History from the ground up: Bugs, political economy, and God in Kirby and Spence's introduction to entomology (1815-1856)

ISIS

Volumn 97, Issue 1, 2006, Pages 28-55

  Clark, J F M ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF ST ANDREWS   (United Kingdom)

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[No Author keywords available]

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AGRICULTURE; ANIMAL; ARTICLE; BOOK; DRIVE; ECONOMICS; HISTORY; POLITICS; RELIGION; THEOLOGY; UNITED KINGDOM; ZOOLOGY;

AGRICULTURE; ANIMALS; ECONOMICS; ENTOMOLOGY; GREAT BRITAIN; HISTORY, 19TH CENTURY; INSTINCT; NATURAL HISTORY; POLITICS; RELIGION AND SCIENCE; TEXTBOOKS; THEOLOGY;

EID: 33646393776     PISSN: 00211753     EISSN: 15456994     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1086/501099     Document Type: Article

References (297)

1. Charles Darwin, Charles Darwin's Natural Selection, Being the Second Part of His Big Species Book Written from 1856 to 1858, ed. R. C. Stauffer (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1975), p. 468.
2. See Robert J. Richards, Darwin and the Emergence of Evolutionary Theories of Mind and Behavior (Chicago/London: Univ. Chicago Press, 1989), pp. 139-141.
3. As part of his revisionist examination of Darwin's debt to natural theology, John Hedley Brooke repeats Richards's contention that Darwin and Kirby shared common ground on the question of instinct; see Brooke, "The Relations between Darwin's Science and His Religion," in Darwinism and Divinity, ed. John Durant (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1985), pp. 40-75, on p. 53. Hedley Brooke repeats Richards's contention that Darwin and Kirby shared common ground on the question of instinct; see, ed. John Durant (Oxford: Basil Blackwell), on p. 53
4. For a personal recollection of the genesis of the Introduction to Entomology see William Spence, "Mr Kirby's Acquaintance with Mr Spence," in John Freeman, Life of the Rev. William Kirby (London: Longman, Brown, Green & Longmans, 1852) (hereafter cited as Freeman, Life of Kirby), Ch. 15, pp. 265-327;
5. Spence's contribution was reprinted in William Kirby and William Spence, An Introduction to Entomology, 7th ed. (London: Longman, Brown, Green & Longmans, 1856), app., pp. 569-607.
6. I have used Spence's detailed summary of the authorship of portions of the work (pp. 596-598) to attribute specific passages to each individual. The following is a summary of the publication history of the four volumes of the Introduction to Entomology (1815-1856): Vol. 1: 1815 (750 copies), 1816, 1817, 1822, 1828, 1843, 1856 Vol. 2: 1817, 1818, 1823, 1828, 1843, 1856 Vols. 3 and 4: 1826, 1828 Throughout this essay, these volumes will be cited as Kirby and Spence, Introduction to Entomology, with the relevant year of publication in parentheses. Lorenz Oken translated the four volumes into German between 1823 and 1833.
7. James Wilson, A Treatise on Insects (Edinburgh: Adam and Charles Black, 1835), p. 14,
8. quoted in Frederick R. Prete and M. Melissa Wolfe, "Religious Supplicant, Seductive Cannibal, or Reflex Machine? In Search of the Praying Mantis," Journal of the History of Biology, 1992, 25:91-136, on p. 105 n 48;
9. "Kirby and Spence's Entomology," Gardener's Chronicle, 3 Dec. 1842, 2:808;
10. [Charles J. S. Bethune], "To Correspondents," Canadian Entomologist, 15 Sept. 1868, 1:15.
11. On the increased interest in the history of insects in the nineteenth century see David Elliston Allen, The Naturalist in Britain: A Social History (London: Allen Lane, 1976), p. 102.
12. Paul Lawrence Farber, The Emergence of Ornithology as a Scientific Discipline: 1760-1850 (Dordrecht: Reidel, 1982), p. 97
13. (see also Farber, "Discussion Paper. The Transformation of Natural History in the Nineteenth Century" J. Hist. Biol., 1982, 15:145-152);
14. Charles Darwin, Charles Darwin's Notebooks, 1836-1844: Geology, Transmutation of Species, Metaphysical Enquiries, ed. Paul H. Barrett et al. (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1987), B207, pp. 222-223;
15. Mary P. Winsor, Starfish, Jellyfish, and the Order of Life (New Haven, Conn./London: Yale Univ. Press, 1976), pp. 1-27, on p. 5.
16. See also Toby Appel, The Cuvier-Geoffroy Debate: French Biology in the Decades before Darwin (Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 1987), pp. 40-68.
17. Kirby and Spence, Introduction to Entomology, Vol. 4 (1826), pp. 363-364 (placement of the annulosa), 21 (quotation).
18. Kirby and Spence, Introduction to Entomology, Vol. 3 (1826), p. iv;
19. Rev. William Kirby, On the Power, Wisdom, and Goodness of God as Manifested in the Creation of Animals and in Their History, Habits, and Instincts, 2 vols., Vol. 2 (London: William Pickering, 1835), p. 222.
20. Spence, in Kirby and Spence, Introduction to Entomology (1856), p. 598n.
21. Freeman, Life of Kirby, p. 159;
22. William Kirby and William Spence, An Introduction to Entomology; or, Elements of the Natural History of Insects, 4 vols., Vol. 1 (London: Longman, Rees, Orme, Brown & Green, 1815), p. 4.
23. On nineteenth-century definitions of materialism see John Hedley Brooke, Science and Religion: Some Historical Perspectives (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1991), p. 171.
24. See also Maurice Mandelbaum, History, Man, and Reason: A Study in Nineteenth-Century Thought (Baltimore/London: Johns Hopkins Press, 1971), pp. 20-28;
25. Adrian Desmond, The Politics of Evolution: Morphology, Medicine, and Reform in Radical London (Chicago/London: Univ. Chicago Press, 1989), pp. 5-6 n 13.
