Was the English civil war a war of religion? The evidence of political propaganda

Huntington Library Quarterly

Volumn 61, Issue 2, 1999, Pages 173-201

  Burgess, Glenn ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF HULL   (United Kingdom)

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EID: 33644938326     PISSN: 00187895     EISSN: 1544399X     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.2307/3817797     Document Type: Article

References (125)

1. Edward Symmons, Scripture Vindicated, from the Misapprehensions, Muapplications of Mr Stephen Marshall Misinterpretations and Muapplications of Mr Stephen Marshall, Thomason E27 (12) (Oxford, 1644), preface
2. For the context, see Jacqueline Eales, Puritans and Roundheads: The of the English Civil War Harleys of Brampton Bryan and the Outbreak of the English Civil War (Cambridge, 1990), chap. 7
3. Patrick Collinson, The Birthpangs of Protestant England (Basingstoke, England, 1988), 127
4. Edward Symmons, A Loyall Subjects Beliefe, Expressed in a Letter to Marshall Master Stephen Marshall, Thomason E103(6) (Oxford, 1643), 83
5. John Bramhall, The Serpent Salve; or, A Remedy for the Biting of an Asp Bramhall (1643), in Bramhall, The Works of the Most Reverend Father in God John Bramhall, D.D., ed. A. W. H. Lister, 5 vols. (Oxford, 1842-45), 3:289-496
6. esp. the preface "To the Reader," Jasper Mayne, A Sermon Prophets, Thomason E371(8) (Oxford, 1647). against False Prophets, Thomason E371(8) (Oxford, 1647)
7. Another author who, like Symmons, treated with some seriousness the religious zeal that he clearly discerned beneath the Parliamentarian cause was Griffith Williams in Jura Majestatis, Thomason E14(8) (Oxford, 1644). religious zeal that he clearly discerned beneath the Parliamentarian cause was Griffith Williams in Jura Majestatis, Thomason E14(8) (Oxford, 1644)
8. John Maxwell is another who emphasized the religious basis for the rebellion, though he may have had the Scottish covenanters at the forefront of his mind; Thomason E30, London rebellion, though he may have had the Scottish covenanters at the forefront of his mind; see Sacro-Sancta Regum Majestas, Thomason E30(22) (London, 1644), 61-64
9. Morrill, "The Religious Context of the English Civil War," in Nature of the English Revolution (Harlow, England, 1993), chap. 3, at p. 68. Morrill, Nature of the English Revolution (Harlow, England, 1993), chap. 3, at p. 68
10. For other general accounts of the Civil War as a "war of pt. 1, also chap. 15; religion" see ibid., pt. 1, also chap. 15
11. Morrill, "Sir William Brereton and England's Wars of Religion," Journal of British Studies 24 (1985): 311-32
12. Anthony Fletcher, The Outbreak of the English Civil War (London, 1981)
13. Conrad Russell, The Causes of the English Civil War (Oxford, 1990), esp. chaps. 3 and 4
14. Russell, "Issues in the House of Commons, 1621-1629: Predictors of Allegiance Civil War Allegiance," Albion 23 (1991): 23-39
15. Also, more broadly, J. C. D. Clark, Revolution and Rebellion: State and Society in England in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries (Cambridge, 1986), 65-66; Society in England in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries (Cambridge, 1986), 65-66
16. and Clark, The Language of Liberty, 1660-1832: Political Discourse and Dynamics in the Anglo-American World Social Dynamics in the Anglo-American World (Cambridge, 1994)
17. William Lamont, Richard Baxter and the Millennium (London, 1979)
18. Lamont, "The Puritan Revolution: An Historiographical Essay," in J. G. A. Pocock et al., eds., The Varieties of British Political Thought, 1500-1800 (Cambridge, 1993), chap. 4
19. and David Harris Sacks, "Bristol's 'Wars of Religion,'" in R. C. Richardson, ed., Town and Countryside in the English Revolution (Manchester, 1992), chap. 5
20. Among the critics might be numbered Christopher Hill, Religion and Politics in Seventeenth-Century England, 2 of the Collected Essays of Christopher Hill (Brighton, England, 1986), vii-viii; Politics in Seventeenth-Century England, vol. 2 of the Collected Essays of Christopher Hill (Brighton, England, 1986), vii-viii
21. Ann Hughes, The Causes of the English Civil War (Basingstoke, England, 1991), esp. 114-16
22. George Bernard, "The Church of England, c. 1529-c. 1642," History 75 (1990): 183-206
23. Kevin Sharpe, The Personal Rule of Charles I (New Haven, Conn., 1992), 933ff
24. Julian Davies, The Caroline Captivity of the Church: Charles I and the Anglicanism, 1625-1641 Remoulding of Anglicanism, 1625-1641 (Oxford, 1992), 313-18
