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Volumn 20, Issue 2, 2006, Pages 155-178

Civil society, the state, and the limits to global civil society

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

CIVIL SOCIETY;

EID: 33645563784     PISSN: 13600826     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/13600820600576423     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (18)

References (164)
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    • Civil society translates as koinònia politiké in Ancient Greek; see (ed. Stephen Everson) (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press)
    • Civil society translates as koinònia politiké in Ancient Greek; see Aristotle, The Politics and the Constitution of Athens (ed. Stephen Everson) (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996).
    • (1996) The Politics and the Constitution of Athens
    • Aristotle1
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    • For an account of the 'democratic revolution' that was written around the time the Berlin Wall was falling, see (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press)
    • For an account of the 'democratic revolution' that was written around the time the Berlin Wall was falling, see Samuel P. Huntington, The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1991).
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    • "Introduction"
    • MichaelWalzer (ed.), (Providence, RI: Berghahn Books
    • Michael Walzer, "Introduction", in MichaelWalzer (ed.), Toward a Global Civil Society (Providence, RI: Berghahn Books, 1995), p. 1.
    • (1995) Toward a Global Civil Society , pp. 1
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    • "Civil Society after Communism: Rival Visions"
    • See, for example
    • See, for example, Vaclav Havel, Vaclav Klaus and Petr Pithart, "Civil Society after Communism: Rival Visions", Journal of Democracy, Vol. 7, No. 1 (1996), pp. 11-23
    • (1996) Journal of Democracy , vol.7 , Issue.1 , pp. 11-23
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  • 6
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    • "The New South Africa: Renewing Civil Society"
    • Wilmot James and Daria Caliguire, "The New South Africa: Renewing Civil Society", Journal of Democracy, Vol. 7, No. 1 (1996), pp. 56-66.
    • (1996) Journal of Democracy , vol.7 , Issue.1 , pp. 56-66
    • James, W.1    Caliguire, D.2
  • 7
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    • "Civil Society Theory and the Politics of Transition in South Africa"
    • Robert Fine, "Civil Society Theory and the Politics of Transition in South Africa", Review of African Political Economy, No. 55 (1992), pp. 71-83
    • (1992) Review of African Political Economy , Issue.55 , pp. 71-83
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    • "Sri Lanka: Civil Society, the Nation and the State-building Challenge"
    • and Alison Van Rooy (ed.), (London: Earthscan
    • and Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu, "Sri Lanka: Civil Society, the Nation and the State-building Challenge", in Alison Van Rooy (ed.), Civil Society and the Aid Industry (London: Earthscan, 1998), pp. 104-133.
    • (1998) Civil Society and the Aid Industry , pp. 104-133
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  • 9
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    • For an argument that "civil society is unlikely to spread outside parts of Central Europe and Latin America"
    • see
    • For an argument that "civil society is unlikely to spread outside parts of Central Europe and Latin America", see John A. Hall, "The Nature of Civil Society", Society, Vol. 35, No. 4 (1998), pp. 32-41.
    • (1998) "The Nature of Civil Society" Society , vol.35 , Issue.4 , pp. 32-41
    • Hall, J.A.1
  • 10
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    • "The Globalization of World Politics"
    • The terms "global" and "globalisation" are older that some might think. The terms "globalise" and "globalism" were first used in 1944 by O. L. Reiser and B. Davies in their book Planetary Democracy: An Introduction to Scientific Humanism and Applied Semantics. The term "globalisation" first appeared in an English-language dictionary in 1961. See John Baylis and Steve Smith (eds.), (Oxford: Oxford University Press)
    • The terms "global" and "globalisation" are older that some might think. The terms "globalise" and "globalism" were first used in 1944 by O. L. Reiser and B. Davies in their book Planetary Democracy: An Introduction to Scientific Humanism and Applied Semantics. The term "globalisation" first appeared in an English-language dictionary in 1961. See J. A. Scholte, "The Globalization of World Politics", in John Baylis and Steve Smith (eds.), The Globalization of World Politics: An Introduction to International Relations (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), p. 14.