26. Norton Garfinkle, "Science and Religion in England, 1790-1800," J. Hist. Ideas, 1955, 26:376-388;
27. Isaac Kramnick, "Eighteenth-Century Science and Radical Social Theory: The Case of Joseph Priestley's Scientific Liberalism," Journal of British Studies, 1986, 25:1-30.
28. It would not be amiss to clarify my use of "Tory" throughout this essay. First, I recognize its changing meanings over time, so I restrict mine to the "High Church Toryism" of the 1790s (with full knowledge that no contemporary would have publicly accepted the label "Tory" prior to the 1820s). I mean the term to take in a wide swath of politically conservative individuals who were devoted to the preservation of the status quo in Church and State. They therefore held firmly to privilege, hierarchy, Royal Supremacy, property, and Anglican orthodoxy. I include Church-and-King supporters and anti-Jacobins under this rubric.
29. [Robert Nares (?) or William Beloe (?)], British Critic, July-Dec. 1801, 18.i,
30. quoted in Emily Lorraine de Montluzin, The Anti-Jacobins, 1798-1800: The Early Contributors to the Anti-Jacobin Review (London: Macmillan, 1988), p. 2;
31. on medico-scientific works in the reviews see p. 35.
32. On the Seditious Meetings Act see Ian Inkster, "London Science and the Seditious Meetings Act of 1817," British Journal for the History of Science, 1979, 12:192-196;
33. Paul Weindling, "Science and Sedition: How Effective Were the Acts Licensing Lectures and Meetings, 1795-1819?" ibid., 1980, 13:139-153 (the absence of well-defined boundaries between science and politics is discussed on pp. 145-146).
34. R. A. Soloway, Prelates and People: Ecclesiastical Social Thought in England, 1783-1852 (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1969), pp. 4-5 (statistics on bishops' urban livings);
35. J. Cantuar, in Gentleman's Magazine, May 1798, 68:385-386 (on the bishops' resolution);
36. de Montluzin, Anti-Jacobins, 1798-1800, pp. 30-31, 36 (contributors to the Anti-Jacobin Review);
37. Austin Mitchell, "The Association Movement of 1792-3," Historical Journal, 1961, 4:56-77, on p. 65 (on the role of the clergy in the APLP).
38. On the article criticizing Paine see Freeman, Life of Kirby, pp. 35-36;
39. for the other projected works see ibid., pp. 53-54, 168, 233-234, 234-235.
40. On the politico-religious implications of pre- and postmillennialism see Boyd Hilton, The Age of Atonement: The Influence of Evangelicalism on Social and Economic Thought, 1785-1865 (1988; rpt., Oxford: Clarendon, 1991), pp. 16-17.
41. On Fabricius see S. L. Tuxen, "The Entomologist, J. C. Fabricius," Annual Review of Entomology, 1967, 12:1-14;
42. Bengt-Olof Landin, "Johann Christian Fabricius," in Dictionary of Scientific Biography, ed. Charles Coulston Gillispie, 16 vols., Vol. 3 (1970; rpt., New York: Scribner's, 1980), pp. 512-513.
43. Regarding classification see Phillip R. Sloan, "John Locke, John Ray, and the Problem of the Natural System," J. Hist. Biol., 1972, 5:1-53;
44. Mary P. Winsor, "The Development of Linnaean Insect Classification," Taxon, 1976, 25:57-67.
45. Although littered with small errors when it strays into biographical details, H. F. Wilson and M. H. Doner, The Historical Development of Insect Classification (Privately printed; planographed by John S. Swift & Co., St. Louis, 1937), is a useful overview of the subject.
46. William Kirby, Monographia apum Angliae, 2 vols., Vol. 1 (Ipswich: J. Raw, 1802), pp. 38-40 (denial that mouth parts constituted the essence of the insect), 116-119 (appealing to differences in mouth parts);
47. the quotation is from p. 119 n d. On Latreille see Claude Dupuis, "Pierre-André Latreille (1762-1833): The Foremost Entomologist of His Time," Ann. Rev. Entomol., 1974, 19:1-13.
48. For Kirby's suspicions of Latreille's equivocation see William Kirby to W. S. Macleay, 29 Apr. 1823, Macleay Papers, 232, Linnean Society of London.
49. Thomas S. Kuhn, "The Essential Tension: Tradition and Innovation in Scientific Research," in The Essential Tension: Selected Studies in Scientific Tradition and Change (Chicago: Univ. Chicago Press, 1977), pp. 225-239.
50. In a letter to Robert Brown, dated 30 June 1810, William Spence confided: "We ... shall not be able to publish [the Introduction] so soon as expected; ... to the Entomological world of Britain of about 30 persons at most, will the delay be of much moment. We find it a much harder task than writing an Introd. to Botany would be, where the nomenclature is settled. On [venturing] into Entomology we found the most deplorable ... confusion ... the same names given to different parts, & different parts called by the same names - important parts without any names &c. &c. so that to make matter for two lines frequently requires anatomical investigations which occupy a day."
51. See Correspondence of Robert Brown, Add. MSS 32439, fol. 323, British Library, London.
52. Kirby, quoted in Freeman, Life of Kirby, pp. 178-179 ("risk of sneers");
53. Kirby, Monographia apum Angliae (cit. n. 15), Vol. 1, pp. 6-8 (introduction; the quotation is from pp. 6-7), 170-171.
54. See also "Kirby's Monographia Apum Angliae," Anti-Jacobin Review and Magazine, Sept. 1802, 13:19-22, on p. 20;
55. "Kirby's Monographia Apum Angliae," Brit. Critic, Oct. 1803, 22:405-413, on p. 406.
56. By way of an interesting contrast, in the letter dated 30 June 1810 Spence complimented Brown on his "innovation in the use of nominatives in the Specific" characters in a recent botanical work.
57. Oxford Latin Dictionary (Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 1982), p. 1195,
58. s.v. "novitas," 4c.-"novitas rerum" - "a changed situation in the state, revolution"; p. 1196,
59. s.v. "novus," 10a.-"constitutional changes, revolution"; 10b.-"(of plans, activities, etc.), subversive, seditious."