25. and I. M. Green, "'England's Wars of Religion'? Religious Conflict Wars Church History Colbquium (Exeter, 30 August-3 September, 1988) and the English Civil Wars," in J. van den Berg and P. G. Hoftijzer, eds., Church, Change, and Revolution: Transactions of the Fourth Anglo-Dutch Church History Colbquium (Exeter, 30 August-3 September, 1988) (Leiden, 1991), 100-21
26. The point has, for the localities, been confirmed in some detail by Mark Stoyle, Loyalty and Locality: Popular Allegiance in Devon during the English Civil War (Exeter, England, 1994). Stoyle, Loyalty and Locality: Popular Allegiance in Devon during the English Civil War (Exeter, England, 1994)
27. Roland Bainton, "Congregationalism and the Puritan Revolution from Crusade the Just War to the Crusade," reprinted in Bainton, Studies in the Reformation (London, 1963), chap. 18
28. and Bainton, Christian Attitudes toward War and Peace: A Historical Critical Re-examination Survey and Critical Re-examination (London, 1961), esp. 136-51
29. Michael Walzer, The Revolution of the Saints: A Study in the Origins of Radical Politics (Cambridge, Mass., 1965), esp. chap. 8
30. James Turner Johnson, Ideology, Reason, and the Limitation of War: Religious and Secular Concepts, 1200-1740 (Princeton, N.J., 1975), esp. chap. 2. Religious and Secular Concepts, 1200-1740 (Princeton, N.J., 1975), esp. chap. 2
31. See also the less-than-resounding defense of Bainton in Timothy George, Peace in the Puritan Tradition, Church History 53 (1984): 492-503. "War and Peace in the Puritan Tradition," Church History 53 (1984): 492-503
32. Other important criticisms of Bainton's work include LeRoy Walters, Just War and the Crusade: Antitheses or Analogies? Monist 57 (1973): 584-94; "The Just War and the Crusade: Antitheses or Analogies?" Monist 57 (1973): 584-94
33. David Little, "Some Justifications for Violence in the Puritan Revolution," Harvard Theological Review 65 (1972): 577-89
34. and Litde, "'Holy War' Appeals and Western Christianity: A Bainton's Approach Peace in Western and Islamic Traditions Reconsideration of Bainton's Approach," in John Kelsey and James Turner Johnson, eds., Just War and Jihad: Historical and Theoretical Perspectives on War and Peace in Western and Islamic Traditions (New York, 1991), 121-39
35. Johnson, Ideology, Reason, and the Limitation of War, 81
36. See ibid., 25, for a diagrammatic summary of the argument
37. Stephen Marshall, Meroz Cursed, Thomason E133(19) (London, 1642), 6-7, 10
38. See ibid., 26, for a brief comparison between the godly and "common men, which effectively indicates Marshall's own almost exclusive focus on religious issues. wealths men," which effectively indicates Marshall's own almost exclusive focus on religious issues
39. Stephen Marshall, A Plea for Defensive Armes, Thomason E 102 (10), a different edition; 2d ed. (London, 1643). 3
40. Ibid
41. Jeremiah Burroughes, "A Briefe Answer to Doctor Femes Booke," 7, appended to Burroughes, The Glorious Name of God, the Lord of Hosts (London, 1643)
42. Philip Hunton, A Treatise of Monarchie (London, 1643), 63-64
43. Hunton, Treatise, 67
44. This characterization of Herle is to be found in Ernest Sirluck's introduction to The Complete Prose Works of John Milton New Haven, Conn, 1959, 2:42-44 introduction to The Complete Prose Works of John Milton (New Haven, Conn., 1959), 2:42-44
45. Charles Herle, A Fuller Answer to a Treatise Written by Doctor Feme (London, 1642), 21, 25
46. For this reason Bridge is a classic illustration of Conrad Russell's point that Parliamentarians in the years 1642-43 thought of defending self-defense but not resistance: Conrad Russell, The Fall of the British Monarchies, 1637-1642 (Oxford, 1991), 460-62. point that Parliamentarians in the years 1642-43 thought of defending self-defense but not resistance: see Conrad Russell, The Fall of the British Monarchies, 1637-1642 (Oxford, 1991), 460-62
47. (On checking this reference I note that Russell has also succinctly summarized one of the main arguments of this paper: The dearth of Parliamentary statements claiming that they were fighting for religion must in part be ascribed to their belief and that of their target audience that it was a sin to do so [p. 462].) summarized one of the main arguments of this paper: "The dearth of Parliamentary statements claiming that they were fighting for religion must in part be ascribed to their belief and that of their target audience that it was a sin to do so" [p. 462].)
