Scientists and the origins of the nature-study movement in the 1890s

ISIS

Volumn 96, Issue 3, 2005, Pages 324-352

  Kohlstedt, Sally Gregory ^a  

^a 123 Pillsbury Hall   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

ADOLESCENT; ARTICLE; CHILD; CURRICULUM; EDUCATION; HISTORY; HUMAN; METHODOLOGY; NATURAL SCIENCE; SCHOOL; SCIENCE; SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY; STUDENT; TEACHING; UNITED STATES; UNIVERSITY;

ADOLESCENT; CHILD; CURRICULUM; FACULTY; HISTORY, 19TH CENTURY; HISTORY, 20TH CENTURY; HUMANS; NATURE; SCHOOLS; SCIENCE; SOCIAL VALUES; STUDENTS; TEACHING; UNITED STATES; UNIVERSITIES;

EID: 33644928337     PISSN: 00211753     EISSN: 15456994     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1086/447745     Document Type: Review

References (221)

1. Agassiz was also the source of another commonly cited aphorism: "The pupil studies nature in the classroom, and when he goes out of doors he cannot find her." Evidence of Agassiz's commitment to education can be found in his lectures at teachers' institutes throughout Massachusetts and his work with teachers at the West Newton and Framingham normal schools. See Elizabeth C. Agassiz to her mother, n.d., Agassiz MSS, Schlesinger Library, Cambridge, Massachusetts. He also argued that public support should go to the museum of the Boston Society of Natural History in 1861 because it would enable natural history to be interwoven with the entire system of education;
2. see Percy R. Creed, ed., Boston Society of Natural History, 1830-1930 (Boston: Society of Natural History, 1930), pp. 13-14.
3. On his work with teachers see Joan Burstyn, "Early Women in Education: The Role of the Anderson School of Natural History," Journal of Education, 1977, 159:50-64.
4. The best biography remains Edward Lurie, Louis Agassiz: A Life in Science (1960; Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, 1988).
5. Philip J. Pauly, Biologists and the Promise of American Life: From Meriwether Lewis to Alfred Kinsey (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton Univ. Press, 2000), esp. Ch. 7.
6. Histories relating to science in higher and postgraduate education focus on specific topics like the embedding of science into colleges and the opening of German-influenced research universities in the late nineteenth century. See the classic accounts in Laurence R. Veysey, The Emergence of the American University (Chicago: Univ. Chicago Press, 1965);
7. Roger Geiger, To Advance Knowledge: The Growth of American Research Universities (New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1986);
8. Geiger, ed., The American College in the Nineteenth Century (Nashville, Tenn.: Vanderbilt Univ. Press, 2000);
9. and Stanley M. Guralnick, Science and the Antebellum American College (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1975).
10. Margaret Rossiter concentrates on women's higher education in Women Scientists in America: Struggles and Strategies to 1940 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, 1982).
11. Feminist scholars, in particular, have traced the important role that women, as mothers, teachers, popularizers, narrators, and naturalists, have played in introducing science to children. Some examples include Ann B. Shteir, Cultivating Women, Cultivating Science: Flora's Daughters and Botany In England, 1760-1860 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, 1996);
12. Barbara T. Gates, Kindred Nature: Victorian and Edwardian Women Embrace the Living World (Chicago: Univ. Chicago Press, 1998);
13. and Gates, ed., In Nature's Name: An Anthology of Women's Writing and Illustration, 1780-1930 (Chicago: Univ. Chicago Press, 2002).
14. See also Nina Baym, American Women of Letters and the Nineteenth-Century Sciences: Styles of Affiliation (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers Univ. Press, 2001).
15. Orra Underbill, The Origin and Development of Elementary-School Science (Chicago: Scott, Foresman, 1941).
16. In the preface Samuel R. Powers notes, with clear disdain, "Teachers of nature study in the public schools and often in normal schools were, in general, poorly educated in science and, in line with the traditions of the time, tended to become emotional rather than scholarly about natural phenomena" (p. vu). A similarly condescending attitude is found in offhand comments in David Allen, The Naturalist in Britain: A Social History (London: Lane, 1976); he writes of "urchins with jam jars" as the essence of nature study in Britain (p. 183). A brief account, based largely on secondary sources, suggests that the British experience was distinct;
17. see E. W. Jenkins, "Science, Sentimentalism, or Social Control? The Nature-Study Movement in England and Wales, 1899-1914," History of Education, 1981, 10:33-43.
18. None of these accounts, primarily written in colleges of education or agriculture, has particularly noted the role of scientists in advocating and formulating nature study. Most are descriptive and some defensive in response to Underhill's evaluation. They concentrate on the major theorists and on published sources. See Richard R. Olmsted, "The Nature-Study Movement in American Education" (Ed.D. diss., Indiana Univ., 1967);
19. Tyree G. Minton, "The History of the Nature-Study Movement and Its Role in the Development of Environmental Education" (Ph.D. diss., Univ. Massachusetts, 1980);
20. Joseph Bellisario, "E. Lawrence Palmer: His Contribution to Nature, Conservation, and Science Education" (Ph.D. diss., Pennsylvania State Univ., 1969);
21. Patricia Margaret Nutt, "History and Development of Nature Education in California, with Emphasis on the Period up to 1935" (M.A. thesis, Cornell Univ., 1953);
22. Charles Arnold, "Nature Study: An Analytical History of Its Demise" (M.S. thesis, Cornell Univ., 1976);
23. and Peter Corcoran, "A Formative Evaluation of Science and Natural History Curriculum Materials and Their Influence on Maine Science Teaching, K-Twelve" (Ed.D. diss., Univ. Maine, 1985).
24. The very first significant historical effort, initially a thesis at Harvard, was much more upbeat: Dora Otis Mitchell: "A History of Nature Study," published in Nature-Study Review, Sept. 1923, 19:258-274;
25. Dora Otis Mitchell, Nature-Study Review, Oct. 1923, 19:295-321.
26. Although they pay little attention to the scientific support for nature study, both of these accounts describe opportunities that this curriculum provided to women as students and teachers. See Kim Tolley, The Science Education of American Girls: A Historical Perspective (New York: RoutledgeFalmer, 2003);
27. and Ellen Elizabeth Doris, "The Practice of Nature Study: What Reformers Imagined and What Teachers Did" (Ed.D. diss., Harvard Univ., 2002).