60. Edmund Burke to le Chevalier de Rivarol, 1 June 1791, in Edmund Burke, Correspondence, ed. T. W. Copeland, 9 vols., Vol. 6 (Chicago: Univ. Chicago Press, 1958-1978), p. 268,
61. quoted in Frank O'Gorman, Edmund Burke: His Political Philosophy (London: Allen & Unwin, 1973), p. 123.
62. For a discussion of the Burkean conservative distinction between "change" and "reform" see Ted Honderich, Conservatism (London: Hamilton, 1990), pp. 1-16.
63. The nineteenth-century compilers of the Oxford English Dictionary noted this Burkean distinction: s.v. "Innovate, 3. 1796.
64. Burke Lett. noble Ld. Wlks. VIII 20 'It cannot at this time be too often repeated, line upon line, precept upon precept ... to innovate is not to reform."'
65. Spence, in Introduction to Entomology (1856), p. 570.
66. Parish Records, Bishop Burton (PE 140/4, p. 10), Archives and Records Service, County Hall, Beverley. For biographical background see J. F. M. Clark, "William Spence (1782-1860)," in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, ed. H. C. G. Matthew and Brian Harrison, 60 vols., Vol. 51 (Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 2004), pp. 813-814.
67. See the letters between Kirby and Spence, 7 Jan. 1808, 12 Oct. 1808, 15 Nov. 1808, printed in Spence, in Kirby and Spence, Introduction to Entomology (1856), pp. 581-582.
68. On the pamphlet war generated by Spence's Britain Independent of Commerce see Bernard Semmel, The Rise of Free Trade Imperialism: Classical Political Economy, the Empire of Free Trade, and Imperialism, 1750-1850 (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1970), p. 56.
69. Spence contacted Cadell & Davies to publish his completed manuscript of Britain Independent of Commerce on 21 July 1807.
70. See Autograph Letters etc. 1611-1884, Add. MSS 37951, fols. 15-16, British Library.
71. On the rise of political economy see S. G. Checkland, "The Advent of Academic Economics in England," Manchester School of Economic and Social Studies, 1951, 19:43-70;
72. A. M. C. Waterman, Revolution, Economics, and Religion: Christian Political Economy, 1798-1833 (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1991), p. 200;
73. Hilton, Age of Atonement (cit. n. 13), pp. 37-38.
74. On Christian Political Economy see Salim Rashid, "Richard Whately and Christian Political Economy at Oxford and Dublin," J. Hist. Ideas, 1977, 38:145-155;
75. Waterman, Revolution, Economics, and Religion;
76. Waterman, "The Ideological Alliance of Political Economy and Christian Theology, 1798-1833," Journal of Ecclesiastical History, 1983, 34:231-244;
77. Hilton, Age of Atonement.
78. In the first decade of the nineteenth century, William Spence and James Mill clashed. In response to Spence's Physiocracy, Mill mapped out one of the earliest programmatic statements for classical political economy.
79. See Semmel, Rise of Free Trade Imperialism (cit. n. 22), pp. 56-60, for a discussion of the "Spence-Mill debate of 1808."
80. Thomas Chalmers addressed these issues in An Enquiry into the Extent and Stability of National Resources (Edinburgh: Oliphant & Brown, 1808), app., pp. 343-365, on p. 343.
81. Unlike Spence, he explicitly distanced himself from any connection with the French Physiocrats (ibid., p. 364).
82. Chalmers plays a central role in recent studies of Christian Political Economy.
83. See Hilton, Age of Atonement;
84. Waterman, Revolution, Economics, and Religion, pp. 217-222.
85. [T. R. Malthus (?) or H. Brougham (?)], "Spence on Commerce," Edinburgh Review, 1808, 11:319-340;
86. [Francis Jeffrey], "Spence on Agriculture and Commerce," ibid., 1809, 14:50-60.
87. The latter was a review of Spence's Agriculture the Source of Wealth in Britain (1808), which was a reply to James Mill and to the Edinburgh Review. This second work quoted extensively from Malthus to support its case.
88. On this basis, Semmel contests F. W. Fetter's belief ("The Authorship of Economic Articles in the Edinburgh Review," Journal of Political Economy, 1953, 61:246) that Malthus wrote the first review;
89. see Semmel, Rise of Free Trade Imperialism, p. 56 n 2. He believes that Brougham was the author, because Malthus and Spence had too much in common for the former to write such a critical review.
90. J. R. McCulloch, The Literature of Political Economy (London: Brown, Green & Longmans, 1845), p. 56;
91. Karl Marx, A History of Economic Theories from the Physiocrats to Adam Smith, ed. Karl Kautsky, trans. Terence McCarthy (New York: Langland, 1952), pp. 49-50;
92. "Wilson's Illustrations of Zoology," Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine, June 1828, 22:856-873, on p. 872.
93. On the ultra-Toryism of Blackwood's see Salim Rashid, "David Robinson and the Tory Macroeconomics of Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine," History of Political Economy, 1978, 10:258-270.
94. Keith Tribe, Land, Labour, and Economic Discourse (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1978), pp. 80-109, 46.
95. For his specific comments on Spence see ibid., pp. 110-111.
96. For an account of the long history of a similar cyclical "oeconomy of nature" see Donald Worster, Nature's Economy: A History of Ecological Ideas (1977; rpt., London: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1985), pp. 33-38.
97. Ronald L. Meek, "Physiocracy and Classicism in Britain," in The Economics of Physiocracy: Essays and Transactions (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1962), pp. 345-363, on p. 352;
98. Tribe, Land, Labour, and Economic Discourse, p. 94.
99. Spence held that "foreign trade" was the unnecessary or "sterile" form of "commerce."
100. See William Spence, Britain Independent of Commerce, 2nd ed. (London: W. Savage, 1807), pp. 28-29.
101. Ronald L. Meek, "Physiocracy and the Early Theories of Under-Consumptionism," in Economics of Physiocracy, pp. 313-344.
