Does hypocrisy matter? The case of US foreign policy

Review of International Studies

Volumn 32, Issue 2, 2006, Pages 251-268

  Glaser, Daryl ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 33744741416     PISSN: 02602105     EISSN: 14699044     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0260210506007017     Document Type: Review

References (126)

1. Béla Szabados, 'Hypocrisy', Canadian Journal of Philosophy, 9:2 (1979), pp. 195-210, at 198-200;
2. Béla Szabados arid Eldon Soif er, 'Hypocrisy, Change of Mind, and Weakness of Will: How To Do Moral Philosophy with Examples', Metaphilosophy, 30:1/2 (1999), pp. 60-78, at 66-71;
3. James Spingol, Hypocrisy: Moral Fraud and other Vices (Grand Rapids, MI: Bakor Books, 1999), pp. 37-40.
4. Szabados, 'Hypocrisy', pp. 206-10;
5. Spiegel, Hypocrisy, pp. 44-67.
6. Roger Crisp and Christopher Cowton, 'Hypocrisy and Moral Seriousness', American Philosophical Quarterly, 31:4 (1994), pp. 343-9, at 343-5.
7. John Dumbrell, The Making of US Foreign Policy (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1990);
8. Adam Garfinkle, 'Friendly Tyrants: Historical Reckoning', in Daniel Pipes and Adam Garfinkle (eds.), Friendly Tyrants: An American Dilemma (Basingstoko, UK: Macmillan Press, 1991), pp. 221-51, at 242-6;
9. Michael J. Hogari, 'Partisan Politics and Foreign Policy in the American Century', in Michael J. Hogan (ed.), The Ambiguous Legacy: US Foreign Relations in the 'American Century' (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1999), pp. 356-77;
10. Michael Mastanduno, 'The United States Political System and International Leadership: A "Decidedly Inferior" Form of Government?', in G. John Ikenberry (ed.), American Foreign Policy: Theoretical Essays (New York: Longman, 1999), pp. 279-99;
11. Clyde, Prestowitz, Rogue Nation: American Unilateralism and the Failure of Good Intentions (New York: Basic Books, 2003), pp. 225-6.
12. James E. Dougherty and Robert L. Pfaltzgraff, American Foreign Policy: FDR to Reagan (Cambridge, MA: Harper & Row, 1986);
13. H. W. Brands, 'The Idea of the National Interest', in Hogan (ed.), The Ambiguous Legacy, pp. 120-51.
14. Barry K. Gills, 'American Power, Neo-Liberal Economic Globalization, and Low-Intensity Democracy: An Unstable Trinity', in Michael Cox, G. John Ikenberry and Takashi Inoguchi (eds.), American Democracy Promotion: Impulses, Strategies, and Impacts (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), pp. 326-44, at 327.
15. See, for example, Dougherty arid Pfaltzgraff, American Foreign Policy, p. 3;
16. Durnbrell, The Making of US Foreign Policy, pp. 21-2;
17. Adam Garfinkle, 'Friendly Tyrants', pp. 221-32, 238-40;
18. Honry R. Luce, 'The American Century', in Hogan (ed.), The Ambiguous Legacy, pp. 11-29.
19. Brands, 'The Idea';
20. Joan Hoff, 'The American Century: From Sarajevo to Sarajevo', in Hogan (ed.), The Ambiguous Legacy, pp. 183-231
21. ; Walter LaFebor, 'The Tension Between Democracy and Capitalism during the American Century', in Hogan (ed.), The Ambiguous Legacy, pp. 152-82;
22. Tony Smith, 'Making the World Safe for Democracy in the American Century', in Hogan (ed.), The Ambiguous Legacy, pp. 30-51;
23. Michael Cox, 'Wilsonianism Resurgent: The Clinton Administration and the Promotion of Democracy', in Cox, Ikenberry and Inoguchi (eds.), American Democracy Promotion, pp. 218-39;
24. G. John Ikenberry, 'America's Liberal Grand Strategy: Democracy and National Security in the Post-war Era', in Cox, Ikenberry and Inoguchi (eds.), American Democracy Promotion, pp. 103-26, at 113-20;
25. Chalmers Johnson, Blowback: The Costs and Consequences of American Empire (New York: Metropolitan Books/Henry Holt and Co., 2000);
26. Andrew J. Bacevich, American Empire: The Realities and Consequences of US Diplomacy (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2002).