28. Examples of environmental histories that have touched on nature study include Hans Huth, Nature and the American: Three Centuries of Changing Attitudes (Berkeley: Univ. California Press, 1957);
29. Donald Worster, Nature's Economy: A History of Ecological Ideas (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1957);
30. and Peter J. Schmitt, Back to Nature: The Arcadian Myth in Urban America (New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1969).
31. Changing vocabulary reflects major shifts in thinking in the late nineteenth century. Advocates of more school studies of nature represented the complex mix of motives in the larger scientific community, and few were firmly fixed in either the older naturalist tradition or the "new biology." See, e.g., the thoughtful discussion in the preface to Juan Ilerbaig, "Pride in Place: Fieldwork, Geography, and American Field Zoology, 1850-1920" (Ph.D. diss., Univ. Minnesota, 2002).
32. T. H. Huxley reflected on the changing definitions in 1872: "natural history is the name familiarly applied to the study of the properties of such natural bodies as minerals, plants, and animals; the sciences which embody the knowledge man has acquired upon these subjects are commonly termed Natural Sciences, in contradistinction to the other so called 'physical sciences.'" T. H. Huxley, "Natural History," American Journal of Education, 1872, 23:473-475, on p. 473. Nature-study advocates typically thought it was important to introduce properties of nature before teaching students the systematic knowledge implied by the term "science."
33. "Studies of nature" was an older phrase, common among British popularizers, that persisted through the nineteenth century in Britain; it was perhaps less often used in the United States. On Britain see N. Jardine, J. A. Secord, and E. C. Spary, eds., Cultures of Natural History (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1996);
34. and the thoughtful account by Barbara T. Gates, "Ordering Nature: Revisioning Victorian Science Culture," in Victorian Science in Context, ed. Bernard Lightman (Chicago: Univ. Chicago Press, 1997), pp. 179-186.
35. Stephen Forbes to Wilbur Jackman, 31 Dec. 1891, Natural History Survey, Chief's Office, 1871-1909, University of Illinois Archives (UIA), Urbana, Illinois. Forbes was very explicit in noting, "I have long believed that the greatest obstacle to a general introduction and maintenance of this work in the schools is the lack of definite courses and outlines of work and of published methods which have been tested by experience and found successful."
36. See also Robert A. Lovely, "Mastering Nature's Harmony: Stephen Forbes and the Roots of American Ecology" (Ph.D. diss., Univ. Wisconsin-Madison, 1995).
37. On the reform agenda of the period the best surveys remain David B. Tyack, The One Best System: A History of American Urban Education (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 1974);
38. William J. Reese, Power and the Promise of School Reform: Grassroots Movements during the Progressive Era (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1986);
39. and Lawrence Cremin, The Transformation of the School: Progressivism in American Education, 1876-1957 (New York: Knopf, 1961).
40. Pre-Civil War domestic and individual educational initiatives ore discussed in Sally Gregory Kohlstedt, "Parlors, Primers, and Public Schooling: Education for Science in Nineteenth-Century America," Isis, 1990, 81:424-445. Private academies often offered science in their coursework, but that seemed to have little influence on the common schools.
41. On Crocker see Notable American Women (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 1971), Vol. 1, pp. 407-409;
42. on Richards see Notable American Women, ibid., Vol. 3, pp. 143-146.
43. There are few records of Crocker, a remarkable woman who was also active in the Freedman's Aid Society and well known among her contemporaries; but see Ednah D. Cheney, Memoirs of Lucretia Crocker and Abby W. May (Boston, 1903).
44. Crocker published her Methods of Teaching Geography, "printed at the request of teachers in attendance" (Boston: Boston School Supply, 1883).
45. Ellen Swallow Richards is best known as the founder of home economics, but in the 1880s she was using her skills as a chemist to test water supplies in and around Boston. The only comprehensive biography is Robert Clarke, Ellen Swallow: The Woman Who Founded Ecology (Chicago: Follett, 1973).
46. On the credential offered by the Teachers' School of Science program see Arthur C. Boyden, Nature Study in the Public Schools of Boston (Boston: Sawyer, 1893).
47. Nathaniel S. Shaler, A First Book in Geology: Designed for the Use of Beginners (Boston: Heath, 1881).
48. Other publications like the "Nature Reader" series soon followed, including Julia McNair Wright's Seaside and Wayside (Boston: Heath, 1895),
49. a guide to outdoor excursions used primarily by middle-class families seeking to supplement their children's schooling; this series was a trio of books for children that presented natural objects they might discover. Health also distributed some British books, including George Ricks, Natural History Object Lessons: A Manual for Teachers (Boston: Heath, 1894).
50. On the work of the museum and its patrons see Sally Gregory Kohlstedt, "From Learned Society to Public Museum: The Boston Society of Natural History," in The Organization of Knowledge in Modern America, 1860-1920, ed. Alexandra Oleson and John Voss (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, 1979), pp. 386-406.
51. William A. Hoyt, "The Home of Nature at the Root of Teaching and Learning the Sciences," Pedagogical Seminary, 1894, 3:3-86, on p. 61;
52. and Boston School Committee, Annual Report for 1891 (Boston, 1892), pp. 27-28. The report pointed out the lack of resources, noting that teachers "cannot make bricks without straw" (p. 28).
53. The 1871 report was published under the same title by the prominent educational publisher C. W. Bardeen in Syracuse in 1887 and is discussed in Selwyn K. Troen, The Public and the Schools: Shaping the St. Louis System, 1838-1920 (Columbia: Univ. Missouri Press, 1975).
54. For his initial skepticism about nature study see William T. Harris, "The Study of Natural Science-Its Uses and Dangers," Education, Jan. 1890, 10:277-287.
55. He later edited an educational series for which Edward Gardner Howe wrote Systematic Science Teaching: A Manual of Inductive Elementary Work for All Instructors (1893; New York: Appleton, 1895). Interestingly, Harris's introduction uses the term "nature study" as a substitute for "natural science," but the emphasis is primarily on giving teachers latitude to introduce topics from nature.