102. On Malthus see Waterman, Revolution, Economics, and Religion (cit. n. 23), p. 97.
103. In Spence's Britain Independent of Commerce, I have managed to find only one reference to the "Creator" (p. 28), and it is part of his summary of Malthus's Essay.
104. Burke, of course, did not restrict his deployment of the term "property" to land.
105. See Thomas Philip Schofield, "Conservative Political Thought in Britain in Response to the French Revolution," Hist. J., 1986, 29:601-622, on p. 604.
106. Kirby and Spence, Introduction to Entomology, Vol. 1 (1815), [dedication];
107. William Spence, The Objections against the Corn Bill Refuted; and the Necessity of This Measure to the Vital Interests of Every Class of the Community, Demonstrated 4th ed. (London: Longman, Hurst, Rees, Orme & Brown, 1815).
108. In addition see Tribe, Land, Labour, and Economic Discourse (cit. n. 27), pp. 116-145;
109. Boyd Hilton, Corn, Cash, Commerce: The Economic Policies of the Tory Govermnents, 1815-1830 (Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 1977), pp. 3-30.
110. On the "Banksian Learned Empire" see David Philip Miller, "Between Hostile Camps: Sir Humphry Davy's Presidency of the Royal Society of London, 1820-1827," Brit. J. Hist. Sci., 1983, 16:1-47;
111. Miller, "Sir Joseph Banks: An Historical Perspective," History of Science, 1981, 19:284-292;
112. John Gascoigne, Joseph Banks and the English Enlightenment: Useful Knowledge and Polite Culture (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1994).
113. For Banks's influence on entomological science see Mike Fitton and Sharon Shute, "Sir Joseph Banks's Collection of Insects," in Sir Joseph Banks: A Global Perspective (London: Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, 1994), pp. 209-211.
114. For the significance of type specimens see Paul Lawrence Farber, "A Historical Perspective on the Impact of the Type Concept on Insect Systematics," Ann. Rev. Entomol., 1978, 23:91-99.
115. For Spence's work in Banks's library see B. B. Woodward, "William Spence (1783-1860)," in Dictionary of National Biography, ed. Sidney Smith (London, 1909), p. 748.
116. A perusal of Warren R. Dawson, ed., The Banks Letters: A Calendar of the Manuscript Correspondence of Sir Joseph Banks, Preserved in the British Museum, the British Museum (Natural History), and Other Collections in Great Britain (London: British Museum, 1958), reveals no extant correspondence with Kirby or Spence. The latter, however, carried a letter from Banks to Martin van Marum when he visited the Continent in 1815. Part of the letter involved an introduction for Spence (ibid., p. 587). Both Kirby and Spence contributed to the subscription fund for a marble statue of Banks in 1821.
117. See Kirby to Joseph Sabine, 3 Aug. 1821, and Spence to Sabine, 15 Aug. 1821, Papers Concerning the Statue of Sir Joseph Banks, Add. MSS 32166, fols. 88, 96, British Library.
118. Rev. William Kirby, The Insects, Pt. 4 of Fauna Boreali-Americana; or, The Zoology of the Northern Parts of British America, John Richardson (Norwich: Josiah Fletcher, 1837).
119. In addition see S. Peter Dance, The Art of Natural History (1981; rpt., London: Bracken, 1989), pp. 94-95.
120. On Richardson's role in Franklin's expeditions see Janet Browne, "A Science of Empire: British Biogeography before Darwin," Revue d'Histoire des Sciences, 1992, 44:451-475, on p. 460;
121. David Mackay, In the Wake of Cook: Exploration, Science, and Empire, 1780-1801 (London: Croom Helm, 1985).
122. On the Physiocrats see Richard Grove, Green Imperialism: Colonial Expansion, Tropical Island Edens, and the Origins of Environmentalism, 1600-1860 (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1994).
123. On agricultural expansion and improvement see J. D. Chambers and G. E. Mingay, The Agricultural Revolution, 1750-1880 (1966; rpt., London: Batsford, 1978), pp. 34-147.
124. On the growth of a farming lobby see ibid., pp. 121-122;
125. E. P. Thompson, "The Moral Economy of the English Crowd in the Eighteenth Century," Past and Present, 1971, no. 50, pp. 76-136, on pp. 126-131.
126. On the bread riots see ibid., pp. 79, 128-129;
127. Schofield, "Conservative Political Thought in Britain in Response to the French Revolution" (cit. n. 31), p. 603.
128. [Letter from Kirby, dated Aug. 1795], in Thomas Marsham, "Observations on the Insects That Infested Corn in the Year 1795: In a Letter to the Rev. Samuel Goodenough," Transactions of the Linnean Society of London, 1797, 3:246-249;
129. see ibid., p. 251, for Marsham's contact with Sir Joseph Banks.
130. Among Kirby's early entomological articles dealing with pests see William Kirby, "History of Tipula Tritici, and Ichneumon Tipulae, with Some Observations upon Insects That Attend the Wheat, in a Letter to Thomas Marsham," ibid., 1798, 4:230-239;
131. Kirby, "A Continuation of the History of Tipula Tritici, in a Letter to Thomas Marsham," ibid., 1800, 5:96-111;
132. Kirby, "Observations upon Certain Fungi, Which Are Parasites of the Wheat," ibid., pp. 112-125;
133. Kirby, "Some Observations upon Insects That Prey upon Timber, with a Short History of the Cerambyx violaceus of Linnaeus," ibid., pp. 246-260.
134. Upon sending his subscription of £2.2.0 for the monument to Banks, Kirby explained: "I wish I could give more but times press heavily upon all who depend upon agriculture."
135. See Kirby to Sabine, 3 Aug. 1821, Papers Concerning the Statue of Sir Joseph Banks. For a nice illustration of Kirby's combination of religious and scientific vocation see Kirby to Macleay, 6 Dec. 1824, Macleay Papers, 243. As an addendum to a discussion of the reproduction of insects, he notes: "I write this in a publick House at Clayden where I am receiving my tithes."