    • (1997) The Globalization of World Politics: An Introduction to International Relations , pp. 14
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  • 11
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    • "International Civil Society: International Nongovernmental Organisations in the International System"
    • For a good cross-section, see
    • For a good cross-section, see Paul Ghils, "International Civil Society: International Nongovernmental Organisations in the International System", International Social Science Journal, No. 133 (1992), pp. 417-431
    • (1992) International Social Science Journal , Issue.133 , pp. 417-431
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  • 12
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    • "Environmental Activism and Global Civil Society"
    • Paul Wapner, "Environmental Activism and Global Civil Society", Dissent, Vol. 41, No. 3 (1994), pp. 389-393
    • (1994) Dissent , vol.41 , Issue.3 , pp. 389-393
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  • 13
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    • "The Case for Global Civil Society"
    • Miguel Darcy de Oliveira, "The Case for Global Civil Society", National Civic Review, Vol. 84, No. 2 (1995), pp. 130-132
    • (1995) National Civic Review , vol.84 , Issue.2 , pp. 130-132
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  • 14
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    • "Internet Governance and the Emergence of Global Civil Society"
    • Glenn Kowack, "Internet Governance and the Emergence of Global Civil Society", IEEE Communications Magazine, Vol. 35, No. 5 (1997), pp. 52-57
    • (1997) IEEE Communications Magazine , vol.35 , Issue.5 , pp. 52-57
    • Kowack, G.1
  • 15
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    • "Global Civil Society?"
    • and Jackie Smith, "Global Civil Society?", American Behavioral Scientist, Vol. 42, No. 1 (1998), pp. 93-3.
    • (1998) American Behavioral Scientist , vol.42 , Issue.1 , pp. 93-107
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  • 16
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    • "The Limits of Global Civil Society"
    • Cf. M. Glasius, M. Kaldor and H. Anheier (eds.), (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002)
    • Cf. N. Chandhoke, "The Limits of Global Civil Society", in M. Glasius, M. Kaldor and H. Anheier (eds.), Global Civil Society 2002 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), pp. 35-53.
    • (2002) Global Civil Society , pp. 35-53
    • Chandhoke, N.1
  • 17
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    • (trans., ed. and intro. H. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills) (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul), emphasis in original
    • Max Weber, Essays in Sociology (trans., ed. and intro. H. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills) (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1948), p. 78; emphasis in original.
    • (1948) Essays in Sociology , pp. 78
    • Weber, M.1
  • 18
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    • (London and Oxford: African Rights and James Currey), The same argument can be applied, if not more strongly still, to global markets. In recent years, virtually unregulated hedge funds, currency speculators, tax-haven banking, and the free hand afforded to transnational corporations have had many ill effects on the well-being of peoples and economies all over the world. Nevertheless, this is a concern that will have to be set aside here, for this article will deal only with the deficiencies of global civil society
    • Alex deWaal, Famine Crimes: Politics and the Disaster Relief Industry (London and Oxford: African Rights and James Currey, 1997), p. 65. The same argument can be applied, if not more strongly still, to global markets. In recent years, virtually unregulated hedge funds, currency speculators, tax-haven banking, and the free hand afforded to transnational corporations have had many ill effects on the well-being of peoples and economies all over the world. Nevertheless, this is a concern that will have to be set aside here, for this article will deal only with the deficiencies of global civil society.
    • (1997) Famine Crimes: Politics and the Disaster Relief Industry , pp. 65
    • deWaal, A.1
  • 22
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    • "Toward Democratic Consolidation"
    • emphasis in original
    • Larry Diamond, "Toward Democratic Consolidation", Journal of Democracy, Vol. 5, No. 3 (1994), pp. 5-6; emphasis in original.
