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Volumn 15, Issue 47, 2006, Pages 329-348

China's fate as a multinational state: A preliminary assessment

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

COMMUNISM; ETHNIC MINORITY; NATIONAL POLITICS;

EID: 33745114729     PISSN: 10670564     EISSN: 14699400     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/10670560500535043     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (23)

References (88)
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    • The Chinese government has officially recognized 56 nationalities in China including the majority Han group and 55 minority groups. See, The Information Office of the State Council, (Beijing: The Information Office of the State Council, The People's Republic of China)
    • The Chinese government has officially recognized 56 nationalities in China including the majority Han group and 55 minority groups. See, The Information Office of the State Council, White Paper: National Minorities Policy and its Practice in China (Beijing: The Information Office of the State Council, The People's Republic of China, 1999).
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    • concludes that five reasons constitute the importance of ethnic minorities for China: strategic, potential immigrant, natural resources, propaganda and tourism
    • Dreyer (China's Political System, pp. 288-289) concludes that five reasons constitute the importance of ethnic minorities for China: strategic, potential immigrant, natural resources, propaganda and tourism.
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    • In Lenin's view, if 95% of the population belong to one nationality, this country is a uni-national state; if 90-95% of the population belong to one nationality, this country is a primarily uni-national state; if more than 30% of the population belong to the different nationalities, this country is a complex multinational state. According to this characterization, China can still be seen as a relatively homogenous state. See, (Beijing: minzu chubanshe)
    • In Lenin's view, if 95% of the population belong to one nationality, this country is a uni-national state; if 90-95% of the population belong to one nationality, this country is a primarily uni-national state; if more than 30% of the population belong to the different nationalities, this country is a complex multinational state. According to this characterization, China can still be seen as a relatively homogenous state. See, Pan Zhiping, Minzu zijue hai shi minzu fenlie - minzu yu dangdai minzu fenlizhuyi [National Self-determination or National Separation - Nationality and Contemporary National Separatism] (Beijing: minzu chubanshe, 1999), p. 27.
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    • In fact, in today's world, most states are multinational states, see Alan C. Cairans et al., eds, (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press)
    • In fact, in today's world, most states are multinational states, see Walker Connor, 'National self-determination and tomorrow's political map', in Alan C. Cairans et al., eds, Citizenship, Diversity and Pluralism (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1999), pp. 163-176.
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    • According to the 1990 census, ethnic minorities in China reached 91.3 million which accounted for 8% of the total population in China. More recent statistics show that the number is more than 100 million and the survey also shows that up to 1995, the administrated area under China's minority self-government where minorities are concentrated is 64.3% of China's overall territory: see
    • According to the 1990 census, ethnic minorities in China reached 91.3 million which accounted for 8% of the total population in China. More recent statistics show that the number is more than 100 million and the survey also shows that up to 1995, the administrated area under China's minority self-government where minorities are concentrated is 64.3% of China's overall territory: See Li Jianhui, 'Zhongguo minzu quyu zizhi zhidu de jianli' ['The construction of China's minority nationality regional self-government'], Dangdai zhongguoshi yanjiu [Modern China History Studies] no. 1, (1995), pp. 23-31.
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    • Re. the ethnic minority population situation, see Wang Hongman, 'Shaoshu minzu renkou zhengce jiqi shijian' ['Ethnic minority population policy and practice'], Renkou xuekan [Journal of Population Studies] no. 4, (1999), pp. 23-29.
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    • Of course, the dramatic increase of ethnic minority population is also partially the result of re-registration of many formerly registered as Han but who switched their registration based on the fact that one of their parents might be ethnic minorities. We will discuss this further in the next section
    • Of course, the dramatic increase of ethnic minority population is also partially the result of re-registration of many formerly registered as Han but who switched their registration based on the fact that one of their parents might be ethnic minorities. We will discuss this further in the next section.
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    • That is based on the theory constructed by one of China's most well known sociologists Fei Xiaotong. In his opinion, China has a unique tradition based on the shared history of all ethnic groups living in China. See, (Beijing: zhongyang minzu xueyuan chubanshe)
    • That is based on the theory constructed by one of China's most well known sociologists Fei Xiaotong. In his opinion, China has a unique tradition based on the shared history of all ethnic groups living in China. See, Fei Xiaotong et al., Zhongguo minzu duoyuan yiti geju [The Structure of the Centralized Multinational State of China] (Beijing: zhongyang minzu xueyuan chubanshe, 1989), pp. 1-36.
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    • According to Kaup 'The Zhuang case provides one of the clearest examples of the state imposing its own classification system on a people who previously did not perceive of themselves as a bounded group. In no other situation is a government's active attempt to impose a minority nationality status on a group more pronounced'. See (Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers)
