'United We Stand': American Attitudes toward (Muslim) immigration Post-September 11th

Muslim World

Volumn 92, Issue 1-2, 2002, Pages 39-57

  Moore, Kathleen M ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF CONNECTICUT   (United States)

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 32144445341     PISSN: 00274909     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1111/j.1478-1913.2002.tb03731.x     Document Type: Article

References (38)

1. John F. Kennedy offers an interesting indictment of this in his book, A Nation of Immigrants. Kennedy writes, "[t]he famous words of Emma Lazarus on the pedestal of the Statue of Liberty read: 'Give me your tired, your poor, your huddled masses yearning to breathe free.' Until 1921 [and the adoption of the national origins quota system], this was an accurate picture of our society. Under present law it would be appropriate to add: 'as long as they come from Northern Europe, are not too tired or too poor or slightly ill, never stole a loaf of bread, never joined any questionable organization, and can document their activities for the past two years.'" (Copyright 1964 by Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B'rith) (New York: HarperCollins Publishers, 1964), 24.
2. Peter Burns and James G. Gimpel, "Economic Insecurity, Prejudicial Stereotypes, and Public Opinion on Immigration Policy," Political Science Quarterly 115 no. 2 (Summer 2000), 201-25.
3. See also Kitty Calavtta, "The New Politics of Immigration: 'Balanced Budget Conservatism' and the Symbolism of Proposition 187," Social Problems 43 (1996), 284-305;
4. J. D. Citrin, C. Muste, and C. Wong, "Public Opinion Toward Immigration Reform: The Role of Economic Motivations," in Journal of Politics 59(1997): 858-81;
5. Thomas Espenshade, J. Baraka, and G. A. Huber, "Immigration Reform, Welfare Reform, and Future Patterns of U.S. Immigration," in In Defense of the Alien, v. 20 (New York: Center for Migration Studies);
6. George J. Borjas, Heaven's Door: Immigration Policy and the American Economy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1999);
7. Gregory A. Huber and Thomas J. Espenshade, "Neo-isolationism, Balanced-Budget Conservatism and the Fiscal Impacts of Immigrants," International Migration Review 31 (Winter 1997), 1031-54;
8. and Steven Camarota, "The Effect of Immigrants on the Earnings of Law-skilled Native Workers: Evidence from the June 1991 Current Population Survey," Social Science Quarterly 78 (June 1997), 417-31.
9. For a discussion of the "alien" as a threat in contemporary politics, see Evan Watkins, Everyday Exchanges: Marketwork and Capitalist Common Sense (Stanford University Press, 1998), especially 48-55.
10. See also Philip G. Schrag, A Weil-Founded Fear: The Congressional Battle to Save Political Asylum in America (New York: Routledge, 2000), especially 53-54.
11. See Joe Feagin, "Old Poison in New Bottles: The Deep Roots of Modern Nativism," in Immigrants Out! The New Nativism and the Anti-Immigrant Impulse in the United States, ed. J. F. Perea (New York: NYU Press, 1997);
12. J.G. Gimpel and J.R. Edwards, Jr., The Congressional Politics of Immigration Reform (Boston: Allyn and Bacon, 1999);
13. A.T. Fragomen, "The Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996: An Overview," in International Migration Review 31 (Summer 1997): 438-60;
14. K. Calavita, "The New Politics of Immigration: 'Balanced Budget Conservatism' and the Symbolism of Proposition 187," in Social Problems 43 (August 1996): 17-47.
15. Kathleen M. Moore, "U.S. Immigration Reform and the Meaning of Responsibility," Studies in Law, Politics and Society 20 (2000), 125-55;
16. and "A Closer Look at Anti-Terrorism Law: American Arab Anti Discrimination Committee v. Reno and the Construction of Aliens' Right," in Arabs in America: Building a New Future, ed. Michael Suleiman (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1999): 84-99.
17. Frank D. Bean, Robert G. Cushing, Charles W. Haynes and Jennifer V.W. Van Hook, "Immigration and the Social Contract," Social Science Quarterly 78 (1997);
18. and National Research Council, The New Americans: Economic, Demographic, and Fiscal Effects of Immigration (New York, National Academic Press, 1997).
19. These laws are the welfare reform act of 1996, known as the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act; the immigration reform act of 1996, known as the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act; and the Anti-Terrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act of 1996.
20. For an analysis of this phenomenon in another advanced capitalist country, see Kitty Calavita, "Immigration, Law, and Marginalisation in a Global Economy: Notes from Spain," Law and Society Review 32 no 3 (1998), 529-66.