    • (1994) Journal of Democracy , vol.5 , Issue.3 , pp. 5-6
    • Diamond, L.1
  • 26
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    • "Despotism and Democracy: The Origins and Development of the Distinction between Civil Society and the State 1750-1850"
    • John Keane (ed.), (London: Verso)
    • John Keane, "Despotism and Democracy: The Origins and Development of the Distinction between Civil Society and the State 1750-1850", in John Keane (ed.), Civil Society and the State: New European Perspectives (London: Verso, 1988), p. 39.
    • (1988) Civil Society and the State: New European Perspectives , pp. 39
    • Keane, J.1
  • 27
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    • "Federalist No. 10"
    • See op. cit., and after; emphasis in original. It might be more accurate to assert that Hegel expounds the first modern theory of the state of which civil society is a major component - to which perhaps only Bernard Bosanquet's The Philosophical Theory of the State (London: Macmillan, 1923), might be compared
    • Cohen and Arato, op. cit., p. 91.
    • (1787) The Federalist , pp. 91
    • Cohen, J.L.1    Arato, A.2
  • 28
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    • The dating of the distinction is something of a moot point, but there is some evidence to suggest that it is detectable as early as Hobbes's Leviathan, in which he makes reference to "Systemes Subject, Politicall, and Private" and "Bodies Politique". See (ed. and intro. C. B. MacPherson) (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1985), Similar evidence can be found in both Locke and Rousseau
    • The dating of the distinction is something of a moot point, but there is some evidence to suggest that it is detectable as early as Hobbes's Leviathan, in which he makes reference to "Systemes Subject, Politicall, and Private" and "Bodies Politique". See Thomas Hobbes, Leviathan [1651] (ed. and intro. C. B. MacPherson) (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1985), pp. 274-288. Similar evidence can be found in both Locke and Rousseau.
    • (1651) Leviathan , pp. 274-288
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  • 29
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    • For an argument that Cicero planted "the germ of the idea" of a "separation of state from society" on the basis of property rights, (Berkeley: University of California Press), see
    • For an argument that Cicero planted "the germ of the idea" of a "separation of state from society" on the basis of property rights, see Neal Wood, Cicero's Social and Political Thought (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988), pp. 136-142.
    • (1988) Cicero's Social and Political Thought , pp. 136-142
    • Wood, N.1
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    • If the argument is to be based on property rights alone, however, an insufficient argument, the same could be said of the Greeks See op. cit
    • If the argument is to be based on property rights alone, however, an insufficient argument, the same could be said of the Greeks. See Aristotle, op. cit., pp.
    • (1996) The Politics and the Constitution of Athens
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  • 31
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    • "Men by entering into Society and Civil Government, have excluded force, and introduced Laws for the preservation of Property, Peace, and Unity amongst themselves"
    • For example, Locke states: See op. cit., para. 226
    • For example, Locke states: "Men by entering into Society and Civil Government, have excluded force, and introduced Laws for the preservation of Property, Peace, and Unity amongst themselves." See Locke, op. cit., para. 226, p. 464.
    • (1690) Two Treatises of Government , vol.12 , pp. 464
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  • 32
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    • See also (trans. and intro. Maurice Cranston) (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1968), chs. 6-8
    • See also Jean-Jacques Rousseau, The Social Contract [1762] (trans. and intro. Maurice Cranston) (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1968), chs. 6-8.
    • (1762) The Social Contract
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  • 33
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    • "The Ideal of Civilisation: Its Origins and Socio-political Character"
    • See
    • See Brett Bowden, "The Ideal of Civilisation: Its Origins and Socio-political Character", Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy, Vol. 7, No. 1 (2004), pp. 25-50.
