Multiple historical geographies: Responses and resistance to colonial conservation schemes in East Africa

Journal of Historical Geography

Volumn 32, Issue 2, 2006, Pages 398-421

  Carswell, Grace ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF SUSSEX   (United Kingdom)

Author keywords

Colonial policy; East Africa; Modernity; Soil conservation

Indexed keywords

COLONIALISM; HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY; MODERNITY; SOIL CONSERVATION;

AFRICA; EAST AFRICA; SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA;

EID: 33644963742     PISSN: 03057488     EISSN: 10958614     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1016/j.jhg.2005.07.016     Document Type: Article

References (215)

1. B.S.A. Yeoh, Historical geographies of the colonised world, in: B. Graham and C. Nash (Eds), Modern Historical Geographies, Harlow, 2000, 147;
2. see also B. Yeoh, Contesting Space in Colonial Singapore: Power Relations and the Urban Built Environment, Singapore, 2003.
3. Yeoh, Historical geographies of the colonised world, 148.
4. See A.L. Stoler and F. Cooper, Between metropole and colony: Rethinking a research agenda, in: F. Cooper and A.L. Stoler (Eds), Tensions of Empire: Colonial Cultures in a Bourgeois World, Berkeley, 1997, 6.
5. Archival collections examined include: Public Records Office, Kew [PRO]; Rhodes House Library [RH]; Entebbe National Archives [ENA]; and Kigezi District Archives [KDA]. Oral histories were conducted in Kigezi in 1995, 2000 and 2002.
6. Yeoh, Historical geographies of the colonised world, 165.
7. See for example M. Ogborn, Spaces of Modernity: London's Geographies 1680-1780, London, 1998;
8. M. Berman, All that is Solid Melts into Air, London, 1983;
9. A. Pred and M. Watts, Reworking Modernity: Capitalisms and Symbolic Discontent, New Brunswick, 1992;
10. and D. Gregory, Geographical Imaginations, Oxford, 1994.
11. Ogborn, Spaces of Modernity, 2.
12. C. Nash, Historical geographies of modernity, in: Graham and Nash (Eds), Modern Historical Geographies, 17.
13. Ogborn, Spaces of Modernity, 17;
14. see Ogborn, Spaces of Modernity, 17-22;
15. and Nash, Historical geographies, 17.
16. Ogborn, Spaces of Modernity, 19.
17. Pred and Watts, Reworking Modernity.
18. Nash, Historical geographies, 13.
19. Ogborn, Spaces of Modernity, 20.
20. For a recent anthropological account of the ambiguities and expectations of modernity in the Zambian Copperbelt, see J. Ferguson, Expectations of Modernity: Myths and Meanings of Urban Life on the Zambian Copperbelt, Berkeley, 1999.
21. D.M. Anderson Depression, dust bowl, demography and drought: The colonial state and soil conservation in East Africa during the 1930s African Affairs 83 1984 321-343
22. For growth of concerns in Southern Africa context see W. Beinart Soil erosion, conservationism and ideas about development: A southern African exploration, 1900-1960 Journal of Southern African Studies 11 1 1984 53-83
23. My thanks to one of the anonymous referees for emphasizing this point.
24. See for example A. Lester, Historical geographies of imperialism, in: Graham and Nash (Eds), Modern Historical Geographies. Lester examines how ideas and information flowed across the Empire arguing that historical geographies of Europe and its colonial peripheries were interconnected and it was 'these global connections and the flows of information traversing them, as well as the movements of people and goods ... which shaped the practices and discourse of imperialism, both on the margins and at the centre of Empire', 101.
25. For further details of the 'colonial mind' and how it changed, see G. Carswell, African farmers in colonial Kigezi, Uganda, 1930-1962: opportunity, constraint and sustainability, PhD, SOAS, 1997.
26. F. Mackenzie, Land, Ecology and Resistance in Kenya, 1880-1952, Edinburgh, 1998, 118.
27. Maher, 'A Visit to USA to Study Soil Conservation'. Department of Agriculture, Nairobi, 1940. PRO CO 892 15/7.
