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Volumn 27, Issue 4, 2006, Pages 665-674

The pluralistic momentum in Iran and the future of the reform movement

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

POLITICAL PROCESS; POLITICAL REFORM; POLITICS;

EID: 33744927925     PISSN: 01436597     EISSN: 13602241     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/01436590600720868     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (23)

References (54)
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    • The results of the first round of votes were announced on 18 June 2005. Rafsanjani won with 21% of the votes, hence failing to secure an absolute majority (above 50%) which, according to the electoral law in Iran, would have sufficed to form the government. Moin came in fourth, securing only 14% of the vote.
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    • The campaign themes of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad - social equality, cracking down on elite corruption, redistributing Iran's oil and gas income and returning to the spiritual ideals of the Islamic revolution - were especially effective in the urban, working-class districts of Iran's major cities. He did not primarily market himself on the radio and television like the other candidates (reformers and conservatives alike). Rather than solely relying on official media outlets, he used recorded messages which were transmitted to the streets of Tehran and other major cities through loudspeakers.
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    • Ahmadinejad secured a landslide victory, winning 62% of the vote, with Rafsanjani taking only 36%. For a balanced analysis of Ahmadinejad's election victory, see 3 August at accessed 1 December 2005
    • Ahmadinejad secured a landslide victory, winning 62% of the vote, with Rafsanjani taking only 36%. For a balanced analysis of Ahmadinejad's election victory, see Kamal Nazer Yasin, 'Iran: New direction?,' Middle East International, 3 August 2005, at http://meionline.com/features/390.shtml, accessed 1 December 2005.
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    • It should be added in parenthesis that the authorities also temporarily banned the conservative news website Baztab.com, which belongs to the former Commander of the Revolutionary Guards, Mohsen Rezai, a supporter of Ayatollah Khamenei and close confidant of Iran's intelligence community.
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    • 'According to the republican view', Jürgen Habermas argues, 'the political opinion- and will-formation occurring in the public sphere and in parliament obeys not the structures of market processes but the obstinate structures of a public communication oriented to mutual understanding ... This dialog conception imagines politics as contestation over questions of value and not simply questions of preference.' Jürgen Habermas, 'Three normative models of democracy', in Ronald J Terchek & Thomas C Conte (eds), Theories of Democracy: A Reader, Oxford: Rowman & Littleffield, p 238.
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    • For a discussion of some of the sociological indicators mentioned, see Critique's special issue in collaboration with the University of Tehran
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    • Indeed, with an estimated 100 000 active Iranian blogs, Persian is now (together with French) the second most common 'blogging language' after English. See 9 May 2005
    • Indeed, with an estimated 100 000 active Iranian blogs, Persian is now (together with French) the second most common 'blogging language' after English. See Time, 9 May 2005.
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    • I have discussed the impact of these changes on Iranian foreign policy elsewhere. See Arshin Adib-Moghaddam, 'Islamic utopian romanticism and the foreign policy culture of Iran', Critique: Critical Middle Eastern Studies, 14 (3), 2005, pp 265-292;
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    • It should be noted that the post-revolutionary generation in Iran comprises both reformist groups who have contributed to the election victories of the Khatami presidencies and (neo)conservative forces who have contributed to the election of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. For our line of argument it is important to note that in both instances the electorate voted for the 'outsider', that is for the candidate who was perceived to act in opposition to the establishment.
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    • For Khatami's ideas see his Binghamton NY: State University of New York
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    • 'Continuous regime change from within'
    • See further
    • See further Ansari, 'Continuous regime change from within'
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    • 'The paradoxes of politics in post-revolutionary Iran'
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