The mysterious power of words: Language, law, and culture in Ottoman Damascus (17th-18th centuries)

Journal of Social History

Volumn 37, Issue 4, 2004, Pages

  Grehan, James ^a,b  

^a PORTLAND STATE UNIVERSITY   (United States)

^b Department of History ^*  (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 3142699925     PISSN: 00224529     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1353/jsh.2004.0047     Document Type: Review

References (238)

1. The rituals were slightly different for non-Muslims, who in spite of their minority status, routinely took their business and litigation to the Islamic courts. Christians swore over the Gospels, Jews over the Torah.
2. al-Mahkama al-sharyya li-dimashq [The Islamic Court of Damascus], Center for Historical Documents, Damascus, Syria, 168: 277.
3. It is difficult to estimate the frequency of these cases, except to observe that, by the eighteenth century, they had become exceedingly rare. The low count may have been part of a broad historical trend. Uriel Heyd noted that, in Ottoman Anatolia, the number of refusals in sixteenth-century court records was "amazingly large", but declined rapidly thereafter. The primary reason, he theorized, was the abandonment of judicial torture, which under sultanic law (Tk. kanun) lay at the discretion of the judge. By the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the Ottoman judicial system was more fully and consistently applying Islamic legal procedure, which strictly forbade the practice. Uriel Heyd, Studies in Old Ottoman Criminal Law, (ed.) V.L. Ménage, (Oxford, 1973), 252-54.
4. Haim Gerber has noted the same phenomenon in the court records of 17th-century Bursa. See Gerber, State, Society, and Law in Islam: Ottoman Law in Comparative Perspective (Albany, 1994), 49.
5. Heyd, Studies, 244-45.
6. For a discussion of the evaluation of evidence in Islamic courts, see Gerber, State, Society and Law, 48-50.
7. See the helpful discussion in Peter Burke, "Introduction", in The Social History of Language, eds. Peter Burke and Roy Porter (Cambridge, 1987), 9-10.
8. Muhammad Amin al-Muhibbi, Khulasat al-athr fi 'ayan al-qarn al-hadi 'ashar (Beirut), 4: 144-45.
9. Abd al-Ghani al-Nabulsi, al-Hadiqa al-nadiyya: sharh al-tariqa al-muhammadiyya (Lahore, 1977), 2: 292.
10. Muhammad Khalil al-Muradi, Arf al-basham fi man waliya fatwa dimashq al-sham (Damascus, 1988), 21-23.
11. See for example, al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 1: 35-36; 4: 159-60; Muhammad Khalil al-Muradi, Silk al-durar fi al-qarn al-hadi ashar (Beirut, 1988), 1: 32-33, 41, 82-83; 4: 38.
12. See for example, al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 1: 35-36; 4: 159-60; Muhammad Khalil al-Muradi, Silk al-durar fi al-qarn al-hadi 'ashar (Beirut, 1988), 1: 32-33, 41, 82-83; 4: 38.
13. For a summation of this attitude, see the biography of Najm al-Din al-Ghazzi in al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 4: 196.
14. al-Nabulsi, al-Hadiqa, 2: 520. As a practitioner of Sufism himself, he was sometimes willing to take a more moderate position. The shouting and commotion that sometimes attended Sufi ceremonies might be permissible, but only on condition that the participants were genuinely carried away by the experience of the meditative trance. Silence, he reiterated, was always most appropriate. See al-Nabulsi, Kashf al-nur an ashab al-qubur, Süleymaniye Library, Esad Efendi 3601, 70a-b. For an example of Sufi excesses which disturbed contemporaries, see al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 1: 283.
15. al-Nabulsi, al-Hadiqa, 2: 520. As a practitioner of Sufism himself, he was sometimes willing to take a more moderate position. The shouting and commotion that sometimes attended Sufi ceremonies might be permissible, but only on condition that the participants were genuinely carried away by the experience of the meditative trance. Silence, he reiterated, was always most appropriate. See al-Nabulsi, Kashf al-nur an ashab al-qubur, Süleymaniye Library, Esad Efendi 3601, 70a-b. For an example of Sufi excesses which disturbed contemporaries, see al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 1: 283.