28. Interview with Masefield, 18 April 1996.
29. The first year of the Diploma in Tropical Agriculture was spent at Cambridge and the second at the ICTA in Trinidad. See G.B. Masefield, A History of the Colonial Agricultural Service, Oxford, 1972, 43.
30. Masefield, A History of the Colonial Agricultural Service, 6.
31. In 1938 Pole-Evans (of South Africa's Department of Agriculture) visited Kenya and a number of Kenyan colonial officials visited South Africa. McKenzie, Land, Ecology, 120.
32. In 1955 L.H. Collett, the Chief Soil Conservation Officer, of Basutoland visited Kigezi to discuss soil conservation Report on Collett's visit to Uganda, 14-22 Oct 1955;
33. KDA Department of Agriculture [DOA] 19 ff211. A 1938 report by Collett on Soil Erosion in the USA had been circulated to East African colonies, PRO DO 35 936/Y579/12.
34. Notes by Tothill (Director of Ag) on various aspects of Indian and South African agriculture, with particular reference to items of possible practical value to Uganda (Jan-March, 1938). 300 copies were printed and circulated around Dept of Ag. ENA H280 ff1.
35. Report by E.W. King, DAO, on visit to Ruanda 18 April 1955. KDA DOA 019 ff162. See also KDA DOA Teammins.
36. PRO CO 822 106/5; PRO CO 822 109/10 1940; PRO CO 822 109/11; PRO CO 822 115/6 1944. Soil erosion was also discussed at the 1938 Conference of Governors of Uganda, Kenya and Tanganyika. PRO CO 822 88/6 ff8.
37. For example in 1940 a memorandum from Nyasaland about improving husbandry practices was circulated at Conference of Directors of Agriculture, May 1940. ENA H304 ff1.
38. For studies outside Eastern Africa see W. Beinart and C. Bundy, Hidden Struggles in Rural South Africa: Politics and Popular Movements in Transkei and Eastern Cape, London, 1987;
39. S. Wallman, Take Out Hunger: Two Case Studies of Rural Development in Basutoland, London, 1969
40. K. Showers Soil erosion in the Kingdom of Lesotho: Origins and colonial response, 1830s-1950s Journal of Southern African Studies 15 2 1989 263-286
41. For example see L. Cliffe, Nationalism and the reaction to enforced agricultural change in Tanganyika during the colonial period, in: L. Cliffe and J. Saul (Eds), Socialism in Tanganyika, Vol. 1, Nairobi, written 1964, publ 1972;
42. G.A. Maguire, Towards 'Uhuru' in Tanzania: The Politics of Participation, London, 1969;
43. I.N. Kimambo, Penetration and Protest in Tanzania: The Impact of the World Economy on the Pare, 1860-1960, London, 1991.
44. Although Feierman gives some detail: S. Feierman, Peasant Intellectuals: Anthropology and History in Tanzania, Madison, 1990.
45. Also Showers, Soil erosion in the Kingdom of Lesotho, 263-286.
46. Although this is attempted in J.C. de Wilde, Experiences with Agricultural Development in Tropical Africa, Vols. 1 and 2, Baltimore, 1967.
47. Also see M. Tiffen, M. Mortimore and F. Gichuki, More People, Less Erosion: Environmental Recovery in Kenya, Chichester, 1994.
48. Map drawn by Hazel Lintott, Cartographic Unit, Dept of Geography, University of Sussex.
49. See Tiffen et al., More People, Less Erosion, 98-118.
50. Tiffen et al., More People, Less Erosion, 180-183.
51. D.W. Throup, The Economic and Social Origins of Mau Mau, 1945-1953, London, 1988, 65.
52. de Wilde, Experiences with Agricultural Development, Vol. 2, 93;
53. see also Throup, Economic and Social Origins, 66.
54. Tiffen et al., More People, Less Erosion, 186;
55. see also de Wilde, Experiences with Agricultural Development, Vol. 2.
56. de Wilde, Experiences with Agricultural Development, Vol. 2, 94.
57. de Wilde, Experiences with Agricultural Development, Vol. 2, 94.
58. Mackenzie, Land, Ecology.
59. D.W. Throup The origins of the Mau Mau African Affairs 84 1985 425
60. see also M.P.K. Sorrenson, Land Reform in the Kikuyu Country - A Study in Government Policy, Nairobi, 1967, 75.