48. Russell's claims have now been challenged in John Sanderson, "Conrad Russell's Ideas, History of Political Thought 14 (1993): 85-102. Russell's Ideas," History of Political Thought 14 (1993): 85-102
49. William Bridge, The Wounded Conscience Cured, the Weak One Strengthened, and the Doubting Satisfied, Thomason E89 (8) (London, 1642/3), 1-2. and the Doubting Satisfied, Thomason E89 (8) (London, 1642/3), 1-2
50. Cf. "Nature in generall teacheth self-preservation"; Bridge, The Truth of the Times Vindicated, Thomason E61(20) (London, 1643), 19
51. Bridge, Wounded Conscience Cured, 32-33
52. Herbert Palmer [et al.?], Scripture and Reason Pleaded for Defensive Armes, Thomason E247 (22) (London, 1643), 51. This tract was effectively a collective statement by the ministers of London congregations, and was printed by order of the Commons. Armes, Thomason E247 (22) (London, 1643), 51. This tract was effectively a collective statement by the ministers of London congregations, and was printed by order of the Commons
53. Henry Ferne, The Resolving of Conscience (London, 1642), sig C1. Cf. Complete Prose Works of John Milton, 2:30. Sirluck, Complete Prose Works of John Milton, 2:30
54. See also Henry Feme, A Reply unto Severall Treatises, Thomason E74 (9) (Oxford, 1643), 76ff
55. Henry Hammond, Of Resisting the Laufull Magistrate upon Colour of Religion, Thomason E102(19) (London, 1643), 3-4
56. Especially chap. 37 of Tertullian, Apology, Loeb ed., trans. T. R. Glover (London, 1931), 166-71. (London, 1931), 166-71
57. Hammond, Resisting the Lawfull Magistrate, 20-22
58. The major point of the exception was to open the possibility that Lutheran resistance to Emperor Charles V may have been legitimated by the particular constitutional structure of the Holy Roman Empire. This was, of course, an argument actually used by the Lutherans; Quentin Skinner, The Foundations of Modern Political Thought, 2 vols, Cambridge, 1978, 2:191-206 Lutheran resistance to Emperor Charles V may have been legitimated by the particular constitutional structure of the Holy Roman Empire. This was, of course, an argument actually used by the Lutherans; see Quentin Skinner, The Foundations of Modern Political Thought, 2 vols. (Cambridge, 1978), 2:191-206
59. Joseph Boden, An Alarm Beat Up in Sion, to War against Babylon, Thomason E10(3) (London, 1644), 15-16
60. partially quoted in Stephen Baskerville, Not Peace but a Sword: The Political Theology of the English Revolution (London, 1993), 234-35 n. 20. Political Theology of the English Revolution (London, 1993), 234-35 n. 20
61. In fact, Boden's own position came to test as heavily on the authority of Parliament in initiating war as on its religious cause; ibid., esp. 28-30. Parliament in initiating war as on its religious cause; see ibid., esp. 28-30
62. The most important examples, other than Goodwin, who will be discussed below, are Powers to be Resisted: or A Dialogue Arguing the Parliaments Lawfull Resistance of the Powers Now in Armes Against Them, Thomason E79(15) (London, 1643); below, are Powers to be Resisted: or A Dialogue Arguing the Parliaments Lawfull Resistance of the Powers Now in Armes Against Them, Thomason E79(15) (London, 1643)
63. and R. W., The Anatomy of Warre, Thomason E128(15) (London, 1642)
64. John Goodwin, Anti-Cavalierisme, or, Truth Pleading as well the Lawfulness of this Present War Necessity, as the Lawfulness of this Present War, Thomason E123(25) (London, 1642), 5
65. facsimile reprint in William Haller, ed., Tracts on Liberty in the Puritan Revolution, 1638-1647, 3 vols. (New York, 1979), 2:217-69. Puritan Revolution, 1638-1647, 3 vols. (New York, 1979), 2:217-69