56. The American Association for the Advancement of Science, e.g., appointed committees in the 1870s and 1880s to look into the issue of science education, but they produced no results; see Sally Gregory Kohlstedt, Bruce V. Lewenstein, and Michael M. Sokal, The Establishment of Science in America: 150 Years of the American Association for the Advancement of Science (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers Univ. Press, 1999), p. 33. In the absence of a central, active scientific organization, there really was no national voice to advocate for scientific education, although the topic was important to individuals and was often mentioned in Science magazine in the latter decades of the century.
57. Pauly, Biologists and the Promise of American Life (cit. n. 2), pp. 71-193.
58. Discussion of some fundamentals pertinent to education in the debate in the emerging field of psychology can be found in Hamilton Cravens, The Triumph of Evolution: American Scientists and the Heredity-Environment Controversy, 1900-1941 (Philadelphia: Univ. Pennsylvania Press, 1978), Ch. 1.
59. Wayne E. Fuller, The Old Country School: The Story of Rural Education in the Middle West (Chicago: Univ. Chicago Press, 1982).
60. Stanley Hall, "On Entering School," Pedagog. Seminary, 1891, 1:139-173, on p. 145 (quoting K. Lange).
61. The best biography of Hall is Dorothy Ross, G. Stanley Hall: The Psychologist as Prophet (Chicago: Univ. Chicago Press, 1972); on his enthusiasm for pedagogy see pp. 113-120.
62. On education's becoming an academic subject see Kathleen Anne Cruikshank, "The Rise and Fall of American Herbartianism: Dynamics of an Educational Reform Movement" (Ph.D. diss., Univ. Wisconsin-Madison, 1993), p. 208.
63. McMurry is quoted in Winton U. Solberg, The University of Illinois, 1894-1904: The Shaping of a University (Urbana: Univ. Illinois Press, 2000), p. 71.
64. Chicago at the turn of the century was dynamic but troubled. On its rapid growth, high ambitions, and assertive outlook see William J. Cronon, Nature's Metropolis: Chicago and the Great West (New York: Norton, 1992).
65. On the pressures on and aspirations for education see David Tyack and Larry Cuban, Tinkering toward Utopia: A Century of Public School Reform (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 1995).
66. Alice M. Van De Voort, The Teaching of Science in Normal Schools and Teachers Colleges (Contributions to Education, 287) (New York: Teachers College, 1927), p. 16. There was also considerable debate about whether what was taught in these programs should be equivalent to the academic knowledge taught in colleges. The basic challenge was to equip teachers to teach specific subjects at a level appropriate to their pupils.
67. On Parker see Wilbur Jackman, In Memoriam (memorial number of the School Reporter);
68. and "Francis W. Parker," American Monthly Review of Reviews (Apr. 1902), n.p.: copies in College of Education MSS, Regenstein Library, University of Chicago Archives (UCA).
69. See also Franklin Parker, "Francis Wayland Parker, 1837-1902," in Paedagogica Historica (Ghent, 1961), pp. 120-132.
70. A perceptive summary of Parker's work is in Michael B. Katz, "The 'New Departure' in Quincy, 1873-1881: The Nature of the Nineteenth Century Educational Reform," New England Quarterly, 1967, 40:3-30.
71. G. Stanley Hall said of the Cook County Normal School under Parker, "I come here every year to set my educational watch"; he took his enthusiasm back to Clark University, where he served as president; see Franklin Parker, "Francis Wayland Parker."
72. On Kellogg's publications see John Tebbel, A History of Book Publishing in the United States, Vol. 2: The Expansion of an Industry, 1865-1919 (New York: Bowker, 1975), pp. 580-582. Kellogg edited the School Journal and the Teachers' Institute and also published books on the history, philosophy, and practices of education that fueled reform initiatives.
73. Quoted in a report on the Committee of Sixty "assigned to promote field work and nature study in the public schools of Chicago": Scrapbook 13 [1896], Francis W. Parker MSS, UCA. The report went on to note that the assignments were not uncontroversial: "The normal school management is so full of out of door spirit that a student here is practically compelled to be a naturalist of the Robinson Crusoe type if he would pass an examination to the satisfaction of Colonel Parker and his staff."
74. Katherine M. Stilwell, "Colonel Parker as I Knew Him," in Flora Cooke MSS, Chicago Historical Society (CHS).
75. Parker's confidence in the intuitive knowledge of teachers and his insistence that the student-teacher relationship was the primary factor in education brought him incredible loyalty, but it flew in the face of the increasing centralization of administration and curriculum that largely characterized this period. On the loss of autonomy by teachers see Jurgen Herbst, And Sadly Teach: Teacher Education and Professionalization in American Culture (Madison: Univ. Wisconsin Press, 1989).
76. The persistence and extent of the potentially debilitating commentary from textbook advertisers is well documented in Cruikshank, "Rise and Fall of American Herbartianism" (cit. n. 18), Ch. 2.
77. Mitchell, "History of Nature Study" (cit. n. 5),
78. traces Straight's career before he joined the Oswego program. The later critique of object teaching concentrated on its growing rigidity, according to Samuel C. Parker, The History of Modern Elementary Education (1912; Totowa, N.J.: Littlefield, Adams, 1970).
79. See also the discussion of Straight in Linda Lavender, "A History of Nature Study in Texas" (M.S. thesis, Texas Women's Univ., 1997), pp. 35-37.
80. Audrey B. Champagne and Leopold E. Klopfer, "Pioneers of Elementary School Science: Wilbur Samuel Jackman," Science Education, 1979, 63:146-165.
81. Minton, "History of the Nature-Study Movement and Its Role in the Development of Environmental Education" (cit. n. 5),
82. portrays Jackman as the embodiment of the new connection being made between science teaching and educational psychology. On Shaler's own work with teachers see David N. Livingstone, Nathaniel Southgate Shaler and the Culture of American Science (Tuscaloosa: Univ. Alabama Press, 1987), pp. 253-260.
83. "Wilbur S. Jackman," Nature-Study Rev., Mar. 1907, pp. 65-67. After considerable effort to find the origin of the hyphenated term, Liberty Hyde Bailey concluded that the idea and the term (hyphenated or not) had no single origin but were introduced sometime in the late 1880s;
84. see Liberty Hyde Bailey, The Nature-Study Idea (1903; New York: Macmillan, 1909), pp. 16-26. Two significant precedents were important: one from the Boston area, where Arthur G. Boyden taught summer institutes and where organizers at the Boston educational exhibits in 1890 and 1891 thought that the term "nature-study" seemed a good equivalent for the German Naturkunde; and the second from Amos M. Kellogg, editor of the School Journal, who asked a regular contributor, Frank Owen Payne, to prepare a number of specific lessons for teachers about the natural world with that heading ca. 1889.