136. Spence, Objections against the Corn Bill Refuted (cit. n. 32), pp. 24, 2 (for Spence's background in commerce see Clark, "William Spence" [cit. n. 21]);
137. Kirby, "Continuation of the History of Tipula Tritici" (cit. n. 37), pp. 105-106 n b;
138. "History of Insects," Edinburgh Rev., June 1822, 37:122-136, on p. 122.
139. See Morris Berman, Social Change and Scientific Organization: The Royal Institution, 1799-1844 (London: Heinemann, 1978).
140. On hegemony see Berman, "'Hegemony' and the Amateur Tradition in British Science," Journal of Social History, 1975, 8:30-50;
141. and the criticisms of Ian Inkster, "Introduction: Aspects of the History of Science and Science Culture in Britain, 1780-1850 and Beyond," in Metropolis and Province: Science in British Culture, 1780-1850, ed. Inkster and Jack Morrell (London: Hutchinson, 1983), pp. 16-20, 39-45.
142. In addition see Thomas R. Bates, "Gramsci and the Theory of Hegemony," J. Hist. Ideas. 1975, 36:351-366.
143. Harold Perkin, The Origins of Modern English Society, 1780-1880 (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1969), pp. 17, 25-29, 176-217;
144. Ian Dyck, William Cobbett and Rural Popular Culture (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1992), pp. 45-75;
145. Meek, Economics of Physiocracy (cit. n. 28), p. 345 (purge of the Physiocratic elements);
146. Paul Julian Weindling, "Geological Controversy and Its Historiography: The Prehistory of the Geological Society of London," in Images of the Earth: Essays in the History of the Environmental Sciences, ed. L. J. Jordanova and Roy S. Porter (Halfpenny Furze, Bucks.: British Society for the History of Science, 1979), pp. 248-271;
147. Weindling, "Science and Sedition" (cit. n. 11), p. 148.
148. On Russell's decisions see David Spring, The English Landed Estate in the Nineteenth Century: Its Administration (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1963), pp. 23-24.
149. Berman, Social Change and Scientific Organization (cit. n. 40), pp. 64 (plate 10), 68, uses Garrard's painting to illustrate his point.
150. Regarding the Royal Institution and the Board of Agriculture see ibid, pp. 98-99;
151. Rosalind Mitchison, "The Old Board of Agriculture (1793-1822)," English Historical Review, 1959, 74:41-69.
152. On the midcentury renaissance see Hilton, Age of Atonement (cit. n. 13), pp. 68-70;
153. D. C. Moore, "The Com Laws and High Farming," Economic History Review, 2nd Ser., 1965, 18:544-561.
154. Kirby and Spence, Introduction to Entomology, Vol. 1 (1815), p. xiii.
155. See also ibid., Vol. 2 (1817), p. 505, where Spence expresses a concern for the "philosophical accuracy of language."
156. For the description of Spence's work on political economy as "simple-minded" see Waterman, Revolution, Economics, and Religion (cit. n. 23), p. 227.
157. Kirby and Spence, Introduction to Entomology, Vol. 4 (1826), pp. 31-32.
158. On Brougham see G. N. Cantor, "Henry Brougham and the Scottish Methodological Tradition," Studies in the History and Philosophy of Science, 1971, 2:69-89;
159. for his acceptance of common-sense philosophy see pp. 82-89.
160. Pietro Corsi, Science and Religion: Baden Powell and the Anglican Debate, 1800-1860 (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1988), pp. 42-47.
161. Spence, Britain Independent of Commerce (cit. n. 28);
162. William Spence, "Letter from Mr. Spence," Cobbett's Weekly Political Register, 12 Dec. 1807, 12:921-928, on p. 928 (rebutting the charge of plagiarism);
163. Robert Hole, Pulpits, Politics, and Public Order in England, 1760-1832 (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1989), pp. 67-72, on pp. 68-69.
164. See also Brooke, Science and Religion (cit. n. 8), pp. 181-189;
165. Sheridan Gilley, "Christianity and Enlightenment: An Historical Survey," History of European Ideas, 1981, 1:103-121.
166. The reactionary radical William Cobbett endorsed Spence's pamphlet and printed extensive extracts in Cobbett's Weekly Political Register. His anti-intellectualism inspired him to claim Spence's ideas as his own and to level an unfounded charge of plagiarism against Spence.
167. Kirby and Spence, Introduction to Entomology, Vol. 3 (1826), pp. 349-350 n c (Kirby's view of Hume);
168. [George Home], A Letter to Adam Smith LL.D. on the Life, Death, and Philosophy of His Friend David Hume Esq. by One of the People Called Christians (Oxford: Clarendon, 1777).
169. Kirby and Spence, Introduction to Entomology, Vol. 2 (1817), p. 515.
170. Richards, Darwin and the Emergence of Evolutionary Theories of Mind and Behavior (cit. n. 1), pp. 20-70;
171. Robert J. Richards, "Influence of Sensationalist Tradition on Early Theories of the Evolution of Behavior," J. Hist. Ideas, 1979, 40:85-105.
172. For the historical antecedents to this type of challenge to man's superiority see George Boas, "Theriophily," in Dictionary of the History of Ideas, ed. Philip P. Wiener, 4 vols. plus index, Vol. 4 (New York: Scribner's, 1973-1974), pp. 384-389.
173. Desmond, Politics of Evolution (cit. n. 8);
174. Adrian Desmond, "Lamarckism and Democracy: Corporations, Corruption, and Comparative Anatomy in the 1830s," in History, Humanity, and Evolution: Essays for John C. Greene, ed. James R. Moore (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1989), pp. 99-130.