61. For further details on changes to Kenyan agricultural policy see J. Heyer, Agricultural development policy in Kenya from colonial period to 1975, in: J. Heyer (Ed.), Rural Development in Tropical Africa, London, 1981.
62. For the political implications see Throup, Economic and Social Origins;
63. also de Wilde, Experiences with Agricultural Development, Vol. 2.
64. Other schemes were introduced in Tanganyika including Pare and Usambara Schemes. For further details see Carswell, African farmers.
65. J. Iliffe, A Modern History of Tanganyika, Cambridge, 1979, 348.
66. D.W. Malcolm, Sukumaland, An African People and the Country: A Study of Land Use in Tanganyika, London, 1953;
67. see also Cliffe, Nationalism and the reaction to enforced agricultural change.
68. Maguire, Towards 'Uhuru' 27.
69. Iliffe, A Modern History of Tanganyika, 474.
70. Iliffe, A Modern History of Tanganyika, 474.
71. P.F.M. McLoughlin, Sukumaland, in: J.C. de Wilde (Ed.), Experiences with Agricultural Development in Tropical Africa, Vol. 2, Baltimore, 1967.
72. R. Young and H. Fosbrooke, Land and Politics Among the Luguru in Tanganyika, London, 1960, 142.
73. Young and Fosbrooke, Land and Politics, 144-145.
74. Letter to PCWP from J.E. Phillips, Acting DC, 26 Jan 1921, KDA District Commissioner's Office [DC] MP69 ff2. Also Note on 'Land insufficiency around Kabale', 1929, by J.E. Phillips, DC, KDA DC MP69 ff34.
75. See G. Carswell Continuities in environmental narratives: The case of Kabale, Uganda, 1930-2000 Environment and History 9 1 2002 3-29
76. G. Carswell, Soil conservation policies in colonial Kigezi, Uganda: successful implementation and an absence of resistance, in: W. Beinart and J. McGregor (Eds), Social History and African Environments, Oxford, 2003.
77. Report on Tour of Western Province, 7-19 July 1941, by Deputy Director of Agriculture, KDA DOA 11/A/1 ff6.
78. A resettlement scheme was also introduced. See Carswell, African farmers.
79. Carswell, Soil conservation policies in colonial Kigezi.
80. This is supported by both archival and oral sources. District colonial archives were examined in close detail, and no references to resistance were found. Even without a vernacular press in Kigezi one would expect to find references to discontent in for example, files on 'Petitions and Complaints' which were examined closely. In the early 1950s there was some criticism in the vernacular press about soil erosion measures in Buganda. Monthly Political Surveys: Uganda, PRO CO 822 381.
81. Letter to Chf Sec from J.M. Watson, for Dir of Ag, 29 Sept 1949, KDA DC AGR6I ff37. Also see Minute from Mr Nye, 20 July 1950 following letter to S of S from Acting Governor, 5 July 1950 Enclosing 'Soil Conservation Report 1949.' PRO CO 536 222 40095 ff1. Again the word 'spectacular' was used.
82. Wrigley, Crops and Wealth, 77.
83. Settlement Scheme in Kigezi District, Letter to Rogers (CO) from Steil (Chief Sec's Office, E'be), 5 May 1951, PRO CO 536 40391 ff6.
84. Ogborn, Spaces of Modernity, 19.
85. Mackenzie notes that with few exceptions (all in Tanganyika) 'local conservation systems, their ecological specificity and their integration of biological with technical measures, were completely ignored in attempts to resolve the growing environmental crisis in colonial Africa.' Mackenzie, Land, Ecology, 15. The evidence presented here suggests that Kigezi is another such exception.
86. Carswell, Soil conservation policies in colonial Kigezi.
87. For example Roscoe, Elliot and Snowden all commented on measures they observed in visits to the area in the 1920s. J. Roscoe, The Soul of Central Africa: A General Account of the Mackie Ethnological Expedition, London, 1922, 101. Visit to Kigezi (1919-1920). Papers of J.R. McD. Elliot, RH MSS Afr s 1384, #33 and 2A. Elliot was an administrative officer in Uganda. Snowden, Report to Director of Agriculture on Tour of Kigezi District, 16 Nov 1929. RH MSS Afr s 921, ff258.
88. Letter to Senior Ag Officer from McCombe, DAO, 18 Jan 1943. KDA DC AGR6I ff11.