21. Two Sikh organizations report they've received complaints that airport security personnel are asking Sikh men to remove their turbans at security checkpoints. That is distressing for Sikhs because wearing a turban is an important part of being religiously observant. The removal of the turban is highly intrusive, according to a spokesman for the Sikh Communications Council (See The Times-Picayune [New Orleans] November 5, 2001, METRO section, p. 4, "Turban Turmoil"). In a separate instance, Rep. Darrell E. Issa (R-Vista, Calif.), the grandson of Lebanese immigrants, said he was the victim of racial profiling after being prevented from boarding a flight to the Middle East. Mr. Issa said that when he arrived at the Air France counter at Dulles International Airport in Virginia on Oct.
22. he was told that "for security reasons," he couldn't board, even after he identified himself as a congressman. He was kept from boarding because of his "Arab surname," he said (See Los Angeles Times, October 27, 2001 Saturday Home Edition, Part A; Part 1; Page 13; National Desk, "Response to Terror").
23. See also the Washington Post, where the following was reported: After a flap erupted over his offensive observation that any airline passenger wearing 'a diaper on his head' should be 'pulled over' for extra questioning by airport security personnel, Louisiana Rep. John Cooksey issued an apology. Then he went on the House floor to declare his opposition to harassment of Sikhs, Muslims and Arab Americans. Then he put together a commercial that went right back to the ugly posture of singling people out for suspicion based on appearance and ethnic background. "Recently, my words were too tough, but my beliefs are still strong," he says in the spot that aired during the LSU-Florida game and is prominently displayed on the Web site for his 2002 Senate campaign. "We know the faces of terrorists and where they're from. Terrorist profiling is essential for our nation's security." (Washington Post, October 11, 2001, Thursday, Final Edition, Editorials, Pg. A32, "An Ugly Appeal".)
24. See President George W. Bush's speech to the joint session of Congress on September 20, 2001, in which he asserted that "America is not at war with Islam." George W. Bush, Address to a Joint Session of Congress and the American People, September 20, 2001.
25. Jack Citrin, Donald P. Green, Christopher Muste and Cara Wong, "Public Opinion Toward Immigration Reform: The Role of Economic Motivations," in Journal of Politics v. 59, n. 3 (1997): 858-81;
26. Jeffrey S. Passel and Michael Fix, Immigration and Immigrants: Setting the Record Straight (Washington, D.C.: The Urban Institute, 1994);
27. and Michael C. LeMay, From Open Door to Dutch Doon An Analysis of U.S. Immigration Policy Since 1820 (Westport, CT: Praeger, 1987).
28. Citrin, et al., 1997, 859.
29. Charles R. Chandler and Yung-Mei Tsai, "Social Factors Influencing Immigration Attitudes: an Analysis of Data from the General Social Survey," in Social Science Journal 38 (2001): 177-88;
30. Peter Burns and James G. Gimpel, "Economic Insecurity, Prejudicial Stereotypes, and Public Opinion on Immigration Policy," in Political Research Quarterly v 115, n. 2 (2000): 201-25;
31. James R. Barrett and David Roediger, "Inbetween Peoples: Race, Nationality and the 'New Immigrant' Working Class," in Journal of American Ethnic History (Spring 1997): 3-44;
32. and Thomas Espenshade and Katherine Hempstead, "Contemporary American Attitudes Toward Immigration," in International Migration Review 30 (1997): 535-70.
33. See John S. Lapinski, Pia Peltola, Greg Shaw and Alan Yang, "The Polls-Trends: Immigrants and Immigration," in Public Opinion Quarterly 61 (1997): 356-83
34. cited in Kathleen M. Moore and Stephen R. Pelletier, "Weaving New Fabric: the Challenge of Immigration for Muslim-Christian Relations," in Islam and Christian Muslim Relations v. 10, n. 2 (1999): 177-96.
35. A split-sample design means that half of our respondents (600) were asked one battery of questions about immigration and civil liberties generally, while the other half (547) were asked another battery of questions that differed from the first only in that they specifically asked about Arab and Muslim immigration and civil liberties
36. With the split sample design, approximately half of the 1147 respondents were asked about immigration in general (n - 600) and the remainder were asked about Arab and Muslim immigration (n - 547). The margin of error is 4%. This means that support for present levels of immigration in general ranges from 30% to 38% (34% 4%) and for present levels of Arab and Muslim immigration ranges from 35% to 43% (39% 4%).
37. Moore and Pelletier, 1999, 188.
38. For some data on this see "Taking America's Pulse: A Summary Report on the National Conference Survey on Inter-Group Relations," a Louis Harris poll (1994) and a Princeton Survey Research Associates poll (2000) commissioned by the National Conference for Community and Justice (founded in 1927 as the National Conference of Christians and Jews). These data determine how America's most populous and/or fastest growing ethnic, racial and religious groups perceived each other and the problems they share. On file at the Roper Center of the University of Connecticut.