27. Barry Gills and Joel Rocamora (1992), 'Low Intensity Democracy', Third World Quarterly, 13:3 (1992), pp. 501-23;
28. Barry Gills, Joel Rocamora and Richard Wilson (eds.), Low Intensity Democracy: Political Power in the New World Order (London: Pluto, 1993);
29. William I. Robinson, Promoting Polyarchy: Globalization, US Intervention, and Hegemony (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996);
30. William I. Robinson, 'Promoting Capitalist Polyarchy: The Case of Latin America', in Cox, Ikenberry and Inoguchi (eds.), American Democracy Promotion, pp. 308-25;
31. Gills, 'American Power';
32. Steve Smith, 'US Democracy Promotion: Critical Questions', in Cox, Ikenberry and Inoguchi (eds.), American Democracy Promotion, pp. 63-82.
33. For recent discussions on or by the American realists, see Durnbrell, The Making, pp. 7-24;
34. Garfinkle, 'Friendly Tyrants';
35. Brands, 'The Idea', pp. 120-30;
36. Samuel P. Huntington, 'American Ideals versus American Institutions', in Ikenberry (ed.), American Foreign Policy, pp. 221-54;
37. LaFeber, 'The Tension', pp. 159-60, 177-8;
38. Smith, 'Making the World Safe', pp. 33-4;
39. Michael Doyle, 'Peace, Liberty, and Democracy: Realists arid Liberals Contest a Legacy', in Cox, Ikenberry and Inoguchi (eds.), American Democracy Promotion, pp. 21-40.
40. Some writers argue that democracy promotion was itself an American realist strategy, since democracies abroad enable America to live in a peaceful, trade-friendly environment. See Cox, 'Wilsonianism resurgent';
41. Ikonborry, 'America's Liberal Grand Strategy';
42. Tony Smith, 'National Security Liberalism and American Foreign Policy', in Cox, Ikenberry and Inoguchi (eds.), American Democracy Promotion, pp. 85-102. But even if US strategists thought that some of the time, they must at least often have concluded that realist considerations militated against promoting democracy abroad.
43. Garfinkle, 'Friendly Tyrants', pp. 221-2;
44. Brands, The Idea', pp. 132-4;
45. Prestowitz, Rogue Nation, p. 41.
46. US support for anti-democratic forces is documented in numerous places. Useful general sources include Noam Chomsky, Deterring Democracy (London: Verso, 1991);
47. Pipes and Garfinkle (eds.), Friendly Tyrants;
48. LaFeber, The Tension';
49. Christopher Hitchens, 'The Case against Henry Kissinger, Former Secretary of State, United States', Harper's Magazine, February 2001;
50. Max Boot, The Savage Wars of Peace: Small Wars and the Rise of American Power (New York: Basic Books, 2002);
51. and William Blum, Rogue State: A Guide to the World's Only Superpower (London: Zed Books, 2002).