89. Notes on the System of Land Tenure in Kigezi written by DC, for EARC, 1950. PRO CO 892 15/9 pg47.
90. Carswell, African farmers.
91. P.A. Maack, 'We don't want terraces!' Protest and identity under the Uluguru land usage scheme, in: G. Maddox (Ed.), Custodians of the Land: Ecology and Culture in the History of Tanzania, London, 1996, 159.
92. Young and Fosbrooke, Land and Politics, 147.
93. Maack, 'We don't want terraces!', 156.
94. Geografiska Annaler, 1972, quoted in A. Coulson, Agricultural policies in mainland Tanzania, in: Heyer (Ed.), Rural Development in Tropical Africa, 57.
95. Maack, 'We don't want terraces!' 158.
96. In Usambara - another scheme that met with strong resistance and had to be abandoned - the measures introduced involved digging a grid of raised squares, which necessitated high labour inputs and was very different from the existing system of working along the hillside. Feierman, Peasant Intellectuals, 181, 188.
97. This was called boxed ridging in Nyasaland. See Beinart, Soil erosion, conservationism and ideas about development, 71.
98. These shortcomings are examined in detail in McLoughlin, Sukumaland.
99. McLoughlin, Sukumaland, 429.
100. Also see Coulson, Agricultural policies in mainland Tanzania, 57.
101. Maguire, Towards 'Uhuru', 31.
102. Coulson, Agricultural policies in mainland Tanzania, 57.
103. Mackenzie, Land, Ecology, 160.
104. ULUS Annual Report, 1956, quoted in Young and Fosbrooke, Land and Politics, 164.
105. Iliffe, A Modern History of Tanganyika, 474.
106. Maack, 'We don't want terraces!', 153, 160.
107. G. Carswell Food crops as cash crops: The case of colonial Kigezi, Uganda Journal of Agrarian Change 3 4 2003 521-551
108. Similarly, when the Usambara scheme was abandoned the only measures that survived were those on plots producing vegetables for the Tanga market. Iliffe, A Modern History of Tanganyika. Likewise in parts of Nyasaland there were cases of successful implementation. In Northeastern Chikwawa and on the Lulwe plateau, as well as in the Tchiri highlands, campaigns to promote ridge cultivation were successful. Mandala notes that in areas of steep hillsides farmers found it 'reasonable' to adopt contour ridging. This was in sharp contrast to the rest of the Shire Valley where opposition was strong. Thus while ridge cultivation may have 'made sense' to growers in hilly areas, it was not rational for farmers of flatter land, because ridges did not raise productivity and had high labour demands. E.C. Mandala, Work and Control in a Peasant Economy, Madison, 1990, 227-229.
109. McLoughlin, Sukumaland, 426, 429.
110. Also see Coulson, Agricultural Policies in Mainland Tanzania, 57.
111. Throup, The origins of the Mau Mau, 427.
112. de Wilde, Experiences with Agricultural Development, Vol. 2, 97.
113. de Wilde, Experiences with Agricultural Development, Vol. 2, 94;
114. Tiffen et al., More People, Less Erosion, 188-192.
115. Tiffen et al., More People, Less Erosion, 256.
116. Throup, Economic and Social Origins, 142-143, 151.
117. Throup, Economic and Social Origins, 143.
118. Up to 1938 the department's approach to conservation in Murang'a was 'not incompatible with local practice' and measures were encouraged without compulsion, relying on the 'goodwill of the people'. This was to change from about 1938. Mackenzie, Land, Ecology, 155-158.
119. Sorrenson, Land Reform in the Kikuyu Country
120. Tiffen et al., More People, Less Erosion, 183-187.
121. Tiffen et al., More People, Less Erosion, 183.
122. Throup, Economic and Social Origins, 70.
123. Maack, 'We don't want terraces!, 155-156.
124. Young and Fosbrooke, Land and Politics, 150.
125. Maack, 'We don't want terraces!',
126. Young and Fosbrooke, Land and Politics, 149.
127. Young and Fosbrooke, Land and Politics, 145, 149.
128. Maack, 'We don't want terraces!', 158.
129. There was a similar reliance on enforcement through the courts in the Usambara Scheme. See Feierman, Peasant Intellectuals.