16. al-Nabulsi, al-Hadiqa, 2: 520. As a practitioner of Sufism himself, he was sometimes willing to take a more moderate position. The shouting and commotion that sometimes attended Sufi ceremonies might be permissible, but only on condition that the participants were genuinely carried away by the experience of the meditative trance. Silence, he reiterated, was always most appropriate. See al-Nabulsi, Kashf al-nur an ashab al-qubur, Süleymaniye Library, Esad Efendi 3601, 70a-b. For an example of Sufi excesses which disturbed contemporaries, see al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 1: 283.
17. al-Nabulsi, al-Hadiqa, 2: 311-12.
18. Erving Goffman, The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life, (New York, 1959), 208-37.
19. Ahmad al-Budayri, Hawadith dimashq al-yawmiyya, (ed.) Ahmad Izzat Abd al-Karim, (Cairo, 1959), 192-93.
20. See for example al-Nabulsi, al-Hadiqa, 2: 352-53, 415-16, 542-43.
21. al-Nabulsi, al-Hadiqa, 2: 303.
22. al-Muradi, Arf, 5.
23. al-Muradi, Arf, 9. al-Muradi explicitly demanded that petitioners not use second-person pronouns in relating the speech of others, so that it might not seem as if the mufti himself were being addressed.
24. al-Muradi, Arf, 12; al-Nabulsi, al-Hadiqa, 2: 292, 350-51.
25. al-Muradi, Arf, 12; al-Nabulsi, al-Hadiqa, 2: 292, 350-51.
26. See for example al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 1: 280-81; 2: 51, 149; 3: 17, 234, 278, 286, 317, 409, 422, 436; 4: 14, 63, 73, 409; al-Muradi, Silk, 1: 11, 222; 3: 9, 64-65, 89, 246, 257, 258; 4: 50; Ibn Kannan, Yawmiyat, 181, 255, 314, 348-49. Having no knowledge of the local dialect, Ottoman governors and judges sometimes used formal Arabic as a direct means of communication with local ulama, who in general, lacked fluency in Turkish. See al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 2: 213; 4: 223.
27. See for example al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 1: 280-81; 2: 51, 149; 3: 17, 234, 278, 286, 317, 409, 422, 436; 4: 14, 63, 73, 409; al-Muradi, Silk, 1: 11, 222; 3: 9, 64-65, 89, 246, 257, 258; 4: 50; Ibn Kannan, Yawmiyat, 181, 255, 314, 348-49. Having no knowledge of the local dialect, Ottoman governors and judges sometimes used formal Arabic as a direct means of communication with local ulama, who in general, lacked fluency in Turkish. See al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 2: 213; 4: 223.
28. See for example al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 1: 280-81; 2: 51, 149; 3: 17, 234, 278, 286, 317, 409, 422, 436; 4: 14, 63, 73, 409; al-Muradi, Silk, 1: 11, 222; 3: 9, 64-65, 89, 246, 257, 258; 4: 50; Ibn Kannan, Yawmiyat, 181, 255, 314, 348-49. Having no knowledge of the local dialect, Ottoman governors and judges sometimes used formal Arabic as a direct means of communication with local ulama, who in general, lacked fluency in Turkish. See al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 2: 213; 4: 223.
29. See for example al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 1: 280-81; 2: 51, 149; 3: 17, 234, 278, 286, 317, 409, 422, 436; 4: 14, 63, 73, 409; al-Muradi, Silk, 1: 11, 222; 3: 9, 64-65, 89, 246, 257, 258; 4: 50; Ibn Kannan, Yawmiyat, 181, 255, 314, 348-49. Having no knowledge of the local dialect, Ottoman governors and judges sometimes used formal Arabic as a direct means of communication with local ulama, who in general, lacked fluency in Turkish. See al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 2: 213; 4: 223.
30. See for example al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 1: 280-81; 2: 51, 149; 3: 17, 234, 278, 286, 317, 409, 422, 436; 4: 14, 63, 73, 409; al-Muradi, Silk, 1: 11, 222; 3: 9, 64-65, 89, 246, 257, 258; 4: 50; Ibn Kannan, Yawmiyat, 181, 255, 314, 348-49. Having no knowledge of the local dialect, Ottoman governors and judges sometimes used formal Arabic as a direct means of communication with local ulama, who in general, lacked fluency in Turkish. See al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 2: 213; 4: 223.