66. For discussion of Western ideas concerning the authorization of holy war, James Turner Johnson, The Holy War Idea in Western and Islamic Traditions (University Park, Pa., 1997), 78-89. By the early modern period it was widely believed by just war theorists that only secular authorities could authorize war, even war for the faith; and this view contributed to the demise of the holy war argument. One might expect that those attempting to revive a theory of holy war in the seventeenth century might reject the reliance on secular authority, especially in a war against an anointed king. see James Turner Johnson, The Holy War Idea in Western and Islamic Traditions (University Park, Pa., 1997), 78-89. By the early modern period it was widely believed by just war theorists that only secular authorities could authorize war, even war for the faith; and this view contributed to the demise of the holy war argument. One might expect that those attempting to revive a theory of holy war in the seventeenth century might reject the reliance on secular authority, especially in a war against an anointed king
67. The standard work on the fast sermons is John F. Wilson, Pulpit in Parliament: Puritanism during the English Civil Wars, 1640-1648 (Princeton, N.J., 1969). Parliament: Puritanism during the English Civil Wars, 1640-1648 (Princeton, N.J., 1969)
68. For the latest survey of these sermons, see Basker-ville, Not Peace but a Sword-a book that is considerably too Walzerian in its general framework but does provide a good idea of the content of the fast sermons. Perhaps the best guide to the apocalyptic atmosphere of the early 1640s is Paul Christianson, Reformers and Babylon: English Apocalyptic Visions from the Reformation to the Eve of the Civil War (Toronto, 1978), chap. 5 (see further discussion below). Sword-a book that is considerably too Walzerian in its general framework but does provide a good idea of the content of the fast sermons. Perhaps the best guide to the apocalyptic atmosphere of the early 1640s is Paul Christianson, Reformers and Babylon: English Apocalyptic Visions from the Reformation to the Eve of the Civil War (Toronto, 1978), chap. 5 (see further discussion below)
69. On the anti-idolatry of the fast sermons, see the discussion in J. Sears 1620-1670 Conn, and esp ,259-262 McGee, The Godly Man in Stuart England: Anglicans, Puritans, and the Two Tables, 1620-1670 (New Haven, Conn., 1976), 71-75, and esp. 259-62
70. A century before, hatred of idolatry had formed the core of much of the resistance theory of the Marian exiles, especially Christopher Goodman (see my account forthcoming from Macmillan, British Political Thought, 1500-1707). resistance theory of the Marian exiles, especially Christopher Goodman (see my account forthcoming from Macmillan, British Political Thought, 1500-1707)
71. This material is well discussed in J. R. Hale, "Incitement to English Divines on the Theme of War, 1578 to 1631, Renaissance War Studies London, 1983, chap. 18. Hale stresses the way in which spiritual militancy prepared the way for the more political militancy of the 1640s Violence? English Divines on the Theme of War, 1578 to 1631," Renaissance War Studies (London, 1983), chap. 18. Hale stresses the way in which spiritual militancy prepared the way for the more political militancy of the 1640s
72. See also William Haller, The Rise of Puritanism. . . 1520-1643 (New York, 150ff., which elaborates on his argument that the [Puritan] preacher was above all die leader of a crusade and holy war (p. 143). 1957), 150ff., which elaborates on his argument that "the [Puritan] preacher was above all die leader of a crusade and holy war" (p. 143)
73. This comes through strongly in the fast sermon evidence assembled by Baskerville, and nowhere more strongly than in those passages where Baskerville is arguing for a more community-centered content; for example, the evidence quoted in Not Peace but a Sword, 32-33, 118-30, 187-208 Baskerville, and nowhere more strongly than in those passages where Baskerville is arguing for a more community-centered content; see, for example, the evidence quoted in Not Peace but a Sword, 32-33, 118-30, 187-208
74. And, for that reason, the preachers could - pace Bainton - be forced back into reliance on traditional just war theory. An example is Charles Herle, A Payre of Compasses for Church and State. Delivered in a Sermon Preached at St Margarets in Westminster, before the Honorable House of Commons (London, 1642), 43. into reliance on traditional just war theory. An example is Charles Herle, A Payre of Compasses for Church and State. Delivered in a Sermon Preached at St Margarets in Westminster, before the Honorable House of Commons (London, 1642), 43
