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Volumn 26, Issue 3, 2005, Pages 168-198

The politics of forbidden liaisons: Civilization, miscegenation, and other perversions

(1)  Wickstrom, Stefanie a  

a NONE

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 33645154296     PISSN: 01609009     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1353/fro.2006.0010     Document Type: Review
Times cited : (8)

References (110)
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    • translated by James Strachey (New York: W.W. Norton)
    • Sigmund Freud, Civilization and Its Discontents, translated by James Strachey (New York: W.W. Norton, 1961), 6.
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    • The regulation of sex in seventeenth-century Massachusetts: The quarterly court of Essex County vs. Priscilla Willson and Mr. Samuel Appleton
    • ed. Merril D. Smith New York: New York University Press
    • See Else L. Hambleton, "The Regulation of Sex in Seventeenth-Century Massachusetts: The Quarterly Court of Essex County vs. Priscilla Willson and Mr. Samuel Appleton," in Sex and Sexuality in Early America, ed. Merril D. Smith (New York: New York University Press, 1998), 89-115. Hambleton points out that exercise of sexuality by either gender outside the confines of marriage threatened the "orderly transmission of property" and uses that argument to explain prohibitions against fornication in Puritan culture. She also explains that it was the relatively powerless women who were typically convicted and punished for fornication. The lives of married women were forever transformed by the stigma associated with the convictions. It was unusual for any Puritan man to take financial responsibility for a condemned woman and her illegitimate child. Men accused of fornication could usually successfully deny paternity and avoid the obligation to care for an illegitimate child. I contend that this means that most men were spared any risk of investing in another man's progeny. Puritan men avoided the risk and Puritan women shouldered the burden of sustaining the patriarchal arrangement.
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    • The sexual life of an eighteenth-century jamaican slave overseer
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    • Trevor Burnard, "The Sexual Life of an Eighteenth-Century Jamaican Slave Overseer," in Sex and Sexuality in Early America, ed. Merril D. Smith (New York: New York University Press, 1998), 163-189.
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    • Still waiting: Intermarriage in white women's civil war novels
    • ed. Martha Hodes (New York: New York University Press)
    • According to Sizer, the term miscegenation was invented and first used in 1863 to describe interbreeding between Anglos and non-Anglos. It now applies to sexual relations between any presumably distinct races. For an interesting discussion of how Democrats created the term in 1863 and used it in a pamphlet extolling the virtues of miscegenetic unions in an effort to scare voters away from President Lincoln, see Lyde Cullen Sizer, "Still Waiting: Intermarriage in White Women's Civil War Novels," in Sex, Love, Race: Crossing Boundaries in North American History, ed. Martha Hodes (New York: New York University Press, 1999).
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  • 13
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    • note
    • Swarton's narrative was written for her by Protestant Minister Cotton Mather, who was the son of Increase Mather, the Puritan clergyman who sponsored Mary Rowlandson's narrative.
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    • Among the Indians: The uses of captivity
    • In Annette Kolodny, "Among the Indians: The Uses of Captivity," Women's Studies Quarterly 21, nos. 3 and 4 (1993): 184-195.
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    • Kathryn Zabelle Derounian-Stodola, ed., (New York: Penguin Books)
    • Kathryn Zabelle Derounian-Stodola, ed., Women's Indian Captivity Narratives (New York: Penguin Books, 1998).
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    • Derounian-Stodola asserts that the 1799 story's giant "certainly possesses Indian attributes" and can be tied to "Native American lore about the ritual killing of a fertility god." See Derounian-Stodola, Women's Indian Captivity Narratives, 84.
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    • Turning the lens on "the panther captivity': A feminist exercise in practical criticism
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    • Annette Kolodny suggests that the giant's ethnicity is intentionally "unidentified" (emphasis in original). Kolodny argues that the giant represents the "uncivilized brutality of wilderness." She claims the symbolic oppositions in the story "are not so much between civilized European associations and the Indianized wilderness as they are between different ways of being in and relating to the vast American landscape," which are represented by the female cultivator and the male hunter. See Annette Kolodny, "Turning the Lens on "The Panther Captivity': A Feminist Exercise in Practical Criticism," Critical Inquiry 8 (Winter 1981): 338, 343.
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    • accessed May 1, 2005
    • The text of "The Adventures of Colonel Daniel Boon, Formerly a Hunter; Containing a Narrative of the Wars of Kentucky" is available at the Archiving Early America website at http://earlyamerica.com/lives/boone/ (accessed May 1, 2005).
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    • note
    • It is important to note that throughout the course of telling his story, Filson does not once use the term "man" or "men" to refer to Indians. He calls them "Indians" or uses derogatory or hostile descriptors including "savages" and "the enemy." Filson does, however, refer to the Negro as a "Negro man" once when he introduces him.
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    • As slavery became an integral part of the colonial enterprise, Anglo men in North America exerted increasing control over the sexuality of the women of color they dominated. As slaveholders (and, earlier, encomenderos - the grantees that received the right to exploit Indian labor in colonial Spanish America from the crown under the encomienda system, which lasted from 1503 into the late eighteenth century) took advantage of their female captives, white male sexual fantasies became focused on colored women rather than white women. See, for example, Burnard, "The Sexual Life of an Eighteenth-Century Jamaican Slave Overseer," 165.
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    • The Indians involved were known as Dakotas, Santees, or Eastern Sioux and comprised four divisions: Sissetons, Wahpetons, Wahpekutas, and Mdewakantons. See Namias, White Captives.
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    • Kolodny suggests that in the Panther captivity story, the "male wilderness adventure (precursor of the later Western tale) is displaced by a narrative of female adventure; the now standard narrative of female captivity turns instead - and for the first time in American literary history - toward acculturation and accommodation to the wild" (emphasis mine). See Kolodny, "Turning the Lens on 'The Panther Captivity,'" 335.
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