52. Sources for this paragraph include Adam Garfinkle and Alan Luxenherg, 'The First Friendly Tyrants', in Pipes and Garfinkle (eds.), Friendly Tyrants, pp. 23-40;
53. Barry Rubin, "Too Little, Too Late: American Policy and the Shah of Iran', in Pipes and Garfinkle (eds.), Friendly Tyrants, pp. 131-50;
54. Kitchens, 'The Case':
55. LaFeber, 'The Tension', pp. 170-2:
56. Blum, Rogue State;
57. Duncan Campbell, 'Kissinger Approved Argentinian "Dirty War" ', The Guardian, 5 December 2003;
58. Stephen Kinzer, 'Iran arid Guatemala, 1953-4: Revisiting Cold War Coups and Finding Them Costly, NY-Times.com, 30 November 2003;
59. Stephen Kinzer, All the Shah's Men: An American Coup and the Roots of Middle East Terror (New York: John Wiley, 2003);
60. Prestowitz, Rogue Nation, pp. 184-6.
61. Sources for this paragraph include Mark Falcoff, 'Argentina under the Junta, 1976-1982', in Pipes and Garfinkle (eds.), Friendly Tyrants, pp. 153-76;
62. Georges Fauriol, 'Malign Neglect: US Policy towards Haiti under the Duvaliers', in Pipes and Garfinkle (eds.), Friendly Tyrants, pp. 177-200;
63. Theodore Friend, Timely Daring: The United States and Ferdinand Marcos', in Pipes and Garfinkle (eds.), Friendly Tyrants, pp. 201-19;
64. Adam Garfinkle, 'The Nadir of Greek Democracy', in Pipes and Garfinkle (eds.), Friendly Tyrants (1991a), pp. 63-87;
65. Garfinkle and Luxenberg, 'The First';
66. Richard N. Haass, 'South Africa under Apartheid', in Pipes and Garfinkle (eds.), Friendly Tyrants, pp. 403-20;
67. Paul B. Henze, 'Why Turkey is not a Friendly Tyrant', in Pipes and Garfinkle (eds.), Friendly Tyrants, pp. 91-108;
68. Martin Lasater, 'Taiwan under the Kuomintang: America and the China Puzzle', in Pipes and Garfinkle (eds.), Friendly Tyrants, pp. 353-77;
69. Edward Olsen, 'South Korea under Military Rule: Friendly Tyrant?', in Pipes and Garfinkle (eds.), Friendly Tyrants, pp. 331-51;
70. Riordan Roett, 'Paraguay without Stroossnnr', in Pipes and Garfinkle (eds.), Friendly Tyrants, pp. 286-306;
71. Michael Schatzberg, 'Zaire under Mobutu: Consistencies arid Contradictions of US Policy', in Pipes and Garfinkle (eds.), Friendly Tyrants, pp. 421-47;
72. James Theberge, 'The Collapse of the Somoza Regime', in Pipes and Garfinkle (eds.), Friendly Tyrants, pp. 109-29;
73. LaFeber, 'The Tension', pp. 155-6, 162;
74. Robinson, 'Promoting';
75. Blum, Rogue State;
76. Campbell, 'Kissinger'.
77. Sources for this paragraph include William Shawcross, Sideshow: Kissinger, Nixon, and the Destruction of Cambodia (London: Fontana, 1980);
78. Olsen, 'South Korea';
79. Douglas Pike, 'South Vietnam: Autopsy of a Compound Crisis', in Pipes arid Garfinkle (eds.), Friendly Tyrants, pp. 41-61;
80. Jonathan Marshall, 'Iraq: It's Not Always So Simple', San Francisco Chronicle, 20 October, 2002;
81. Roger Morris, 'A Tyrant 40 Years in the Making', NYTimes.com, 16 March 2003; 〈http://www.neiconi.com/romania/index8.cfm〉.
82. Craig Baxter, 'The United States and Pakistan: the Zia Era and the Afghan Connection', in Pipes and Garfinkle (eds.), Friendly Tyrants, pp. 479-506;
83. Marshall, 'Iraq'.
84. Robert Dahl, How Democratic is the American Constitution? (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2001).
85. For a recent critique of American plutocracy, see Kevin Phillips, Wealth and Democracy: A Political History of the American Rich (New York: Broadway Books, 2002).