85. Wilbur Jackman, Nature-Study for the Common Schools (New York: Holt, 1892), pp. iv, 8;
86. and Jackman, "Representative Expression in Nature-Study," Educational Review, Oct. 1895, 10:248-261.
87. On the information manuals designed for families see Shteir, Cultivating Women, Cultivating Science (cit. n. 3), pp. 81-83;
88. Shteir plays on the term to suggest that these queries framed a "familiar" format. The idea of the calendar year as a literary device was used with considerable success by Susan Fenimore Cooper in Rural Hours (New York: Putnam, 1850)
89. and in Henry David Thoreau's Walden; or, Life in the Woods (Boston: Tichnor & Fields, 1854).
90. Jackman, "Representative Expression in Nature-Study";
91. and Wilbur Jackman, Number Work in Nature Study, Pt. 1 (Published by the Author, 1893).
92. Jackman also served on the Executive Council of the National Herbart Society; see its Second Annual Yearbook (Chicago, 1896).
93. For a detailed study of one aspect of this work, with an emphasis on student projects, see Doris, "Practice of Nature Study" (cit. n. 6), pp. 137-170.
94. Scrapbook 13 [1896], Francis W. Parker MSS, UCA. Among Wilbur Jackman's publications see, e.g., Nature Study in the Common Schools (New York: Holt, 1896);
95. Number Work in Nature Study; Field Work in Nature Study (Chicago: Flanagan, 1894);
96. Nature Study for the Grammar Schools (New York: Macmillan, 1899);
97. and Nature Study Record (1895), as well as numerous presentations and articles in educational journals.
98. Coulter is quoted in John W. Troeger, Harold's Rambles (New York: Appleton, 1898), p. xiii.
99. On the role of Chicago faculty members, including Coulter, in early ecology see Joel B. Hagen, An Entangled Bank: The Origins of Ecosystem Ecology (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers Univ. Press, 1992);
100. and Gregg Mitman, The State of Nature: Ecology, Community, and American Social Thought, 1900-1950 (Chicago: Univ. Chicago Press, 1992).
101. Coulter's series of books for beginning botany, published by Appleton, were billed as twentieth-century textbooks. He also published, with his son John G. Coulter and his former student Alice Jean Patterson, a textbook entitled Practical Nature Study and Elementary Agriculture: A Manual for the Use of Teachers and Normal Schools (New York: Appleton, 1909).
102. Nine subject categories were discussed by subcommittees meeting at various places across the United States at the same time, 28-30 December 1892. The prestigious Committee of Ten then reviewed, summarized, and published the results under the auspices of the U.S. Bureau of Education: National Education Association, Report of the Committee on Secondary School Studies (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1893);
103. the official list of participants is on p. 7, and the report of deliberations is on pp. 138-161. The "crazy quilt" comment is in Larry Cuban, "The Persistence of Reform in American Schools," in American Teachers: Histories of a Profession at Work, ed. Donald Warren (New York: Macmillan, 1989), pp. 370-396, on p. 370.
104. On high school curriculum debates see also John M. Heffron, "The Knowledge Most Worth Having: Otis W. Caldwell (1869-1947) and the Rise of the General Science Course," Science and Education, 1995, 4:227-252.
105. National Education Association, Report of the Committee on Secondary School Studies, pp. 139, 142-151.
106. See also Theodore R. Sizer, Secondary Schools at the Turn of the Century (New Haven, Conn.: Yale Univ. Press, 1964), pp. 192-193.
107. Henry L. Clapp, "The Nature and Purpose of Nature-Study," Education, June 1894, 15:600,
108. quoted in Olmsted, "Nature-Study Movement in American Education" (cit. n. 5), p. 71;
109. and Joseph M. Rice, "The Public Schools of Minneapolis and Others," Forum, May 1893, 15:376.
110. Rice uncovered much that was wrong in the public schools, but one exception to his dire reports was the practice school at Cook County Normal, where he was particularly impressed with nature study and its correlated art and diary-writing projects. See also Rice, The Public School System of the United States (1893; New York: Century, 1914).
111. Jackman to Anita McCormick, 23 Nov. 1896, McCormick MSS, Wisconsin Historical Society, Madison, Wisconsin (WHS) (on the Committee of Sixty);
112. and Forbes to Jackman, 10 Oct. 1895, 16 May 1896, Natural History Survey, UIA.
113. On Forbes's career see Lovely, "Mastering Nature's Harmony" (cit. n. 9);
114. and Solberg, University of Illinois (cit. n. 19), pp. 247-252.
115. The politics of the Chicago schools during this period were very difficult, and, although University of Chicago faculty studied local education and produced reports, Chicago remained one of the most stressed of all the large urban systems, with low expenditures per student, a student-to-teacher ratio that grew out of hand as the population increased by tens of thousands each year at the turn of the century, and progressive educators who lobbied against a legislature that wanted a tracked, vocational system. See Mary Herrick, The Chicago Schools: A Social and Political History (Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage, 1971), pp. 82-18;
116. and Mary Pieroni Schiltz, "The Dunne School Board: Reform in Chicago, 1905-1908" (Ph.D. diss., Loyola Univ., Chicago, 1993).
117. Blaine's diaries for 1898 and 1899 record her growing excitement as she met with the University of Chicago's entrepreneurial president William Rainey Harper and Colonel Parker, as well as with such visiting dignitaries as Patrick Geddes. She "agreed delightedly" to start university work for teachers, found talk of a new school a "plan with some hope," and was "all enthusiasm" after a discussion with John Dewey. See Anita Blaine diaries, 1 Aug. 1898, 13 Nov. 1998, 21 Jan. 1899, McCormick MSS, WHS.
118. On this unusual philanthropist see Gilbert A. Harrison, The Timeless Affair: The Life of Anita McCormick Blaine (Chicago: Univ. Chicago Press, 1979).