31. See for example al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 1: 280-81; 2: 51, 149; 3: 17, 234, 278, 286, 317, 409, 422, 436; 4: 14, 63, 73, 409; al-Muradi, Silk, 1: 11, 222; 3: 9, 64-65, 89, 246, 257, 258; 4: 50; Ibn Kannan, Yawmiyat, 181, 255, 314, 348-49. Having no knowledge of the local dialect, Ottoman governors and judges sometimes used formal Arabic as a direct means of communication with local ulama, who in general, lacked fluency in Turkish. See al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 2: 213; 4: 223.
32. See for example al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 1: 280-81; 2: 51, 149; 3: 17, 234, 278, 286, 317, 409, 422, 436; 4: 14, 63, 73, 409; al-Muradi, Silk, 1: 11, 222; 3: 9, 64-65, 89, 246, 257, 258; 4: 50; Ibn Kannan, Yawmiyat, 181, 255, 314, 348-49. Having no knowledge of the local dialect, Ottoman governors and judges sometimes used formal Arabic as a direct means of communication with local ulama, who in general, lacked fluency in Turkish. See al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 2: 213; 4: 223.
33. See for example al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 1: 280-81; 2: 51, 149; 3: 17, 234, 278, 286, 317, 409, 422, 436; 4: 14, 63, 73, 409; al-Muradi, Silk, 1: 11, 222; 3: 9, 64-65, 89, 246, 257, 258; 4: 50; Ibn Kannan, Yawmiyat, 181, 255, 314, 348-49. Having no knowledge of the local dialect, Ottoman governors and judges sometimes used formal Arabic as a direct means of communication with local ulama, who in general, lacked fluency in Turkish. See al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 2: 213; 4: 223.
34. See for example al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 1: 280-81; 2: 51, 149; 3: 17, 234, 278, 286, 317, 409, 422, 436; 4: 14, 63, 73, 409; al-Muradi, Silk, 1: 11, 222; 3: 9, 64-65, 89, 246, 257, 258; 4: 50; Ibn Kannan, Yawmiyat, 181, 255, 314, 348-49. Having no knowledge of the local dialect, Ottoman governors and judges sometimes used formal Arabic as a direct means of communication with local ulama, who in general, lacked fluency in Turkish. See al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 2: 213; 4: 223.
35. See for example al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 1: 280-81; 2: 51, 149; 3: 17, 234, 278, 286, 317, 409, 422, 436; 4: 14, 63, 73, 409; al-Muradi, Silk, 1: 11, 222; 3: 9, 64-65, 89, 246, 257, 258; 4: 50; Ibn Kannan, Yawmiyat, 181, 255, 314, 348-49. Having no knowledge of the local dialect, Ottoman governors and judges sometimes used formal Arabic as a direct means of communication with local ulama, who in general, lacked fluency in Turkish. See al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 2: 213; 4: 223.
36. See for example al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 1: 280-81; 2: 51, 149; 3: 17, 234, 278, 286, 317, 409, 422, 436; 4: 14, 63, 73, 409; al-Muradi, Silk, 1: 11, 222; 3: 9, 64-65, 89, 246, 257, 258; 4: 50; Ibn Kannan, Yawmiyat, 181, 255, 314, 348-49. Having no knowledge of the local dialect, Ottoman governors and judges sometimes used formal Arabic as a direct means of communication with local ulama, who in general, lacked fluency in Turkish. See al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 2: 213; 4: 223.
37. al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 4: 31. When scholars persisted in using non-Damascene dialects, it was considered worthy of comment. Ibid., 1: 166; 4: 385. Closer to the ideal was the famous muezzin Bathullah al-Misri, originally from Egypt, who recited poetry in the most scrupulously correct Arabic. In meeting these standards, non-native speakers might face a stern test. Husayn ibn al-Shaal owed his position as a prayer leader in the Umayyad Mosque to the uproar created by his predecessor, a Turk ("Rumi"), who had publicly mispronounced the opening verse (al-fatiha) of the Quran. See respectively al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 1:453; 2: 98.
38. al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 4: 31. When scholars persisted in using non-Damascene dialects, it was considered worthy of comment. Ibid., 1: 166; 4: 385. Closer to the ideal was the famous muezzin Bathullah al-Misri, originally from Egypt, who recited poetry in the most scrupulously correct Arabic. In meeting these standards, non-native speakers might face a stern test. Husayn ibn al-Shaal owed his position as a prayer leader in the Umayyad Mosque to the uproar created by his predecessor, a Turk ("Rumi"), who had publicly mispronounced the opening verse (al-fatiha) of the Quran. See respectively al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 1:453; 2: 98.