175. In terms of scale, the insect and the elephant were most often used as the bookends of animal creation.
176. See, e.g., Kirby and Spence, Introduction to Entomology, Vol. 3 (1826), p. 348;
177. William Paley, Natural Theology (London: R. Faulder, 1802), p. 515;
178. Charles Lyell, Principles of Geology, 3 vols., Vol. 2 (London: John Murray, 1832), p. 174.
179. For the indirect reaction to Erasmus Darwin's views see Paley, Natural Theology, pp. 324-345.
180. For the quotations see Erasmus Darwin, Zoonomia; or, The Laws of Organic Life, 2 vols., Vol. 1 (London: J. Johnson, 1794), p. 137;
181. Paley, Natural Theology, p. 324;
182. Darwin, Zoonomia, p. 183.
183. On the Tory backlash see Garfinkle, "Science and Religion in England" (cit. n. 9).
184. Henry Brougham, Dissertations on Subjects of Science Connected with Natural Theology, 2 vols., Vol. 1 (London: C. Knight, 1839), pp. 84-106 (on a designing muse); 17 (on the wasp); 17, 30-38, 72-86, and the lengthy appendix, pp. 218-336 (on the bee).
185. Arguably one of the best parts of John David Yule, "The Impact of Science on British Religious Thought in the Second Quarter of the Nineteenth Century" (Ph.D. diss., Cambridge Univ., 1976; order no. D 17081/76), is a discussion of Brougham and Bell's edition of Paley's Natural Theology and an analysis of its reception (pp. 192-235).
186. William Smellie, The Philosophy of Natural History, 2 vols., Vol. 1 (Edinburgh: C. Elliot and T. Kay, T. Cadell, and G. G. J. & J. Robinsons, 1790), pp. 144-159, on p. 145;
187. Daily Telegraph, obituary of Brougham, quoted in Chester W. New, The Life of Henry Brougham to 1830 (Oxford: Clarendon, 1961), p. v;
188. Henry Brougham, Dissertations on Subjects of Science Connected with Natural Theology, Vol. 1, pp. 12-16, 204, 120 (quotation), 147-148.
189. Kirby and Spence, Introduction to Entomology, Vol. 2 (1817), p. 513 (Spence's recognition that insects were not generally granted the power of reason);
190. Brougham, Dissertations on Subjects of Science Connected with Natural Theology, Vol. 1, p. 106;
191. Kirby and Spence, Introduction to Entomology, Vol. 2 (1817), p. 470;
192. ibid., Vol. 4 (1826), pp. 29-30.
193. Darwin, Charles Darwin's Natural Selection, ed. Stauffer (cit. n. 1), p. 468.
194. See also Richards, Darwin and the Emergence of Evolutionary Theories of Mind and Behavior (cit. n. 1), p. 139.
195. See John G. Children to Kirby, 16 Nov. 1830, rpt. in Freeman, Life of Kirby, pp. 435-436.
196. For background on the choice of authors for the Bridgewater Treatises see W. H. Brock, "The Selection of the Authors of the Bridgewater Treatises," Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London, 1966, 21:162-179;
197. John M. Robson, "The Fiat and Finger of God: The Bridgewater Treatises," in Victorian Faith in Crisis: Essays on Continuity and Change in Nineteenth-Century Religious Belief, ed. Richard J. Helmstadter and Bernard Lightman (London: Macmillan, 1990), pp. 71-125, esp. pp. 71-75;
198. Jonathan R. Topham, "Beyond the Common Context: The Production and Reading of the Bridgewater Treatises," Isis, 1998, 89:233-262;
199. Topham, "'An Infinite Variety of Arguments': The Bridgewater Treatises and British Natural Theology in the 18309" (Ph.D. diss., Univ. Lancaster, 1993; order no. DX182073), esp. pp. 81, 213-232 (for Kirby).
200. "Kirby on Instinct," Medico-Chirurgical Review, 1835, 23:400-413, on p. 401;
201. "Kirby's Bridgewater Treatise on the Creation, &c. of Animals," Christian Remembrancer, Dec. 1835, 17:707-720, on p. 708;
202. "The Bridgewater Treatises, No. III: The Rev. Wm. Kirby and Doctor Roget," Fraser's Magazine for Town and Country, Oct. 1835, 12:415-429, on pp. 417,415;
203. and Beth., "On the Hutchinsonian Physico-Theology," Christian Observer, Mar. 1833, 33:154-158, on p. 154.
204. The literature on Hutchinsonian physico-theology is relatively abundant.
205. See C. B. Wilde, "Hutchinsonianism, Natural Philosophy, and Religious Controversy in Eighteenth-Century Britain," Hist. Sci., 1980, 18:1-24;
206. Wilde, "Matter and Spirit as Natural Symbols in Eighteenth-Century British Natural Philosophy," Brit. J. Hist. Sci., 1982, 15:99-131;
207. G. N. Cantor, "Revelation and the Cyclical Cosmos of John Hutchinson," in Images of the Earth, ed. Jordanova and Porter (cit. n. 41), pp. 3-22;
208. Albert J. Kuhn, "Glory or Gravity: Hutchinson vs. Newton," J. Hist. Ideas, 1961, 22:303-322;
209. David S. Katz, Sabbath and Sectarianism in Seventeenth-Century England (Leiden: Brill, 1988), pp. 178-212;
210. Michael Neve and Roy Porter, "Alexander Catcott: Glory and Geology," Brit. J. Hist. Sci., 1977, 10:37-60;
211. C. D. A. Leighton, "Hutchinsonianism: A Counter-Enlightenment Reform Movement," Journal of Religious History, 1999, 23:168-184.
212. W. S. Lewis, ed., The Yale Edition of Horace Walpole's Correspondence, 48 vols., Vol. 35 (London: Oxford Univ. Press, 1973), p. 156.
213. On Kirby's contact with the Hutchinsonians see Freeman, Life of Kirby, pp. 34-35.
214. For background on Nobody's Friends see [J. A. Park], Memoirs of William Stevens, Esq. (London: Philanthropic Society, 1812), pp. 163-164;
215. Corsi, Science and Religion (cit. n. 45), pp. 9-20.
216. Wilde, "Hutchinsonianism, Natural Philosophy, and Religious Controversy" (cit. n. 58), p. 2, states that Kirby was a member of Nobody's Friends.
217. However, Sir James Allan Park, Memoirs of the Late William Stevens, Esq., new ed. (London: Rivingtons, 1859), "Appendix: List of 'NOBODY'S FRIENDs' since the Foundation of the Club," pp. 168-216, reveals that Kirby was not a member. There was, however, a strong representation from the Hackney Phalanx.