119. Parker had been through a positive but bruising review based on a political battle over his management of the normal school, surely a factor in his willingness to moke a change; see Catherine R. Selzer, "A History of the Chicago Normal School, 1855-1905" (Ed.M., Chicago Teachers College, 1940), pp. 62-73.
120. Catalogue of the Chicago Institute: Academic and Pedagogic, 1900-1901 (Chicago: Chicago Institute, 1900). In the Department of Science and Nature Study Jackman taught biology, Charles W. Carmen physics and chemistry, Alice P. Norton elementary chemistry, Willard Streeter Bass elementary physics, Ira Benton Meyers zoology, and Harriet T. Bradley botany. Records of the Chicago Institute, Academic and Pedagogic, constitute Boxes 157-159 in the extensive McCormick MSS, WHS.
121. The travels of the prospective faculty are noted without comment in Chicago Institute, Catalogue of the Chicago Institute: Academic and Pedagogic, 1900-1901, pp. 7-8.
122. A brief but fascinating overview of the participants in the 1900 summer school is provided by the 3 × 5 cards completed for all enrollees for that session: Box 157, McCormick MSS, WHS.
123. Preliminary Announcement," Chicago Institute: Academic and Pedagogic (Chicago, 1 Jan. 1900), p. 5. This sixteen-page brochure outlined the three major components of the school: (1) academic - a school for children four to eighteen years old; (2) pedagogic - a course of study for teachers in training; (3) summer school-classes for teachers seeking to enhance their skills. The institute's science program included physics and chemistry, sometimes subsumed under the nature-study rubric, but these components were apparently tangential in implementation. Usually the course of study in normal schools and in the curricula of states and major cities presented the physical sciences in a separate category, although some nature-study manuals and texts would include physics, chemistry, and astronomy, typically presented at the end as a kind of afterthought. The combinations were endlessly varied, and some curriculums placed physical science at the center;
124. see John W. Olsen, "Nature Study: Some Physical Laws Necessary to the Study of Geography and Agriculture," in Course of Study for the Common Schools of Minnesota (St. Paul, Minn., 1908).
125. The Course of Study: A Monthly Publication for Teachers and Parents, July 1900, 1,
126. contains Parker's "The Plan and Purpose of the Chicago Institute," pp. 9-16.
127. The quotation serves as the frontispiece to Francis W. Parker, "Syllabus of a Course of Lectures upon the Philosophy of Education," The Plan and Purpose of the Chicago Institute, ibid., p. 16.
128. The contract of merger, dated 15 Apr. 1901, included several key provisions, namely that the School of Education was to be under Parker's direction and that Dewey was to head the Department of Pedagogy and be in charge of the secondary school. The summer school was to operate independently and be self-supporting, with faculty to be paid only from its income. The building was to be constructed through philanthropic grants and equipped by the university. The contract document can be found in College of Education MSS, UCA; for more information see Nellie Lucy Griffith, "A History of the Origins of the Laboratory School at the University of Chicago" (A.M. thesis, Univ. Chicago, 1927).
129. Coulter et al., Practical Nature Study and Elementary Agriculture (cit. n. 31).
130. Patterson graduated from Illinois Normal in 1890 and attended the University of Chicago in 1896/1897 and over several summers before taking her B.S. degree there. She taught in elementary and secondary schools, joined the faculty at Normal in 1906, and soon initiated a local and then statewide school garden program, in addition to teaching and writing textbooks. Her obituary makes clear the range of ways an engaged woman scientist could use her training: Patterson trained teachers, presented public lectures in states from Tennessee to Pennsylvania, conducted seminars at summer camps for youth, and founded local initiatives to improve the public nature sites of her city. See the Vidette [student paper of Illinois Normal School], 17 June 1929, 49.
131. For an example of the exchange of materials see Ange O. Milner, Library of Illinois State Normal School, to Liberty Hyde Bailey, 9 Sept. 1904, Bailey MSS, Cornell University Archives, Ithaca, New York (CUA);
132. Milner was requesting multiple copies of the leaflet series. On the leadership role of Illinois Normal School in the late nineteenth century see Charles A. Harper, Development of the Teachers College In the United Stales, with Special Reference to the Illinois State Normal University (Bloomington, Ill.: McKnight & McKnight, 1935).
133. Kimberly D. Finley traces the influential networks of women intent on encompassing culture and particularly art (sometimes in relationship to nature) within the Chicago public schools in "Cultural Monitors: Club Women and Public Art Instruction in Chicago, 1890-1920" (Ph.D. diss., Ohio State Univ., 1989), pp. 144-147.
134. For the new requirements for teacher training see Chicago Board of Education, Bulletin, 5 Jan. 1903, 2 Nov. 1903, 4 Oct. 1904;
135. for a discussion of Harris's support of nature study in the summer vacation schools see Henry S. Curtis, "Vacation Schools, Playgrounds, and Settlements," in U.S. Commissioner of Education, Report for 1903 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1905), p. 7.
136. Bailey, Nature-Study Idea (cit. n. 27), pp. 65-66.
137. See Pamela M. Henson, "The Comstocks of Cornell: A Marriage of Interests," in Creative Couples in the Sciences, ed. Helena M. Pycior, Nancy G. Slack, and Pnina G. Abir-Am (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers Univ. Press, 1995), pp. 12-125.
138. Anna Botsford had attended Cornell in 1875/1876 but had left after marrying John Comstock and accompanying him to Washington, D.C. She resumed her studies in 1883 and took a B.S. in 1886, according to The Ten-Year Book of Cornell University (1868-1908), Vol. 4, p. 164.
139. See also Audrey B. Champagne and Leopold E. Klopfer, "Pioneers of Elementary School Science: Anna Botsford Comstock," Sci. Educ., 1979, 63:299-322. Students and others recalled her lectures and striking presence in their reminiscences.
140. See, e.g., Edwin Emerson, "Groves or Academe" (undated typescript); and Lydia [no last name] to Anna Botsford Comstock, 28 Feb. 1876:
141. John Henry and Anna Botsford Comstock MSS, CUA.
142. John Henry Comstock and Anna Botsford Comstock, A Manual for the Study of Insects (Ithaca, N.Y.: Comstock Publishing, 1895).