39. al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 4: 31. When scholars persisted in using non-Damascene dialects, it was considered worthy of comment. Ibid., 1: 166; 4: 385. Closer to the ideal was the famous muezzin Bathullah al-Misri, originally from Egypt, who recited poetry in the most scrupulously correct Arabic. In meeting these standards, non-native speakers might face a stern test. Husayn ibn al-Shaal owed his position as a prayer leader in the Umayyad Mosque to the uproar created by his predecessor, a Turk ("Rumi"), who had publicly mispronounced the opening verse (al-fatiha) of the Quran. See respectively al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 1:453; 2: 98.
40. al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 4: 31. When scholars persisted in using non-Damascene dialects, it was considered worthy of comment. Ibid., 1: 166; 4: 385. Closer to the ideal was the famous muezzin Bathullah al-Misri, originally from Egypt, who recited poetry in the most scrupulously correct Arabic. In meeting these standards, non-native speakers might face a stern test. Husayn ibn al-Shaal owed his position as a prayer leader in the Umayyad Mosque to the uproar created by his predecessor, a Turk ("Rumi"), who had publicly mispronounced the opening verse (al-fatiha) of the Quran. See respectively al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 1:453; 2: 98.
41. al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 4: 31. When scholars persisted in using non-Damascene dialects, it was considered worthy of comment. Ibid., 1: 166; 4: 385. Closer to the ideal was the famous muezzin Bathullah al-Misri, originally from Egypt, who recited poetry in the most scrupulously correct Arabic. In meeting these standards, non-native speakers might face a stern test. Husayn ibn al-Shaal owed his position as a prayer leader in the Umayyad Mosque to the uproar created by his predecessor, a Turk ("Rumi"), who had publicly mispronounced the opening verse (al-fatiha) of the Quran. See respectively al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 1:453; 2: 98.
42. Ibn Kannan, Yawmiyat shamiyya, (ed.) Akram al-Ulabi, (Damascus, 1994), 170.
43. al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 4:327.
44. al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 4: 459. For other examples of enchanting voices, Ibid., 1: 46, 178, 280,453; 2: 64; 3: 414; 4: 324, 459, 493, 509.
45. al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 4: 459. For other examples of enchanting voices, Ibid., 1: 46, 178, 280,453; 2: 64; 3: 414; 4: 324, 459, 493, 509.
46. al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 4: 459. For other examples of enchanting voices, Ibid., 1: 46, 178, 280,453; 2: 64; 3: 414; 4: 324, 459, 493, 509.
47. al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 4: 459. For other examples of enchanting voices, Ibid., 1: 46, 178, 280,453; 2: 64; 3: 414; 4: 324, 459, 493, 509.
48. al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 4: 459. For other examples of enchanting voices, Ibid., 1: 46, 178, 280,453; 2: 64; 3: 414; 4: 324, 459, 493, 509.
49. See for example al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 2: 167; al-Muradi, Silk, 1: 232.
50. See for example al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 2: 167; al-Muradi, Silk, 1: 232.
51. For a sample of famous raconteurs, see al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 1:10,46; 2:51; 3:122, 437; 4: 34, 317, 385, 488; al-Muradi, Silk, 1:173, 222; 2: 231; 4: 40
52. For a sample of famous raconteurs, see al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 1:10,46; 2:51; 3:122, 437; 4: 34, 317, 385, 488; al-Muradi, Silk, 1:173, 222; 2: 231; 4: 40
53. For a sample of famous raconteurs, see al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 1:10,46; 2:51; 3:122, 437; 4: 34, 317, 385, 488; al-Muradi, Silk, 1:173, 222; 2: 231; 4: 40
54. For a sample of famous raconteurs, see al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 1:10,46; 2:51; 3:122, 437; 4: 34, 317, 385, 488; al-Muradi, Silk, 1:173, 222; 2: 231; 4: 40
55. For a sample of famous raconteurs, see al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 1:10,46; 2:51; 3:122, 437; 4: 34, 317, 385, 488; al-Muradi, Silk, 1:173, 222; 2: 231; 4: 40
56. For a sample of famous raconteurs, see al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 1:10,46; 2:51; 3:122, 437; 4: 34, 317, 385, 488; al-Muradi, Silk, 1:173, 222; 2: 231; 4: 40
57. For a sample of famous raconteurs, see al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 1:10,46; 2:51; 3:122, 437; 4: 34, 317, 385, 488; al-Muradi, Silk, 1:173, 222; 2: 231; 4: 40
58. See for example, Ibn Kannan, Yawmiyat, 295-96.
59. al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 3:364.