130. See Young and Fosbrooke, Land and Politics, 147.
131. McLoughlin, Sukumaland, 419, 420.
132. Maguire, Towards 'Uhuru', 27.
133. As was the case elsewhere in Sukumaland the destocking policy was enormously unpopular as unsurprisingly the Sukuma did not want their cattle touched. Maguire, Towards 'Uhuru'. Furthermore the year this was introduced (1949) large numbers of animals had been lost to drought. Cliffe, Nationalism and the reaction to enforced agricultural change, 21.
134. Maguire, Towards 'Uhuru', 30.
135. Maguire, Towards 'Uhuru', 29-30.
136. Letter to Dr N.M. James, CMS, Kabale from Haig, Senior Ag Off, K'la, 13 July 1937; letter of 30 Aug 1937 to Senior Ag Off from Masefield, KDA DOA 009crops. Monthly Report for Oct 1937 by Masefield, KDA DC AGR-MNTH ff95.
137. Letter to DC and DMO from DAO, 18 March 1937, KDA DOA 010crops.
138. Interviews with elderly men and women, Kabale District, July-September 1995. For details see Carswell, African farmers; interview with Masefield, 18 April 1996.
139. Lukikos were meetings held by officials with the local population during safaris around the district. Letter to DC from Masefield, DAO, 23 Oct 1937, KDA DC AGR6I ff2.
140. In other parts of the colonial world, soil conservation policy had already been formalized. See Beinart, Soil erosion, conservationism.
141. Subjects covered at lukikos on safari included: Coffee mulching, timber and black wattle planting and the planting of contour erythrina hedges to avoid soil erosion. See ADC, Wright's Safari in Rukiga, 15 Feb 1937 to 3 March 1937, KDA DC MP139 ff34.
142. This plan was put forward following the study conducted by Purseglove. J.W. Purseglove Report into the Overpopulated Areas, mimeo, 1945.
143. The first course, (1-6 July 1946), was attended by 27 chiefs and 3 instructors, KDA DOA 16/A/1 ff21; the second was attended by 37 chiefs and 6 members of Ag Dept., letter from Purseglove, 4 Nov 1946, KDA DOA 16/A/1 ff31.
144. Letter to DAO from SAA i/c Ruzhumbura, 25 Feb 1953, KDA DOA 16/A/1 ff133.
145. Letter to PAO from Purseglove, 9 June 1948, KDA DOA 11/A/1 ff51.
146. Interview with Bishisha, 95/Muy/62a. For further details see interviews conducted with elderly men and women in Kigezi see Carswell, African farmers.
147. Interviews in Kigezi, 1995, 2000 and 2002. See also articles in 'Kigezi Newsletter' (also known as 'AGANDI'), produced in Rukiga by the district administration from Oct 1950. KDA DC SCW7-1-I ff38a.
148. Letter to PAO from Purseglove 19 July 1946, KDA DC AGR6I ff14. Also interviews.
149. Results of 1958 Soil Competition, KDA DOA 218A ff30.
150. See Carswell, Soil conservation policies in colonial Kigezi.
151. Purseglove, Report on the Overpopulated Areas of Kigezi. Para 94.
152. For further details of this scheme, see Carswell, African farmers.
153. Carswell, African farmers
154. Carswell, Soil conservation policies in colonial Kigezi
155. Letter to Gomb Chf Kitumba from Sec Gen, 6 Oct 1951, KDA DC AGR6I ff68.
156. Letter to DAO from G. Symons DVO, 27 March 1952, KDA DC AGR6I ff75.
157. Maack, 'We don't want terraces!', 156.
158. Young and Fosbrooke, Land and Politics, 145.
159. Quoted in Young and Fosbrooke, Land and Politics, 145.
160. Mikael Saleh Gugulu, Agricultural Instructor,
161. quoted in Maack, 'We don't want terraces!'. 162.
162. Tiffen et al., More People, Less Erosion, 186.
163. Throup, Economic and Social Origins, 151.
164. See Cliffe, Nationalism and the reaction to enforced agricultural change, 19. For further details of the disturbances in Uluguru see PRO CO 822 807.
165. Cliffe, Nationalism and the reaction to enforced agricultural change, 20.
166. For details of this case see Iliffe, A Modern History of Tanganyika, 493-503.