    • (2004) Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy , vol.7 , Issue.1 , pp. 25-50
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  • 34
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    • "Despotism and Democracy: The Origins and Development of the Distinction between Civil Society and the State 1750-1850"
    • op. cit., pp. Keane also argues that the work of David Hume maintains the "classical understanding of civil society". Such an observation is problematic, however, when one considers that, as contemporaries and friends, Hume and Ferguson∠d Adam Smith_regularly engaged in debate and were almost inevitably influenced by each other's thoughts. Whilst it might appear that in some passages of A Treatise of Human Nature Hume draws no distinction between civil society and the state, as is the case where he writes "Of the Origin of Government"
    • Keane, op. cit., pp. 36-39. Keane also argues that the work of David Hume maintains the "classical understanding of civil society". Such an observation is problematic, however, when one considers that, as contemporaries and friends, Hume and Ferguson∠d Adam Smith_regularly engaged in debate and were almost inevitably influenced by each other's thoughts. Whilst it might appear that in some passages of A Treatise of Human Nature Hume draws no distinction between civil society and the state, as is the case where he writes "Of the Origin of Government".
    • (1998) Civil Society and the State: New European Perspectives , pp. 36-39
    • Keane, J.1
  • 35
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    • Like Hobbes, elsewhere he makes a clear distinction when writing of men in society forming "leagues" and "alliances" as he articulates "the boundaries of our public and private duties". See (London: Dent 1956)
    • Like Hobbes, elsewhere he makes a clear distinction when writing of men in society forming "leagues" and "alliances" as he articulates "the boundaries of our public and private duties". See David Hume, A Treatise of Human Nature [1739/40], Vol. 2 (London: Dent, 1956), pp. 238
    • (1739) A Treatise of Human Nature , vol.2 , pp. 238
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  • 38
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    • "Discourse on the Origin and the Foundations of Inequality among Men"
    • See J.J. Rousseau, (ed. Victor Gourevitch) (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press)
    • See Jean Jacques Rousseau, "Discourse on the Origin and the Foundations of Inequality among Men", in J.J. Rousseau, The Discourses and Other Early Political Writings (ed. Victor Gourevitch) (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), pp. 111-222.
    • (1997) The Discourses and Other Early Political Writings , pp. 111-222
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  • 43
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    • This does not mean the absence of an army altogether, rather that the protection of one's society is the duty of all of its capable citizens
    • This does not mean the absence of an army altogether, rather that the protection of one's society is the duty of all of its capable citizens.
  • 44
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    • "Despotism and Democracy: The Origins and Development of the Distinction between Civil Society and the State 1750-1850"
    • This does not mean the absence of an army altogether, rather that the protection of one's society is the duty of all of its capable citizens
    • Keane, op. cit., p. 42.
    • (1998) Civil Society and the State: New European Perspectives , pp. 42
    • Keane, J.1
  • 45
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    • "Introduction"
    • Paine is said to have commenced work on the Rights of Man no fewer than four days after the appearance of Burke's Reflections on the Revolution in France. See in Thomas Paine, (Ware: Wordsworth Editions)
    • Paine is said to have commenced work on the Rights of Man no fewer than four days after the appearance of Burke's Reflections on the Revolution in France. See Derek Matravers, "Introduction", in Thomas Paine, Rights of Man (Ware: Wordsworth Editions, 1996), p. viii.
    • (1996) Rights of Man
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    • "Despotism and Democracy: The Origins and Development of the Distinction between Civil Society and the State 1750-1850"
    • op. cit. This does not mean the absence of an army altogether, rather that the protection of one's society is the duty of all of its capable citizens
    • Keane, op. cit., p. 47.
    • (1998) Civil Society and the State: New European Perspectives , pp. 47
    • Keane, J.1
  • 47
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    • "Introduction"
    • See op. cit., pp
    • See Paine, op. cit., pp. 34, 104.