86. Robert Gellately and Ben Kiernan, The Study of Mass Murder and Genocide', in Robert Gellately and Ben Kiernan (eds.), The Spectre of Genocide: Mass Murder in Historical Perspective (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2003), pp. 3-6, at 22-4.
87. 'A Stigma that Never Fades', The Economist, 8 August. 2002: 〈http://www.economist.com/world/na/displayStory.cfm?story_id=1270755〉
88. Gary Younge, '30% of Black Men Will Go to Jail', The Guardian, 18 August 2003.
89. Probably more than 200,000 civilians died in the Philippines war from various causes (Twentieth Century Atlas, 〈http://users.erols.com/mwhite28/warstat3.htm#Insurgency〉). Estimates of the numbers killed by Anglo-American bombing in World War II range between 760,000 arid 1.1 million.
90. See the Twentieth Century Atlas (〈http://users.erols.com/mwhite28/warstat1.htm#Russian〉). South Vietnamese and US forens may have been responsible for 475,000 Vietnamese civilian deaths (
91. Gellately and Kiernan, 'The Study', p. 18).
92. These presumably include 20,000-65,000 North Vietnam civilians killed by US bombing. On the latter, see Spencer Tucker, 'Casualties', in Spencer Tucker (ed.), Encyclopedia of the Vietnam War: A Political, Social, and Military History, vol. 1 (Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 1998), pp. 106-7, at 106;
93. Twentieth Century Atlas at 〈http://users.erols.com/mwhite28/warstat2.htm#Vietnam〉.
94. Civilian casualty estimates for Korea, Cambodia and Laos are more difficult to come by. On the Cambodian bombing, see Shawcross, Sideshow.
95. According to Grandin, over 200,000 were killed in Guatemala. See Greg Grandin, 'History, Motive, Law and Intent: Combining Historical and Legal Methods in Understanding Guatemala's 1981-1983 Genocide', in Gellately and Kiernan (eds.), The Spectre of Genocide, pp. 339-52, at 339.
96. The Twentieth Century Atlas cites figures of 1-3 million for Bengalis massacred by the Pakistan government 〈http://users.erols.com/mwhite28/warstat2.htm#Bangladesh〉;
97. see also Rudolph J. Rummel, Death by Government (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Books, 1997);
98. Hitchens, 'The Case'. A million or more may have been killed by the Indonesiern regime.
99. See Leslie Dwyer and Degung Santikarma, ' "When the World Turned to Chaos": 1965 and its Aftermath in Bali, Indonesia', in Gellately and Kiernan (eds.), The Spectre of Genocide, pp. 289-305, at 289;
100. John G. Taylor, ' "Encirclement arid Annihilation": The Indonesian Occupation of East Timor', in Gellately and Kiernan (eds.), The Spectre of Genocide, p. 163-85, at 18.
101. See also Guy Pauker, 'Indonesia under Suharto: the Benefits of Aloofness', in Pipes and Garfinkle (eds.), Friendly Tyrants, pp. 379-99).
102. A pre-1945 (or rather pre-1949) list would have to include US support for the Guomindang, who killed up to 10 million during China's civil wars (Rummel, Death by Government;
103. see also the Twentieth Century Atlas at 〈http://users.erols.com/mwhite28/warstat2.htm#Nationalist〉).
104. Ikenberry, 'America's Liberal Grand Strategy', pp. 113-17.
105. On America's turn to democracy-promotion, see n. 9 above and also Thomas Carothers, "Taking Stock of Democracy Assistance', in Cox, Ikenberry and Inoguchi (eds.), American Democracy Promotion, pp. 181-99.
106. Christopher Marquis, 'Bush Officials met with Venezuelans who ousted Leader', NYTimes.com, 16 April 2002.
107. am riot yet decided whether the US's role in deposing Haiti's elected president in 2004 constitutes a second recent, instance of American complicity in the overthrow of democracy. According to some, Bertrand Aristide had by the time of his overthrow squandered his democratic legitimacy by countenancing fraudulent congressional elections and violence by his supporters (see Peter Dailey, 'Haiti: The Fall of the House of Aristide', The New York Review of Books, L:4 (2003), pp. 41-7
108. and 'Haiti's Betrayal', The New York Review of Books, L:5 (2003), pp. 43-6). Others question whether his record was bad enough to warrant his forceful ejection from elective office and highlight anti-democratic elements in the coalition that ousted him.