143. Anna typically wrote about "our" laboratory and "our" books. She reported to a mutual Cornell friend, "Do you know that Henry and I have a new wife? My cousin Helen Willis is the victim. She cooks our dinner, sews our buttons, mends our gloves, and in short is the goddess of our domestic life.... I can still work with Harry [she interchangeably used his given name, Henry, and his nickname, Harry] and we have our home life too": A. B. Comstock to William Trelease, 16 Jan. 1881, Comstock MSS, CUA. Notes for the summer courses are also in the Comstock MSS, CUA. The class mixed students intending to be entomologists with teachers of science and those simply seeking to broaden their knowledge. Each student purchased materials (net, vials and corks, alcohol, sheet cork, and insect pins) to make a private collection.
144. See also Anna Comstock, Syllabus of Lectures, Nature Study (Ithaca, N.Y.: Comstock Publishing, n.d.), CUA.
145. See Anna Botsford Comstock, The Comstocks of Cornell: John Henry Comstock and Anna Botsford Comstock (Ithaca, N.Y.: Comstock Publishing, 1952), pp. 89-197;
146. this volume was edited by Glenn W. Herrick and Ruby Green Smith from Comstock's typescript and published posthumously. The phrase "abandoned farm problem" was used in Alice Densmore, "Nature-Study at Cornell," Scientific American, 12 Aug. 1899, 81:101. For a discussion of the nineteenth-century problem of "worn-out soil" in the northeastern states
147. see Margaret W. Rossiter, The Emergence of Agricultural Science: Justis Liebig and the Americans (New Haven, Conn.: Yale Univ. Press, 1975).
148. This accomplishment was bittersweet: Comstock was initially named an assistant professor, but the Board of Regents overturned the appointment. She remained an instructor until 1913, when she was made an assistant professor; she was finally promoted to a full professorship in 1920. For a discussion of this matter see A. B. Comstock, Comstocks of Cornell, p. 254;
149. and Henson, "Comstocks of Cornell" (cit. n. 46).
150. The artistic and poetic qualities that Comstock brought to her work ore highlighted in Champagne and Klopfer, "Pioneers of Elementary-School Science: Anna Botsford Comstock" (cit. n. 46).
151. On Scott's move to Oswego see Charles B. Scott to J. H. Comstock, 4 May 1895, Comstock MSS, CUA. His textbook, Nature Study and the Child (1900; Boston: Heath, 1910), explained the pedagogical philosophy of the program, as he understood it, to teachers.
152. The "Bird Study" pamphlet was found at Ohio State University, with no date except a postal permission dated 16 July 1896;
153. it belonged to Home Nature-Study Course, N.S., 1(4), quotations on pp. 4, 6. Copies of a small series of the pamphlets, along with relatively long, descriptive, and encouraging letters from Comstock, are addressed to Alila Miller and found in the Grace Miller MSS, Suffolk County Historical Society, Rlvershead, New York. The topical pamphlets, often four pages long, described and traced the life history of a particular species like ferns or butterflies; a "supplementary pamphlet" provided questions to be answered by the student. Various series produced between 1899 and 1911 are available on microform at Cornell University. Comstock hired assistants to help her respond to the hundreds of teachers who participated in the home-study course;
154. see Bailey to C. D. Bostwick, 21 Dec. 1907, Bailey MSS, CUA.
155. She also produced more than twenty illustrations for Samuel Scudder's major text on butterflies, at about nine dollars each, but concluded, "I think it is a mistake for a woman who is at the head of an establishment and who has many home duties - to try and be a business woman at the same time." A. B. Comstock to Samuel Scudder, 14 June 1899, Scudder MSS, Boston Society of Natural History, Boston Museum of Science.
156. Anna Botsford Comstock, The Ways of the Six-Footed (New York: Ginn, 1903).
157. The network of nature-study enthusiasts benefited as well from the imaginative work of others in the Cornell community, including Louis Agassiz Fuertes, who was becoming nationally famous for his bird illustrations; see Louis Kastner, Louis Agassiz Fuertes (New York: Knopf, 1986).
158. Typescript of an oral interview with Liberty Hyde Bailey, apparently by E. L. Palmer, [undated], CUA (on Comstock's distinctiveness);
159. and Ruth Sawyer, "What Makes Mrs. Comstock Great," Woman Citizen, 20 Sept. 1924, pp. 26-28, copy in Comstock MSS, CUA.
160. A. B. Comstock, Comstocks of Cornell (cit. n. 48), p. 193.
161. While the Chautauqua is best remembered for the famous lecturers who visited, an important feature had always been the natural landscape of western New York; see Vaughan MacCaughey, The Natural History of Chautauqua (New York: Huebsch, 1917).
162. Typescript of interview with Bailey, apparently by Palmer, [undated], CUA. Bailey's first book, Talks Afield about Plants and the Science of Plants (Boston: Houghton, 1885)
163. had established his interest in making common plants accessible and demonstrated his liberal Protestant view that the systematic study of nature would reveal the hand of the Creator. For a thoughtful account of Bailey's philosophy of education see John P. Azelvandre, "Forging the Bonds of Sympathy: Spirituality, Individualism, and Empiricism in the Ecological Thought of Liberty Hyde Bailey and Its Implications for Environmental Education" (Ph.D. diss., New York Univ., 2001), pp. 99-203.
164. The organizational structure was relatively stable, although the names of programs varied over time. In general, the Bureau of Nature Study remained part of the University Extension of Agricultural Knowledge division within the College of Agriculture and thus was eligible for various state and federal funding programs that not only underwrote tuition for students in the agricultural college but also provided most of the funding for education extension programs. The best general discussion of these departments remains Could Colman, Education and Agriculture: A History of the New York State College of Agriculture at Cornell University (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell Univ. Press, 1963);
165. also useful is Ruby Green Smith, The People's Colleges: A History of the New York State Extension Service In Cornell University and the State, 1876-1948 (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell Univ. Press, 1949).
166. Liberty Hyde Bailey, The Nature-Study Idea: Being an Interpretation of the New School Movement to Put the Child in Sympathy with Nature (New York: Doubleday, 1903);
167. the book's subtitle was indicative of his outlook. See also Sister Verona LaBud, "Liberty Hyde Bailey: His Impact on Science Education" (Ph.D. diss., Syracuse Univ., 1963).