218. J. C. D. Clark, English Society, 1688-1832: Ideology, Social Structure, and Political Practice during the Ancien Regime (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1985), esp. pp. 199-276.
219. The Proclamation Society was formed in response to George III's Proclamation against Vice (1787). In 1802 it metamorphosed into the Society for the Suppression of Vice.
220. See Hole, Pulpits, Politics, and Public Order in England (cit. n. 46), pp. 85-86, 130.
221. For parallels between the Clapham Sect and the Hackney Phalanx see Nancy Uhlar Murray, "The Influence of the French Revolution on the Church of England and Its Rivals, 1789-1802" (D.Phil. thesis, Univ. Oxford, 1975; order no. D 15927/76), pp. 50-52.
222. On the Hackney Phalanx see ibid., pp. 49-79;
223. Corsi, Science and Religion, pp. 9-20;
224. A. B. Webster, Joshua Watson: The Story of a Layman, 1771-1855 (London: Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1954), pp. 18-32.
225. See Margaret C. Jacob, The Newtonians and the English Revolution, 1689-1720 (Hassocks, Sussex: Harvester, 1976);
226. and the critical comments of Geoffrey Holmes, "Science, Reason, and Religion in the Age of Newton," Brit. J. Hist. Sci., 1978, 11:164-171.
227. In addition see Wilde, "Hutchinsonianism, Natural Philosophy, and Religious Controversy" (cit. n. 58), pp. 6-18;
228. Steven Shapin, "Social Uses of Science," in The Ferment of Knowledge: Studies in the Historiography of Eighteenth-Century Science, ed. G. S. Rousseau and Roy Porter (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1980), pp. 93-139, esp. pp. 93-115.
229. E.E.A., in Gentleman's Magazine, 1796, 66:23-24, on p. 23.
230. The persistence of Tory patriarchalism, and the relative absence of Lockean contractarianism, throughout the long eighteenth century constitutes a major part of the historiographic revisionism most notably espoused by Jonathan Clark. The Hutchinsonians play a prominent role in this literature.
231. See Clark, English Society (cit. n. 61), pp. 64-93, 216-235;
232. Hole, Pulpits, Politics, and Public Order in England (cit. n. 46), pp. 16, 37, 61, 86-88, passim;
233. J. A. W. Gunn, Beyond Liberty and Property: The Process of Self-Recognition in Eighteenth-Century Political Thought (Kingston: McGill-Queen's Univ. Press, 1983), pp. 120-193.
234. "A Member of the University" [Benjamin Kennicott], A Word to the Hutchinsonians (London: R. Dodsley, 1756), p. 16.
235. Sir Robert Filmer's posthumously published Patriarcha (1680) argued that royal authority was founded on the patriarchal authority of Adam. Filmer became a standard reference point in the defense of divine right and passive obedience.
236. See Clark, English Society, p. 123;
237. Gunn, Beyond Liberty and Property, p. 172.
238. William Jones, "Preface to the Second Edition," Memoirs of the Life, Studies, and Writings of the Right Reverend George Horne, D.D., Late Lord Bishop of Norwich, 2nd ed. (London: J. Davis, 1799), p. xxv.
239. The "Preface" is probably the best polemical statement of late eighteenth-century Hutchinsonianism. Yule, "Impact of Science on British Religious Thought" (cit. n. 52), pp. 130-138, assesses the plight of Hutchinsonianism in the early nineteenth century.
240. On the changes in the tone of the Martyrdom Day sermons see Hole, Pulpits, Politics, and Public Order in England (cit. n. 46), pp. 84-86.
241. State sermons received the sanction of the Book of Common Prayer until their removal in 1859;
242. see Clark, English Society, p. 158.
243. This is the central thesis of Hole, Pulpits, Politics, and Public Order in England.
244. John Robison, Proofs of a Conspiracy against All the Religions and Governments of Europe, Carried on in the Secret Meetings of Free Masons, Illuminati, and Reading Societies (Edinburgh: William Creech, 1797), p. 429;
245. John Bird Sumner, A Treatise on the Records of Creation, Vol. 2 (1816), p. 18,
246. quoted in Keith Thomas, Man and the Natural World: Changing Attitudes in England 1500-1800 (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1984), p. 141.
247. Kirby, Monographia apum Angliae (cit. n. 15), pp. 1-2.
248. On the increased conviction as to the existence of a natural order see Winsor, Starfish, Jellyfish, and the Order of Life (cit. n. 4), pp. 1-5.
249. Adrian Desmond, "The Making of Institutional Zoology in London," Hist. Sci., 1985, 13:153-185, 223-250;
250. Toby A. Appel, "Henri de Blainville and the Animal Series: A Nineteenth-Century Chain of Being," J. Hist. Biol., 1980, 13:291-319, on p. 304;
251. William Kirby, "Introductory Address," Zoological Journal, Apr. 1825, 2:1-8, on pp. 2, 5.
252. For similar statements of English pride in home-grown science, and denunciations of French pretensions of scientific "imperialism," see Kirby to Macleay, 16 Mar. 1820, 29 Apr. 1823, 7 June 1824, Macleay Papers, 187, 232, 239.
253. See Winsor, Starfish, Jellyfish, and the Order of Life (cit. n. 4), pp. 81-87;
254. Dov Ospovat, The Development of Darwin's Theory: Natural History, Natural Theology, and Natural Selection, 1838-1859 (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1981), pp. 101-113;
255. Harriet Ritvo, The Platypus and the Mermaid and Other Figments of the Classifying Imagination (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 1997), pp. 26-46;
256. Farber, Emergence of Ornithology as a Scientific Discipline (cit. n. 4), pp. 111-113;
257. Wilson and Doner, Historical Development of Insect Classification (cit. n. 14), pp. 64-70;
258. J. Holland, "Diminishing Circles: W. S. Macleay in Sydney, 1839-1865," Historical Records of Australian Science, 1996, 11:119-157.