    • Rights of Man , vol.34 , pp. 104
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  • 48
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    • "Introduction"
    • Paine's remarks require some qualification. Although it might appear as though Paine is some sort of laissez-faire libertarian, this is not the case. In Part Two of Rights of Man and again in Agrarian Justice, Paine goes to considerable lengths to articulate and cost an extensive system of state-provided social welfare. Included in it are the provision of education and child benefits, relief for the poor and unemployed, maternity and death grants, and age pensions. See op. cit., Part Two, ch. V
    • Paine's remarks require some qualification. Although it might appear as though Paine is some sort of laissez-faire libertarian, this is not the case. In Part Two of Rights of Man and again in Agrarian Justice, Paine goes to considerable lengths to articulate and cost an extensive system of state-provided social welfare. Included in it are the provision of education and child benefits, relief for the poor and unemployed, maternity and death grants, and age pensions. See Paine, op. cit., Part Two, ch. V, pp. 165-222
    • Rights of Man , pp. 165-222
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    • "Agrarian Justice [1795-6]"
    • and, Thomas Paine, (ed. Philip S. Foner) (New York: Citadel Press)
    • and, "Agrarian Justice [1795-6]", in Thomas Paine, The Complete Writings of Thomas Paine, Vol. 2 (ed. Philip S. Foner) (New York: Citadel Press, 1945), pp. 605-623.
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    • (New York: Doubleday, 1960), emphasis in original
    • Thomas Paine, Common Sense and The Crisis [1776] (New York: Doubleday, 1960), p. 13; emphasis in original.
    • (1776) Common Sense and The Crisis , pp. 13
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    • "Federalist No. 10"
    • At around the same time a similar attempt at balancing civil society and the state was being made across the Atlantic in The Federalist Papers. This is most readily apparent in James Madison's Federalist No. 10. See Alexander Hamilton, James Madison and John Jay, (ed. Benjamin Fletcher Wright) (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 1961)
    • At around the same time a similar attempt at balancing civil society and the state was being made across the Atlantic in The Federalist Papers. This is most readily apparent in James Madison's Federalist No. 10. See James Madison, "Federalist No. 10", in Alexander Hamilton, James Madison and John Jay, The Federalist [1787/88] (ed. Benjamin Fletcher Wright) (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 1961), pp. 129-136.
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    • "Federalist No. 10"
    • See op. cit., and after; emphasis in original. It might be more accurate to assert that Hegel expounds the first modern theory of the state of which civil society is a major component - to which perhaps only Bernard Bosanquet's The Philosophical Theory of the State (London: Macmillan, 1923), might be compared
    • See Cohen and Arato, op. cit., p. 91 and after; emphasis in original. It might be more accurate to assert that Hegel expounds the first modern theory of the state of which civil society is a major component⊤ which perhaps only Bernard Bosanquet's The Philosophical Theory of the State (London: Macmillan, 1923), might be compared.
    • (1787) The Federalist , pp. 91
    • Cohen, J.L.1    Arato, A.2
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    • (trans. T. M. Knox) (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1958), para. 289
    • G. W. F. Hegel, Philosophy of Right [1821] (trans. T. M. Knox) (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1958), para. 289, p. 189.
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    • "History and the Modern State: Hegel's Philosophy of Right and Philosophy of History"
    • L. Arnhart (ed.), 2nd edn (Prospect Heights, IL: Waveland Press)
    • L. Arnhart, "History and the Modern State: Hegel's Philosophy of Right and Philosophy of History", in L. Arnhart (ed.), Political Questions: Political Philosophy from Plato to Rawls, 2nd edn (Prospect Heights, IL: Waveland Press, 1993), p. 298.
    • (1993) Political Questions: Political Philosophy from Plato to Rawls , pp. 298
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    • (ed. J. P. Mayer, trans. George Lawrence) (Garden City, NY: Anchor Books, 1969), pp. 246
    • Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America [1835-40], 2 Vols. (ed. J. P. Mayer, trans. George Lawrence) (Garden City, NY: Anchor Books, 1969), pp. 246, 259-261.
    • (1835) Democracy in America , vol.2 , pp. 259-261
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    • De Tocqueville quoted by Keane, op. cit., p. 57 I have used Keane's translation of the passage as it more vividly captures the spirit of de Tocqueville's concerns than the translation used above and below. The equivalent passage is at op. cit
    • De Tocqueville, quoted by Keane, op. cit., p. 57. I have used Keane's translation of the passage as it more vividly captures the spirit of de Tocqueville's concerns than the translation used above and below. The equivalent passage is at de Tocqueville, op. cit., p. 691.