168. Bailey to George Brett (at Macmillan), 9 May 1897, Bailey MSS, CUA. When talking with educators, Bailey inevitably urged them to begin with a child's interests and with objects taken from the local environment and thus build from children's natural tendency to investigate. See his discussion in College of Agriculture, Cornell University, Annual Report (1901), pp. 219-220;
169. and Liberty Hyde Bailey, "Nature Study Movement," National Education Association Journal of Proceedings and Addresses, 1903, pp. 109-116.
170. The leaflets were produced under a number of titles and, depending on funding, by various parts of the Cornell agricultural college as it also underwent changes in name and responsibility. The titles included Cornell School Leaflets (1898-1904)
171. Cornell Rural School Leaflets (1907-at least 1944)
172. and Teacher's Leaflets.
173. Other related pamphlet publications were the Home Nature-Study Course, Junior Naturalist Monthly (1900-1907)
174. and the Nature-Study Quarterly, produced in conjunction with the New York Agricultural Extension Station.
175. Liberty Hyde Bailey, The Outlook to Nature (New York: Macmillan, 1905), pp. 178-179. For Scott's "object lessons" see Scott to Bailey, 16 July 1897, Bailey MSS, CUA.
176. Bailey, Nature-Study Idea (1903) (cit. n. 58), p. 5.
177. The second part of the book posed a series of questions that teachers might have about implementing nature study, perhaps gleaned from his discussions with teachers; Bailey offered practical responses to each. He was impatient with "abstract theories of pedagogy" and indicated that he worked out his teaching from the point of view of the child and his environment and "let others parallel it with theories of pedagogy." Bailey to D. H. Roberts, Ypsilanti, 5 Feb. 1908, Bailey MSS, CUA. While his account is general, there is considerable insight about surrounding cultural issues in Schmitt, Back to Nature (cit. n. 6), esp. Chs. 7-9, on education.
178. Typescript of interview with Bailey, apparently by Palmer, [undated];
179. Bailey to Thomas O. Baker (of Brooklyn Public School N. 128), 31 Oct. 1905 [copy];
180. and Olive E. Weston (for the Chicago Women's Club) to Bailey, 21 Aug. 1905: Bailey MSS, CUA.
181. Bailey to Macmillan Co., 11 June 1897, Bailey MSS, CUA. Bailey seems to have recognized the potential conflict of interest even as he provided lists of farmers who attended Farmers' Institutes, secretaries of local Grange chapters, and coordinators of regional Teachers' Institutes to Macmillan. He asked that his name not be used because he wanted "to keep these schools perfectly free of all personal interests": Bailey to Macmillan Co., 13 Aug. 1896, Bailey MSS, CUA. The contributors came from across the country, and Bailey himself revised Asa Gray's 1868 Field, Forest, and Garden Botany: A Simple Introduction to the Common Plants East of the 100th Meridian, Both Wild and Cultivated, rev. and extended by L. H. Bailey (New York: American Book, 1895).
182. Colman, Education and Agriculture (cit. n. 57), pp. 129-131.
183. See also Eva L. Gordon, "Cornell Nature-Study Leaflets, 1896-1956," Cornell Rural School Leaflets, no. 50 (Fall, 1956).
184. Nature-Study Bulletins were produced from 1899 to 1901 and Junior Naturalist Monthly Bulletins from 1899 to 1907. The Rural School Leaflets, concentrating on agriculture and written for adults with supplements for children, were produced from 1907 to 1956. In 1904 W. F. Humphrey, a publisher in Geneva, New York, produced twenty thousand leaflets and eighteen thousand bulletins: W. F. Humphrey to Bailey, Dec. 1905, Bailey MSS, CUA.
185. Bailey's correspondence suggests that he exercised strong oversight of the local program, reading page proofs and approving even the leaflets of his colleagues. Maintaining lists and distributing leaflets was time consuming, and the administrators debated how many to print. Comstock reported to Bailey that she distributed two thousand leaflets each month, 1,750 to people who had recently requested them and the rest to experiment stations and libraries; seven hundred teachers had responded with their lesson plans: A. B. Comstock to Bailey, 6 May 1905, Bailey MSS, CUA. Even when requests came from out of state the materials were sent - e.g., to Mary Catherine Thomson, who taught in a private school in Charlottesville, North Carolina: Mary Catherine Thomson to Bailey, 14 Apr. 1905, Bailey MSS, CUA.
186. The description of the summer school course noted that free tuition was available only to New York teachers, who were required to devote full time to study of three distinct sections: the farm (taught by Professor Isaac Roberts), insect life (with two sections, one taught by John and the other by Anna Comstock, listed as "Assistant Professor"), and plant life (with Professor Liberty Hyde Bailey): Cornell University, Catalogue (1899-1900), pp. 336-337.
187. Needham wrote several texts for nature study, some of them illustrated by his wife, Anna Taylor Needham; see James G. Needham, Outdoor Studies: A Reading Book of Nature Studies (1898; New York: American, 1926).
188. The summer classes deftly integrated field, lab, and active analysis of findings in order to demonstrate the usefulness of multiple methods; on the potential for division see Robert E. Kohler, Landscapes and Labscapes: Exploring the Lab-Field Border in Biology (Chicago: Univ. Chicago Press, 2002).
189. Lucia McCulloch to John Spencer, 25 Mar. 1901, Bailey MSS, CUA. Those who
190. A. B. Comstock to David Starr Jordan, 8 Nov. 1902; her husband John reported, similarly, that she had been "preaching about the teaching of Nature Study" from Lake Erie to the eastern end of Long Island: J. H. Comstock to Jordan, 12 Dec. 1902. Both letters are in Jordan MSS, Stanford University Archives, Stanford, California (SUA).
191. See also A. B. Comstock, Comstocks of Cornell (cit. n. 48), pp. 92-193.
192. Opposition to the teaching roles of women on the part of faculty and trustees is recorded in George D. H. Laurence interview with Bailey, 21 Oct. 1951, Bailey MSS, CUA. The influence of the woman botanist is noted in Philip Dorf, Liberty Hyde Bailey: An Informal Biography (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell Univ. Press, 1956), p. 53;
193. Margaret W. Rossiter kindly brought this citation to my attention, Rossiter documents and discusses salary disparities and gender-based task assignments as a theme in her classic account Women Scientists in America: Struggles and Strategies to 1940 (cit. n. 2).