259. For an article that demonstrates Kirby's support for quinarianism see William Kirby, "A Description of Some Insects Which Appear to Exemplify Mr. W. S. MacLeay's Doctrine of Affinity and Analogy," [read 17 Dec. 1822], Trans. Linnean Soc. London, 1825, 14:93-110.
260. See also Kirby and Spence, Introduction to Entomology, Vol. 3 (1826), pp. 12-20, 173-174;
261. ibid., Vol. 4 (1826), pp. 355-418 (quotation on pp. 359-360), 465-473.
262. For Appel's point see Appel, "Henri de Blainville and the Animal Series" (cit. n. 69), p. 306.
263. Y.Y.Y. [David Robinson], "The Church of England and Dissenters," Blackwood's Edinburgh Mag., 1824, 16:397,
264. quoted in Clark, English Society (cit. n. 61), p. 91.
265. John Oliver French, "An Inquiry Respecting the True Nature of Instinct, and of the Mental Distinctions between Brute Animals and Man," Zool. J., 1824, 1:1-32, 153-173, 346-367, 1825, 2:71-83, 164-182;
266. [N. A. Vigors], "Introduction," ibid., 1824, 1:vi.
267. Richards, Darwin and the Emergence of Evolutionary Theories of Mind and Behavior (cit. n. 1), p. 133.
268. In (addition, see his earlier version: Robert J. Richards, "Instinct and Intelligence in British Natural Theology: Some Contributions to Darwin's Theory of Evolution of Behavior," J. Hist. Biol., 1981, 14:193-230, on p. 207.
269. For the important sociopolitical implications attached to "immanence" and "transcendence" see P. M. Heimann, "Voluntarism and Immanence: Conceptions of Nature in Eighteenth-Century Thought," J. Hist. Ideas, 1978, 39:271-283;
270. L. S. Jacyna, "Immanence or Transcendence: Theories of Life and Organization in Britain, 1790-1835," Isis, 1983, 74:311-329.
271. Kirby, Power, Wisdom, and Goodness of God (cit. n. 6), Vol. 1, pp. xix-xl (on p. xxiv), 240-242.
272. To contextualize Kirby's remarks see Pietro Corsi, "The Importance of French Transformist Ideas for the Second Volume of Lyell's Principles of Geology," Brit. J. Hist Sci., 1978, 11:221-244.
273. For Kirby's opposition to French see Kirby, Power, Wisdom, and Goodness of God, pp. 230-234.
274. On the "vicegerents" see ibid, pp. 242-245, 253-256.
275. On his acceptance of Virey and disagreement with Spence see ibid., pp. 273-278.
276. For Spence's rejection of Virey see Kirby and Spence, Introduction to Entomology, Vol. 4 (1826), pp. 25-30.
277. On the persistence of ethers in natural theology see G. N. Cantor, "The Theological Significance of Ethers," in Conceptions of Ether: Studies in the History of Ether Theories, 1740-1900, ed. Cantor and M. J. S. Hodge (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1981), pp. 135-155.
278. Kirby, Power, Wisdom, and Goodness of God Vol. 1, pp. 278-279.
279. On Wesley see Frederick Dreyer, "Faith and Experience in the Thought of John Wesley," American Historical Review, 1983, 88.12-30.
280. On Jones's similar Christian epistemology see Murray, "Influence of the French Revolution on the Church of England and Its Rivals" (cit. n. 61), p. 47.
281. Baden Powell, "The Burnett Prizes: The Study of the Evidences of Natural Theology," in Oxford Essays (London: John W. Parker and Son, 1857), pp. 178, 181;
282. Robson, "Fiat and Finger of God" (cit. n. 56), p. 123 n 55.
283. Freeman, Life of Kirby, pp. 482-483.
284. To contextualize these books properly see Clark, English Society (cit. n. 61), pp. 138, 177, 247-248.
285. Kirby, quoted in Freeman, Life of Kirby, p. 437;
286. Kirby, Power, Wisdom, and Goodness of God (cit. n. 6), Vol. 1, p. 518.
287. In addition see Jacyna, "Immanence or Transcendence" (cit. n. 75), pp. 325-326, for his insightful comments on Kirby.
288. For Kirby's Hutchinsonian interpretation of the "vicegerents" of instinct see Kirby, Power, Wisdom, and Goodness of God Vol. 1, pp. xlvi-ciii.
289. For the use of "vicegerents" in state sermons see Samuel [Horsley], Lord Bishop of St. David, A Sermon, Preached before the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, in the Abbey Church of St. Peter, Westminster, on Wednesday, January 30, 1793: Being the Anniversary of the Martyrdom of King Charles the First (London: J. Robson, 1793), pp. 17-18;
290. Samuel Croxall, A Sermon Preached before the Honourable House of Commons at St. Margaret's Westminster on Friday January xxx. 1729 (London: J. Roberts, 1730), p. 10;
291. Gunn, Beyond Liberty and Property (cit. n. 63), pp. 154-155.
292. W. F. Cannon, "Scientists and Broad Churchmen: An Early Victorian Intellectual Network," J. Brit. Stud., 1964, 4:65-88.
293. An extended version of this article was reprinted in Cannon, Science in Culture: The Early Victorian Period (New York: Dawson, 1978), pp. 29-71.
294. Robert M. Young, "Natural Theology, Victorian Periodicals, and the Fragmentation of the Common Context," in Darwin's Metaphor. Nature's Place in Victorian Culture (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1985), pp. 126-163;
295. and Jack Morrell and Arnold Thackray, Gentlemen of Science: Early Years of the British Association for the Advancement of Science (Oxford: Clarendon, 1981), pp. 226, 237.
296. Jonathan Topham, "Science and Popular Education in the 1830s: The Role of the Bridgewater Treatises," Brit. J. Hist. Sci., 1992, 25:397-430, esp. pp. 420-423, provides an excellent analysis of Kirby and a historically nuanced corrective to the sweeping generalizations commonly made about the Bridgewater Treatises.
297. In addition see Topham, "Beyond the Common Context" (cit. n. 56), for an important historical examination of the "common context."