    • (1835) Democracy in America , vol.2 , pp. 691
    • de Tocqueville, A.1
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    • Ibid., De Tocqueville quoted by Keane, op. cit., p. 57 I have used Keane's translation of the passage as it more vividly captures the spirit of de Tocqueville's concerns than the translation used above and below. The equivalent passage is at op. cit
    • Ibid., p. 253.
    • (1835) Democracy in America , vol.2 , pp. 253
    • de Tocqueville, A.1
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    • Ibid., De Tocqueville quoted by Keane, op. cit., p. 57 I have used Keane's translation of the passage as it more vividly captures the spirit of de Tocqueville's concerns than the translation used above and below. The equivalent passage is at op. cit
    • Ibid., p. 252.
    • (1835) Democracy in America , vol.2 , pp. 252
    • de Tocqueville, A.1
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    • Ibid., p. 515 De Tocqueville quoted by Keane, op. cit., p. 57 I have used Keane's translation of the passage as it more vividly captures the spirit of de Tocqueville's concerns than the translation used above and below. The equivalent passage is at op. cit
    • Ibid., pp. 515, 697
    • (1835) Democracy in America , vol.2 , pp. 515
    • de Tocqueville, A.1
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    • "What Tempers the Tyranny of the Majority in the United States"
    • For more of the specifics, see ibid., Part II, ch. 8
    • For more of the specifics, see ibid., Vol. 1, Part II, ch. 8, "What Tempers the Tyranny of the Majority in the United States", pp. 262-276.
    • (1835) Democracy in America , vol.1 , pp. 262-276
    • de Tocqueville, A.1
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    • "Relationships between Civil and Political Associations"
    • See also Part II, ch. 7
    • See also Vol. 2, Part II, ch. 7, "Relationships between Civil and Political Associations", pp. 520-524.
    • (1835) , vol.2 , pp. 520-524
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    • (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1976)
    • Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, The German Ideology [1845/46] (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1976), p. 98.
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    • "The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte
    • See Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, (Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1958)
    • See Karl Marx, "The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte [1869]", in Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Selected Works in Two Volumes (Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1958), p. 284.
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    • "Preface to The Critique of Political Economy
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    • Karl Marx, "Preface to The Critique of Political Economy [1859]", in Marx and Engels, ibid., p. 362.
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    • "Federalist No. 10"
    • See op. cit., and after; emphasis in original. It might be more accurate to assert that Hegel expounds the first modern theory of the state of which civil society is a major component - to which perhaps only Bernard Bosanquet's The Philosophical Theory of the State (London: Macmillan, 1923), might be compared
    • Cohen and Arato, op. cit., p. 86
    • (1787) The Federalist , pp. 86
    • Cohen, J.L.1    Arato, A.2
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    • op. cit. This does not mean the absence of an army altogether, rather that the protection of one's society is the duty of all of its capable citizens
    • and Keane, op. cit., pp. 62-66.
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    • Note. See the anarchist thinker in particular chs. VII and VIII, "Mutual Aid Amongst Ourselves" and "Mutual Aid Amongst Ourselves (continued)", which can also be considered as having added to the late 19th- and early 20th-century discourse on civil society. Kropotkin, however, sought no balance between civil society and the state, as for him, the state was, by definition, an oppressive and corrupting authority
    • See the anarchist thinker Peter Kropotkin's Mutual Aid, in particular chs. VII and VIII, "Mutual Aid Amongst Ourselves" and "Mutual Aid Amongst Ourselves (continued)", which can also be considered as having added to the late 19th- and early 20th-century discourse on civil society. Kropotkin, however, sought no balance between civil society and the state, as for him, the state was, by definition, an oppressive and corrupting authority.