75. Though it contains much of value, Trevor-Roper's famous essay seems to me to find a close linkage between fast sermons and political events only by reading the sermons very much against the grain. H. R. Trevor-Roper, The Fast Sermons of the Long Parliament, in Trevor-Roper, Religion, the Reformation, and Social Change, 3d ed, London, 1984, chap. 6 to find a close linkage between fast sermons and political events only by reading the sermons very much against the grain. See H. R. Trevor-Roper, "The Fast Sermons of the Long Parliament," in Trevor-Roper, Religion, the Reformation, and Social Change, 3d ed. (London, 1984), chap. 6
76. Cornelius Burges, The First Sermon, Preached to the Honourable Howe of Commons (London, 1641), 56-57
77. Edmund Calamy, Englands Looking-Glasse Presented in a Sermon Preached Honorable House of Commons before the Honorable House of Commons (London, 1642), 56 (emphasis added)
78. See also Stephen Marshall, Reformation and Desolation: or, A Sermon Symptomes of a People to Whom God Will by no Meanes Be Reconciled Tending to the Discovery of the Symptomes of a People to Whom God Will by no Meanes Be Reconciled (London, 1642), 43-45, for an equally forceful statement of the point
79. Much of this is brought out by the excellent account in Wilson, Pulpit in Parliament, chap. 6. Parliament, chap. 6
80. John Arrowsmith, The Covenant-Avenging Sword Brandished in a Sermon before the Honorable House of Commons (London, 1643), 9
81. For example, John Corbet, The Ungirding of the Scottish Armour (Dublin, 1639), 36-37
82. [Corbet], The Epistle Congratulatorie of Lysimachus Nicanor of the Jesu, To the Covenanters in Scotland, Thomason E203 (7) ([Dublin?] Societie of Jesu, To the Covenanters in Scotland, Thomason E203 (7) ([Dublin?], 1640), 6-8
83. John Maxwell, Sacro-Sancta Regum Majestas, Thomason E30 (22) (Oxford, 1644), 74ff
84. "Aberdeen Doctors," The Generall Demands. . . concerning the Together with the Answeres, Replyes, and Duplyes Late Covenant in Scotland Together with the Answeres, Replyes, and Duplyes (Aberdeen, 1663), 90-92 (second Duply)
85. Compare also the ideas of William Drummond as outlined in Ian Michael Smart, Monarchy and Toleration in Drummond of Hawthornden's Works, Scotia 4 (1980): 44-50. Smart, "Monarchy and Toleration in Drummond of Hawthornden's Works," Scotia 4 (1980): 44-50
86. An Information to All Good Christians within the Kingdome of England (Edinburgh, 1639), 4
87. [Alexander Henderson], The Intentions of the Armie of the Kingdome of Bretheren of England Scotland Declared to Their Bretheren of England (Amsterdam, 1640), 9-10
88. [Alexander Henderson], The Lawfulnesse of Our Expedition into England Manifested (Edinburgh, 1640), sigs. A3-A3V. Thomason E1943(15) is a copy of the London edition
89. [Alexander Henderson], Some Speciall Arguments Which Warranted the Take Up Armes in Defence of Their Religion and Liberty Scottish Subjects Lawfully to Take Up Armes in Defence of Their Religion and Liberty, Thomason E239 (3) (possibly a different edition from the one quoted), ([London?], 1642), 6, 5
90. John Knox, History of the Reformation in Scotland, ed. W. C. Dickinson, 2 vols. (London, 1949), i:lxv, 2:216; vols. (London, 1949), i:lxv, 2:216
91. Robert Douglas, "Coronation Sermon at Scone," in James Kerr, Covenants and the Covenanters: Covenants, Sermons, and Documents of the Covenanted Reformation (Edinburgh, 1895), 349-85. The latter is a particularly full account of the sort of covenanting theory of religious war that I am outlining here. It is very similar indeed to the double-covenant theory of the Vindiciae Contra Tyrannos, which also drew heavily and at crucial points on the same biblical text:; Junius Brutus, A Defence of Liberty against Tyrants, ed. Harold J. Laski (London, 1924), esp. 71-72. ed., The Covenants and the Covenanters: Covenants, Sermons, and Documents of the Covenanted Reformation (Edinburgh, 1895), 349-85. The latter is a particularly full account of the sort of covenanting theory of religious war that I am outlining here. It is very similar indeed to the double-covenant theory of the Vindiciae Contra Tyrannos, which also drew heavily and at crucial points on the same biblical text:; see "Junius Brutus," A Defence of Liberty against Tyrants, ed. Harold J. Laski (London, 1924), esp. 71-72