109. The latter proposition is debatable. NATO did not go out of its way to reach a compromise with Yugoslavia before its 1999 US-led attack on the country, arid its intervention almost certainly sparked the wholesale ethnic cleansing that the alliance then sought (successfully) to reverse. It is nevertheless possible to argue that Yugoslavia was planning anyway to displace Albanian Kosovars and that it was beginning, through its fierce counter-insurgency coming on top of a decade of repressive rule, to implement its intention prior to the NATO attacks. If that is the case, the NATO attack amounted to a pre-emptive intervention in a gathering emergency. (It is debatable too whether as much effort as might reasonably be expected has been put into reversing the subsequent harassment and displacement of Serbian and other minorities.) I am agnostic on these questions. For differing takes on the Kosovo intervention by writers who are not principled anti-interventionists, see the review article by Timothy Garton Ash, 'Kosovo: was It Worth It?', New York Review of Books, XLVII:14 (2000), pp. 50-60
110. and Eric Herring, 'From Rambouillet to the Kosovo Accords: NATO's War against Serbia and Its Aftermath', International Journal of Human Rights, 4:3 (2000), pp. 225-45.
111. Cited in Oxford Dictionary of Quotations (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 1996), p. 410.
112. Ruth W. Grant, Hypocrisy and Integrity: Machiavelli, Rousseau, and the Ethics of Politics (Chicago, IL and London: The University of Chicago Press, 1997), p. 180.
113. Piers Benn, 'What is Wrong with Hypocrisy?', International Journal of Moral and Social Studies, 8 (1993), pp. 223-35, pp. 232-4.
114. Judith N. Shklar, Ordinary Vices (Cambridge, MA and London: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1984), pp. 45-86;
115. Grant, Hypocrisy and Integrity, pp. 50-3.
116. Utilitarian-teleogical and Kantian-deontological critiques of hypocrisy, along with Aristotelian ones, are usefully surveyed by Spiegel, Hypocrisy, pp. 105-25.
117. Shklar, Ordinary Vices, p. 60.
118. Spiegel shows how hypocrisy is condemned across all major meta-ethical traditions. With Kittay she also demonstrates the long history of condemnation of it, especially in the Christian tradition. See Spiegel, Hypocrisy, pp. 105-25
119. arid Eva Feder Kittay, 'Hypocrisy', in Lawrence C. Becker and Charlotte B. Becker (eds.), Encyclopedia of Ethics, 2nd edn. (New York and London: Routledge, 2001), pp. 819-824, at 820.
120. For a specification of areas where 'sincerity really matters', see Eva Feder Kittay, 'On Hypocrisy', Metaphilosophy, 13:3/4 (1982), pp. 277-89, at 279-80, 285.
121. Christine McKinnon, 'Hypocrisy, With a Note on Integrity', American Philosophical Quarterly, 28:4 (1991), pp. 321-30;
122. Eldon Soifer and Béla Szabados, 'Hypocrisy and Consequentialism', Utilitas, 10:2 (1998), pp. 168-94, at 182-9.
123. Crisp and Cowton, 'Hypocrisy', pp. 346-7.
124. Soifer and Szabados, 'Hypocrisy', pp. 178-85.
125. According to Chomsky, 'worthy' victims are those persecuted by America's enemies while the 'unworthy' suffer at the hands of US allies. See Noam Chomsky, The New Military Humanism: Lessons from Kosovo (Monroe, ME: Common Courage Press, 1999), pp. 6, 8, 13, 19.
126. Johnson, Blowback.