    • According to Kaup, 'The Zhuang case provides one of the clearest examples of the state imposing its own classification system on a people who previously did not perceive of themselves as a bounded group. In no other situation is a government's active attempt to impose a minority nationality status on a group more pronounced'. See Katherine Palmer Kaup, Creating the Zhuang: Ethnic Politics in China (Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2000), p. 20.
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    • According to the 1990 census, China has 4.59 million Tibetans and 99.6% of them lived in Tibet (2.09 million), Sichuan (1.08 million), Qinghai (0.91 millioin), Gansu (0.36 million) and Yunnan (0.11 million). He Jingxi, 'Woguo zangzu renkou de biandong' ['Change of Tibetan population distribution'], Zhongguo shehui kexue [Chinese Social Science] no. 4, (1995), pp. 105-106.
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    • see Bachman, 'Making Xinjiang safe for the Han?'.
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    • For example, see the US Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues, Julia Taft's statement to the House International Relations Committee: 'Since Tibet is not a sovereign state, we do not conduct diplomatic relations with the representatives of Tibet's Government-in-exile. We do, however, maintain contact with a wide variety of representatives inside and outside China with views of Tibet. We also meet with the Dalai Lama in his capacity as a world religious leader and Nobel Prize recipient' (11 March) Available at
    • For example, see the US Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues, Julia Taft's statement to the House International Relations Committee: 'Since Tibet is not a sovereign state, we do not conduct diplomatic relations with the representatives of Tibet's Government-in-exile. We do, however, maintain contact with a wide variety of representatives inside and outside China with views of Tibet. We also meet with the Dalai Lama in his capacity as a world religious leader and Nobel Prize recipient' (11 March 2003). Available at: http://usinfo.state.gov/regional/ea/uschina/ taft311.htm.
    • (2003)
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    • '10 questions for the Dalai Lama'
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    • Alex Perry, '10 questions for the Dalai Lama', Time, (17 October 2004).
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    • Richard Falk, 'Self-determination under international law: The coherence of doctrine versus the incoherence of experience', in Wolfgang Danspeckrruber, ed., The Self-Determination of Peoples (Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2002), p. 31.
    • (2002) The Self-Determination of Peoples , pp. 31
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    • For example, according to General Assembly Resolution 1514 (XV) and 2625 (XXV), 'authorizing or encouraging any action which would dismember or impair, totally or in part, the territorial integrity or political unity of sovereign and independent states' should not be construed (given that the government in question is not racist and non-representative). See Charlotte Ku and Paul F. Diehl, eds, 2nd edn (Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers)
    • For example, according to General Assembly Resolution 1514 (XV) and 2625 (XXV), 'authorizing or encouraging any action which would dismember or impair, totally or in part, the territorial integrity or political unity of sovereign and independent states' should not be construed (given that the government in question is not racist and non-representative). See Patrick Thornberry, 'Self-determination, minorities, human rights: A review of international instruments', in Charlotte Ku and Paul F. Diehl, eds, International Law - Classic and Contemporary Readings, 2nd edn (Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2003), pp. 140-141.
    • (2003) International Law - Classic and Contemporary Readings , pp. 140-141
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    • (New York: Routledge)
    • Richard Falk, Human Rights Horizons (New York: Routledge, 2000), p. 99.
    • (2000) Human Rights Horizons , pp. 99
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    • 'The ethics of intervention in self-determination struggles'
    • Tom Farer, 'The ethics of intervention in self-determination struggles', Human Rights Quarterly no. 25, (2003), p. 404.
    • (2003) Human Rights Quarterly , Issue.25 , pp. 404
    • Farer, T.1
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    • 'Secession, state breakdown, and humanitarian intervention'
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    • Allen Buchanan, 'Secession, state breakdown, and humanitarian intervention', in Dean K. Chatterjee and Don E. Scheid, eds, Ethics and Foreign Intervention (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), pp. 197-198.
    • (2003) Ethics and Foreign Intervention , pp. 197-198
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    • 'The ethics of intervention in self-determination struggles'
    • Farer, 'The ethics of intervention in self-determination struggles', p. 404.
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    • Ibid.
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    • For example, the Chinese Communist Party leader in Xinjiang, Wang Lequan, claimed that one of the most important missions for the Xinjiang government is to fight minzu fenlie shili (nationalist separatist forces). Available at: (accessed 25 October)
    • For example, the Chinese Communist Party leader in Xinjiang, Wang Lequan, claimed that one of the most important missions for the Xinjiang government is to fight minzu fenlie shili (nationalist separatist forces). Available at: http://news.sina.com.cn (accessed 25 October 2002).
    • (2002)
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    • This is another intriguing question which we will discuss further in a separate paper
    • This is another intriguing question which we will discuss further in a separate paper.


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