194. Women at Cornell earned considerably less than men and were paid minimum wages for their summer work: e.g., Comstock made $150 in 1898 and Bailey $350. With her lecturer's appointment in 1900, she began to earn $1,200 for the academic year, as did Mary Rogers Miller, while Alice McCloskey earned half that. See salary discussions in Proceedings of the Board of Trustees, September 3, 1895-June 12, 1900, pp. 272, 394;
195. and Proceedings of the Board of Trustees, June 20, 1900-June 13, 1905, pp. 10, 173, 424, 544: CUA.
196. See Bailey to Mira Lloyd Dock, 1 Nov. 1899, Dock MSS, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. He estimated that five or six such women students would take the course in the first year. Dock worked around the edges of nature study and in 1907 was hoping to find a position doing editorial work for Bailey. See his discouraging letter: Bailey to Dock, 8 Jan. 1907, Bailey MSS, CUA.
197. Bailey to Messrs., Macmillan and Co., 7 Jan. 1896, Bailey MSS, CUA;
198. and Cornell University Agricultural Experiment Station, Annual Report (1899), pp. 637-643.
199. The letters from "Uncle John" inevitably presented a didactic moral for children and even for teachers, who were reminded of the need for "bending the twig in the direction you would have the tree incline": memo, 19 Sept. 1903, Comstock MSS, CUA. A number of assistants helped with the work; see "In Memoriam: Ada E. Georgia," Nature-Study Rev., Feb. 1921, 17:94.
200. Van Rensselaer took her bachelor's degree from Cornell in 1909, an essential credential for becoming a more permanent part of the faculty. See Rosa Bouton, Department of Domestic Science, University of Nebraska, to Bailey, 13 June 1905, Bailey MSS, CUA;
201. see also Rossiter, Women Scientists in America: Struggles and Strategies to 1940 (cit. n. 2), p. 120.
202. Miller left New York for New Jersey, but she continued to work on the leaflets, including a rewrite of the one on how to build an aquarium for the classroom. See Mary Miller to Bailey, 20 June 1904, Bailey MSS, CUA;
203. and R. H. Halsey to Spencer, 4 Dec. 1897, John Spencer MSS, CUA.
204. On the enrollment in the correspondence course see Bailey, Nature-Study Idea (1903) (cit. n. 58), p. 68.
205. The clerk of the College of Agriculture noted the extent of the inquiries in a letter to the editor of Harper's Weekly, 22 May 1897, 49:511.
206. Most of the other leaflets and teachers' aids that I have found were published very briefly, with the exception of those produced for Hampton Institute from 1905 to 1919; these monthly publications were reportedly distributed free to any teacher in a southern school who requested them. Other examples are twenty-four Purdue Nature Study Leaflets, beginning in 1898, and those produced by the New Hampshire Agricultural Experiment Station. I thank Nina Lerman for providing some copies of these.
207. Cornell's program influenced a parallel movement, centered at the agricultural college at Guelph, that had an impact in Ontario and then in other Canadian provinces. For discussion of its influence in other parts of the British Commonwealth see Sally Gregory Kohlstedt, "Nature Study in North America and Australasia, 1890-1945," Historical Records of Australian Science, 1997, 11:439-454.
208. Myrtilla Avery to Bailey, 27 May 1905 (transmitting Dewey's request);
209. Bailey to W. R. George, 17 Jan. 1907, 19 Jan. 1907 (George Junior Republic);
210. and George E. Vincent to Bailey, 23 Mar. 1905 (Chautauqua arrangements): Bailey MSS, CUA.
211. McCloskey noted that interest in the Chautauqua had in general been falling off but that her classes were nonetheless well attended. She was so busy teaching five hours each day that she had little time to manage correspondence and requested a stenographer for help. See Alice McCloskey to Bailey, 7 July 1905, 12 July 1905, Bailey MSS, CUA.
212. See, e.g., the invitation from H. L. Drummer, representing the Steuben [County] Nature Study Workers of the Public Schools, for their 5th Annual Field Day on Aug. 1, 1905, to Bailey, 13 July 1905, Bailey MSS, CUA. Drummer is representative of the "infrastructure" required for the institutionalization of nature study; Bailey noted that he was "one of the effective men in this kind of work" and had accomplished as much as anyone in the state with his work with local teachers: Bailey to Charles M. Bisseil, 4 Mar. 1909, Bailey MSS, CUA.
213. For the numbers see Colman, Education and Agriculture (cit. n. 57), p. 131. The versatility of nature study is the topic of a larger, book-length study that I am working on.
214. F. W. Parker, "The Child," Nat. Educ. Assoc. J. Proc. Addr., 1889, pp. 479-481, on p. 480.
215. The phrase is underlined for emphasis in Parker's original text. He credits Froebel with the concept, and it recurs throughout the nature-study movement. Rhode Island College instituted a two-week summer course in nature study and issued a monthly pamphlet, Nature Guard, free to boys and girls;
216. see Herman F. Eschenbacher, A History of Land Grant Education in Rhode Island (New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1967), p. 79.
217. A nearly complete set of the first fifty issues, addressed to "the boys and girls of New England" and encouraging them to form a "merry band," is housed at Ohio State University Special Collections, Columbus, Ohio. For other initiatives see James Ralph Jewell, Agricultural Education, Including Nature Study and School Gardens, Bulletin No. 2, U.S. Department of Interior, Bureau of Education (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1907).
218. Crosthwaite's director had made it clear that he would need to teach nature study, and he turned to Bailey for assistance: G. A. Crosthwaite to Bailey, 20 Feb. 1904
219. Bailey MSS, CUA. Hungate played an important role in advocating nature study at the Washington State Normal School at Cheney and in the surrounding area, according to a small file of items on him in the Washington State University Archives, Cheney; see also J. Orin Oliphant, History of the State Normal School at Cheney, Washington (Spokane, Wash.: Inland-American, 1924), pp. 73-74, 125, passim.
220. The pioneering educational historian Ellwood P. Cubberley, of Stanford University, offered the description of this period in Changing Conceptions of Education (Cambridge, Mass.: Riverside, 1909), pp. 40-45.
221. For a discussion in Cattell's publication see W. J. Beal, "What Is Nature Study?" Science, 20 June 1902, 15:991-992.