92. This is not to deny, however, that Scottish covenanting ideas owed something also to native traditions of banding, as argued classically in S. A. Burrell, The Covenant Idea as a Revolutionary Symbol: Scotland, 1596-1637, Church History 27 1958, 338-50; something also to native traditions of banding, as argued classically in S. A. Burrell, "The Covenant Idea as a Revolutionary Symbol: Scotland, 1596-1637," Church History 27 (1958): 338-50
93. and Burrell, "The Apocalyptic Vision of the Early Covenanters," Scottish Historical Review 43 (1964): 1-24
94. For a broader context, which acts as something of a corrective to Burrell, Arthur H. Williamson, Scottish National Consciousness in the Age of James VI (Edinburgh, 1979). Burrell, see also Arthur H. Williamson, Scottish National Consciousness in the Age of James VI (Edinburgh, 1979)
95. As, for example, in Allen, English Political Thought, 1603-1660, 1:424
96. and elsewhere; and Perez Zagorin, A History of Political Thought in the English Revolution (London, 1954), 85
97. For a brief treatment of it in such a context, see Ian Michael Smart, "The Political Ideas of the Covenanters, 1638-88," History of Political Thought 1 (1980): 167-93
98. This is really the only satisfactory survey of its subject. Since first writing this I have been pleased to reading of Rutherford largely confirmed in a fine new study of his thought, John Coffey, Politics, Religion, and the British Revolutions: The Mind of Samuel Rutherford Cambridge, 1997, chap. 6 writing this I have been pleased to see my reading of Rutherford largely confirmed in a fine new study of his thought, John Coffey, Politics, Religion, and the British Revolutions: The Mind of Samuel Rutherford (Cambridge, 1997), chap. 6
99. Samuel Rutherford, Lex, Rex: The Law and the Prince, Thomason E11 (5) (London, 1644), 105
100. See n. 56 above
101. Rutherford, Lex, Rex, 360-72
102. The Writings and Speeches of Oliver Cromwell, ed. Wilbur Cortez Abbott, 4 vols. (reprint, Oxford, 1988), 1:292; also partially quoted in Little, Some Justifications for Violence, 581. vols. (reprint, Oxford, 1988), 1:292; also partially quoted in Little, "Some Justifications for Violence," 581
103. Thomas May, The History of the Parliament of England (London, 1647), paginated as 2 vols: 1:117-18
104. J. S. Morrill, The Nature of the English Revolution (London, 1993), 43
105. See James Tully, ed., Meaning and Context: Quentin Skinner and His Critics (Cambridge, 1988), esp. 73-74, 88-89
106. Davies, Caroline Captivity, 316-17
107. Waller, quoted in Burgess, Politics of the Ancient Constitution, 187
108. In what follows I shall focus my remarks on what is perhaps the best-elaborated critique of the war of religion thesis, Davies, Caroline Captivity, 313-18. Similar claims are also made, for example, in Green, 'England's Wars of Religion ?: Can one divide these perceptions into watertight compartments as a basis for comparison? How far could the king's critics separate fear of popery or of Laudianism from fear of royal absolutism, since by 1640 king and archbishop were so mutually supportive? (p. 113). best-elaborated critique of the "war of religion" thesis, Davies, Caroline Captivity, 313-18. Similar claims are also made, for example, in Green, "'England's Wars of Religion ?": "Can one divide these perceptions into watertight compartments as a basis for comparison? How far could the king's critics separate fear of popery or of Laudianism from fear of royal absolutism, since by 1640 king and archbishop were so mutually supportive?" (p. 113)
109. Dan Bever, "Religion, Politics, and Society in Early Modern England: Classification A Problem of Classification," Journal of British Studies 33 (1994): 315, and passim
