identified, a property that can hinder our ability to make sound inferences. Therefore, I choose to estimate the model with multinomial logit rather than multinomial probit.
93. David Easton, 'A Reassessment of the Concept of Political Support', British Journal of Political Science, Vol. 5, No. 4 (1975), p.436.
94. David Easton, 'A Reassessment of the Concept of Political Support', British Journal of Political Science, Vol. 5, No. 4 (1975), p.436.
95. Ibid; D. Easton, A Systems Analysis of Political Life (New York: Wiley, 1965)
96. Pippa Norris, 'The Growth of Critical Citizens', in Pippa Norris (ed.), Critical Citizens: Global Support for Democratic Government (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), pp.1-27
97. Hans-Dieter Klingemann, 'Mapping Political Support in the 1990s: A Global Analysis', in Pippa Norris (ed.), Critical Citizens: Global Support for Democratic Government (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), pp.31-56. pp.31-56.
98. Norris (note 71).
99. Pippa Norris, 'The Growth of Critical Citizens', in Pippa Norris (ed.), Critical Citizens: Global Support for Democratic Government (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), pp.1-27
100. Hans-Dieter Klingemann, 'Mapping Political Support in the 1990s: A Global Analysis', in Pippa Norris (ed.), Critical Citizens: Global Support for Democratic Government (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), pp.31-56.
101. Principal components analysis reveals that these two variables comprise a single dimension: 64 percent of the total variance is explained by this component.
102. Principal components analysis suggests these measures form a single factor which accounts for 67 percent of the total variance. The scale exhibits high inter-item reliability (α 0.75). The models were run with this additive index and an index weighted by the factor scores. Since the estimates were virtually equal, for simplicity's sake I report the estimates of the additive index.
103. Coded 1 if the respondent answers 'yes' and 0 if the respondent answers 'no'.
104. Madrid (note 43).
105. Alfredo Joignant R., 'La democracia da la indiferencia. Despolitización, desencanto y malestar en el gobierno de Eduardo Frei Ruiz-Tagle', in Óscar Muñoz and Carolina Stefoni (eds), El Período del Presidente Frei Ruiz-Tagle (Santiago: FLACSO-Chile and Editorial Universitaria, 2003), pp.83-106; Lehmann (note 14).
106. Gerardo L. Munck, 'Democratic Stability and Its Limits: An Analysis of Chile's 1993 Elections', Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs, Vol. 36, No. 2 (1994), pp.1-38.
107. J. Scott Long, Regression Models for Categorical and Limited Dependent Variables. Advanced Quantitative Techniques in the Social Sciences Number 7 (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, 1997).
108. Huneeus (note 19); Tironi (note 29).
109. Payne et al. (note 3).
110. Comparative Study of Electoral Systems (CSES) and Consultora MORI Chile, 'Informe: Radiografía del Electorado Chileno, Encuesta CSES-MORI' (Santiago: CSES-MORI, 2004).
111. Ibid., p.7.
112. Ibid.
113. Seligson (note 8).
114. Aníbal Pérez-Liñán, 'Neoinstitutional Accounts of Voter Turnout: Moving Beyond Industrial Democracies', Electoral Studies, Vol. 20, No. 2 (2001), pp.281-97
115. Mitchell A. Seligson, 'Trouble in Paradise?', Latin America Research Review, Vol. 37, No. 1 (2002), pp.160-86
116. Darío Canton and Jorge Raúl Jorrat, Ábstention in Argentine Presidential Elections, 1983-1999', Latin America Research Review, Vol. 38, No. 1 (2003), pp.187-201
117. Karen L. Remmer and François Gélineau, 'Subnational Electoral Choice: Economic and Referendum Voting in Argentina, 1983-1999', Comparative Political Studies, Vol. 36, No. 7 (2003), pp.801-21
118. José E. Molina V. and Carmen Pérez B., 'Radical Change at the Ballot Box: Causes and Consequences of Electoral Behavior in Venezuelás 2000 Elections', Latin American Politics and Society, Vol. 46, No. 1 (2004), pp.103-34
119. Carolina A. Fornos, Timothy J. Power and James C. Grand, 'Explaining Voter Turnout in Latin America, 1980 to 2000', Comparative Political Studies, Vol. 37, No. 8 (2004), pp.909-4
120. Damarys Canache, Venezuela: Public Opinion and Protest in a Fragile Democracy (Coral Gables, FL: North-South Center Press, 2002).
121. Juan Carlos Torre, 'Los huérfanos de la política de partidos. Sobre los alcances y la naturaleza de la crisis de representación partidaria', Desarrollo Económico, Vol. 42, No. 168 (2003), pp.647-66.
122. The fact that more than 25 percent of the potential electorate is not registered to vote creates major uncertainties among parties about what potential reforms will mean for their electoral viability. Thus President Ricardo Lagos's proposal, delivered in his yearly 21 May presidential address in 2004, to make voter registration automatic at age 18 and to amend the constitution in order to make voting voluntary, generated heated debate within and among the parties of the Concertación and Alianza. This included strong dissent from key coalition members, the Christian Democrats led by Adolfo Zaldivar. Within that party the Christian Democrat Youth were so outraged by Zaldivar's position that they called a dialogue with party leaders and representatives to express their support for automatic registration. Meanwhile the president of the Socialist Party, Carlos Ominami, called for automatic registration and obligatory voting while other sectors of the party supported Lagos. The opposition was also divided on the issue, with Renovación Nacional siding with Lagos and Unión Demócrata Independiente against him. Just over a month after declaring his intentions, Lagos decided only to include automatic registration in his initiative and to shelve the constitutional reform project that would make voting voluntary. In the end, even this reduced automatic registration initiative foundered. A more academic exposition of the pros and cons of these proposals can be found in the chapters of Claudio Fuentes and Andre's Villar (eds), Voto ciudadano: Debate sobre la inscripción electoral (Santiago: FLACSO-Chile, 2005).