    • Mutual Aid
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    • It has been remarked that Gramsci's recasting of civil society "is not what associates him with Marx... but what distinguishes him from Marx". See Norberto Bobbio, "Gramsci and the Concept of Civil Society", in Keane (ed.), op. cit., p. 83.
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    • Notably, on occasions Gramsci draws a further distinction between "political society" (government) and "the State", where the "State = political society + civil society" see
    • Notably, on occasions Gramsci draws a further distinction between "political society" (government) and "the State", where the "State = political society + civil society" see p. 263.
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    • Ibid. Notably, on occasions Gramsci draws a further distinction between "political society" (government) and "the State", where the "State = political society + civil society" see
    • Ibid., p. 208.
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    • See, for example, (New York: Basic Books)
    • See, for example, Robert Nozick, Anarchy, State, and Utopia (New York: Basic Books, 1974).
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    • op. cit. The dating of the distinction is something of a moot point, but there is some evidence to suggest that it is detectable as early as Hobbes's Leviathan, in which he makes reference to "Systemes Subject, Politicall, and Private" and "Bodies Politique". See (ed. and intro. C. B. MacPherson) (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1985), Similar evidence can be found in both Locke and Rousseau
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    • "Introduction"
    • op. cit. Paine's remarks require some qualification. Although it might appear as though Paine is some sort of laissez-faire libertarian, this is not the case. In Part Two of Rights of Man and again in Agrarian Justice, Paine goes to considerable lengths to articulate and cost an extensive system of state-provided social welfare. Included in it are the provision of education and child benefits, relief for the poor and unemployed, maternity and death grants, and age pensions. See op. cit., Part Two, ch. V
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    • For a classical illustration of this, compare and contrast (Oxford: Oxford University Press)
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    • See (Cambridge: Polity Press), Falling into this category is Tony Blair's New Labour government in the United Kingdom, Gerhard Schroder's recent coalition government in Germany, and Bill Clinton's Democrat administration in the United States
    • See Anthony Giddens, The Third Way: The Renewal of Social Democracy (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1998), pp. 69-98. Falling into this category is Tony Blair's New Labour government in the United Kingdom, Gerhard Schroder's recent coalition government in Germany, and Bill Clinton's Democrat administration in the United States.
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    • For a more sceptical account of the motives behind the advocacy of civil society, see Ellen Meiksins Wood, "The Uses and Abuses of 'Civil Society'", in Ralph Miliband, Leo Panitch and John Saville (eds.), Socialist Register 1990 (London: Merlin Press, 1990), pp. 60-84;
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    • For the counter-argument and an articulation of "global social capital", see D. Minkoff, "Producing Social Capital: National Social Movements and Civil Society", American Behavioral Scientist, Vol. 40, No. 5 (1998), pp. 606-619.
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    • The term is used by Alan Fowler, "Distant Obligations: Speculations on NGO Funding and the Global Market", Review of African Political Economy, No. 55 (1992), p. 27
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    • (London and Oxford: African Rights and James Currey), The same argument can be applied, if not more strongly still, to global markets. In recent years, virtually unregulated hedge funds, currency speculators, tax-haven banking, and the free hand afforded to transnational corporations have had many ill effects on the well-being of peoples and economies all over the world. Nevertheless, this is a concern that will have to be set aside here, for this article will deal only with the deficiencies of global civil society. op. cit
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    • On the other side of the argument is the claim that neo-liberalism requires a state strong enough "to enforce contracts, preserve property, and guarantee basic human freedoms of association and choice". See Gordon A. Christenson, "World Civil Society and the International Rule of Law", Human Rights Quarterly, Vol. 19, No. 4 (1997), p. 733.
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    • Pasha and Blaney appear to be unaware that Gill has elsewhere stated: "an emerging global civil society and system of international political authority... might then provide the political space and social possibility to begin to mobilize for the solution to deep-seated problems of social inequality, intolerance, environmental degradation and the militarization of the planet".See Stephen Gill, "Reflections on Global Order and Sociohistorical Time", Alternatives, Vol. 16, No. 3 (1991), p. 311.
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