110. Sacks, "Bristol's 'Wars of Religion.'"
111. In addition to its treatment in other work cited, the question has also been well posed in Collinson, Birthpangs of Protestant England, chap. 5, esp. 127-36. Note his brief recognition (p. 135) that for some Christians we may not propagate religion by war. Collinson cites the example of Francis Bacon, on whom Johnson, Ideology, Reason, and the Limitation of War, 85-95. been well posed in Collinson, Birthpangs of Protestant England, chap. 5, esp. 127-36. Note his brief recognition (p. 135) that for some Christians "we may not propagate religion by war." Collinson cites the example of Francis Bacon, on whom see also Johnson, Ideology, Reason, and the Limitation of War, 85-95
112. Konrad Repgen, "What Is a 'Religious War'?" in E. Kouri and T. Scott, eds. Politics and Society in Reformation Europe (London, 1987), 312-13
113. See also his more general discussion in Repgen, " Kriegslegitimationen in alteuropa: Entwurf einer Historischen Typologie," Historische Zeitschrift 241 (1985): 27-49
114. Johnson, Holy War Idea, 37-42
115. See John Neville Figgis, Churches in the Modern State, 2d ed. (London, 1914; reprint, 1997), 9-13
116. J. R. Tanner, ed., Constitutional Documents of the Reign of James I, 1603-1625 (Cambridge, 1930), 232 (variations on the phrase appear throughout the canons)
117. Robert E. Rodes Jr., Lay Authority and Reformation in the English Church: Civil War Church's history from a legal angle Edward I to the Civil War (Notre Dame, Ind., 1982), 242. Rodess work is an interesting attempt to examine the Church's history from a legal angle
118. J. C. D. Clark, The Language of Liberty, 179-80
119. W. S. Holdsworth, "The State and Religious Nonconformity: An Historical Retrospect," Law Quarterly Review 36 (1920): 339-58
120. Exploration of the idea that Christianity was part of the common law has been more thoroughly undertaken by American legal historians. In American courts die doctrine was cited in a decision (in 1927) preventing the Philadelphia A's from playing baseball on Sundays, and was affirmed in 1955 confirming a conviction for making lewd telephone calls. Stuart Banner, When Christianity Was Part of the Common Law, Law and History Review 16 1998, 27-62; been more thoroughly undertaken by American legal historians. In American courts die doctrine was cited in a decision (in 1927) preventing the Philadelphia A's from playing baseball on Sundays, and was affirmed in 1955 confirming a conviction for making lewd telephone calls. See Stuart Banner, "When Christianity Was Part of the Common Law," Law and History Review 16 (1998): 27-62
121. see also Jayson L. Spiegel, "Christianity as Part of the Common Law," North Carolina Central Law Journal 14 (1984): 494-516
122. and Bradley S. Chilton, "Cliobernetics, Christianity, and the Common Law," Law Library Journal 83 (1991): 355-62
123. Hunton, Treatise of Monarchy, 66 (see above at n. 26)
124. Hammond, Resisting the Lawfull Magistrate, 1 (see above at n. 101)
125. Burroughes, "Briefe Answer," p. 7 (see above at n. 21)