167. Similarly in Usambara farmers could exploit the highly variable local agro-ecological environment because of a complex and flexible land tenure system, which enabled them to borrow land in different environments. Tie ridges made lending land problematic as improving land and continuing to use it gave ownership rights over that land, and so people would be unlikely to lend a piece of land more than once to any one person. Feierman, Peasant Intellectuals, 182-183. Fallowing of land was also made problematic as ridges would need rebuilding after a period of fallow.
168. Young and Fosbrooke, Land and Politics, 146.
169. Maack, 'We don't want terraces!', 165.
170. Purseglove, Report on the Overpopulated Areas of Kigezi, paras 98-99 and 102.
171. Young and Fosbrooke, Land and Politics, 147.
172. Maack, 'We don't want terraces!'
173. see also Iliffe, A Modern History of Tanganyika, 474.
174. McLoughlin, Sukumaland, 419.
175. The same thing happened in Usambara, where discontent with the scheme became 'enmeshed with opposition to the native authority' (Iliffe, A Modern History of Tanganyika, 474) and where the scheme drove cultivators into the 'arms of the resistance'. Feierman, Peasant Intellectuals, 178. For a detailed examination of how political and social cleavages enabled the articulation of discontent see Feierman, Peasant Intellectuals.
176. Cliffe, Nationalism and the reaction to enforced agricultural change, 19.
177. Cliffe, Nationalism and the reaction to enforced agricultural change, 19.
178. McLoughlin, Sukumaland, 420.
179. Iliffe, A Modern History of Tanganyika, 559.
180. Throup, Economic and Social Origins, 140, 141, 152-153.
181. Mackenzie, Land, Ecology, 2.
182. For details see J.F. Munro, Colonial Rule and the Kamba: Social Change in Kenya Highlands 1889-1939, Oxford, 1979.
183. See Ogborn, Spaces of Modernity
184. Nash, Historical geographies
185. Report for Year 1935 by Wickham, KDA DC AGR-MNTH ff53.
186. See for example system of rotation recorded in southern Kigezi in 1936 in Agricultural Survey of Kasheregenyi Mutala in Kigezi District. By R. Wickham, (Survey conducted 1935-1936, as part of one of the 19 Agricultural Surveys 1938). For further details see Carswell 'African farmers'.
187. Letter to DAO from T.Y. Watson, Deputy Director of Agriculture, 2 Oct 1951, KDA DC AGR6I ff67.
188. Malcolm, Sukumaland, 108-109. Malcolm was a colonial official who spent 12 years in Sukumaland, and his writing represents one colonial view of the modernity that they were bringing to the region.
189. de Wilde, Experiences with Agricultural Development, 418-419.
190. Maguire, Towards 'Uhuru', 11.
191. Young and Fosbrook, Land and Politics, 141-142.
192. Mackenzie, Land, Ecology, 142.
193. Tiffen et al., More People, More Fallow, 15, 179.
194. Mackenzie, Land, Ecology, 155-156.
195. Letter to DAO from T.Y. Watson, Deputy Director of Agriculture, 2 Oct 1951, KDA DC AGR6I ff67.
196. Note by McCombe (DAO) on Matias's (DC) Memo on 'Kigezi District: Economic Policy', KDA DOA 11/A/1 ff11.
197. In particularly whether they should use biological versus mechanical methods of control. See Mackenzie Land, Ecology, 120-143.
198. Mackenzie, Land, Ecology, 123.
199. For further details see Throup, Economic and Social Origins.
200. Cliffe, 'Nationalism and the reaction to enforced agricultural change', 19.
201. Maguire, Towards 'Uhuru', 30.
202. Young and Fosbrook, Land and Politics, 158.
203. Maack, 'We don't want terraces!', 158.
204. Ramadhani Saidi Simba quoted in Maack, 'We don't want terraces!', 162.
205. Rajabu Kazimia Kwanzi quoted in Maack, 'We don't want terraces!', 162.
206. Tiffen et al., More People, More Fallow, 183-185.
207. Farmers quoted in Mackenzie, Land, Ecology, 160.
208. Quoted by Fisher in Mackenzie, Land, Ecology, 160.
209. 95/LB/45a.
210. 95/LB/41a. Also see 95/LB/40a.
211. 95/Muy/32b; 'We built terraces because the chiefs told us they prevent soil erosion' (95/Muy/58a). Also see various 1995 interviews: 33a, 59a, 44a, 46a, 53a, 56a, 77a.
212. 95/Bub/92a.
213. Also Usambara, see Carswell, African farmers.
214. Yeoh, Historical geographies, 146.
215. Ogborn, Spaces of Modernity, 19.