60. Ibn Kannan, Yawmiyat, 474-75.
61. See for example al-Muradi, Silk, 1:187; 2: 327; 3: 37, 166-67; 4: 218; Ibn Kannan, Yawmiyat, 428-29. On the need to speak indirectly about delicate topics see al-Nabulsi, al-Hadiqa, 2: 239-10.
62. See for example al-Muradi, Silk, 1:187; 2: 327; 3: 37, 166-67; 4: 218; Ibn Kannan, Yawmiyat, 428-29. On the need to speak indirectly about delicate topics see al-Nabulsi, al-Hadiqa, 2: 239-10.
63. See for example al-Muradi, Silk, 1:187; 2: 327; 3: 37, 166-67; 4: 218; Ibn Kannan, Yawmiyat, 428-29. On the need to speak indirectly about delicate topics see al-Nabulsi, al-Hadiqa, 2: 239-10.
64. See for example al-Muradi, Silk, 1:187; 2: 327; 3: 37, 166-67; 4: 218; Ibn Kannan, Yawmiyat, 428-29. On the need to speak indirectly about delicate topics see al-Nabulsi, al-Hadiqa, 2: 239-10.
65. See for example al-Muradi, Silk, 1:187; 2: 327; 3: 37, 166-67; 4: 218; Ibn Kannan, Yawmiyat, 428-29. On the need to speak indirectly about delicate topics see al-Nabulsi, al-Hadiqa, 2: 239-10.
66. See for example al-Muradi, Silk, 1:187; 2: 327; 3: 37, 166-67; 4: 218; Ibn Kannan, Yawmiyat, 428-29. On the need to speak indirectly about delicate topics see al-Nabulsi, al-Hadiqa, 2: 239-10.
67. See for example al-Muradi, Silk, 1:187; 2: 327; 3: 37, 166-67; 4: 218; Ibn Kannan, Yawmiyat, 428-29. On the need to speak indirectly about delicate topics see al-Nabulsi, al-Hadiqa, 2: 239-10.
68. al-Nabulsi, al-Hadiqa, 2: 405-06.
69. al-Nabulsi, al-Hadiqa, 2: 317.
70. al-Budayri, Hawadith, 152, See also the biography of Abd al-Rahman al-Safarjalani, who never allowed any talk of business around his colleagues in spite of his family's immense wealth; Ibn Kannan, Yawmiyat, 485.
71. al-Budayri, Hawadith, 152, See also the biography of Abd al-Rahman al-Safarjalani, who never allowed any talk of business around his colleagues in spite of his family's immense wealth; Ibn Kannan, Yawmiyat, 485.
72. Mikha'il al-Sabbagh, Tarikh al-shaykh Zahir al-Umar al-Zaydani, hakim akka wa bilad safad, ed. Qastantin al-Basha al-Mukhlisi (Harisa, Lebanon), 21, 50, 156. Other bedouin chieftains won similar renown for the high quality of their Arabic. See for example, Mikha'il al-Dimashqi, Hawadith al-sham wa lubnan, aw tarikh Mikha'il al-Dimashqi (1782-1841), ed. Ahmad Ghassan Sabbanu (Damascus, 1982), 44.
73. Mikha'il al-Sabbagh, Tarikh al-shaykh Zahir al-Umar al-Zaydani, hakim akka wa bilad safad, ed. Qastantin al-Basha al-Mukhlisi (Harisa, Lebanon), 21, 50, 156. Other bedouin chieftains won similar renown for the high quality of their Arabic. See for example, Mikha'il al-Dimashqi, Hawadith al-sham wa lubnan, aw tarikh Mikha'il al-Dimashqi (1782-1841), ed. Ahmad Ghassan Sabbanu (Damascus, 1982), 44.
74. For other examples of refined officials and soldiers, see al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 1: 29; 2: 81; 4: 108; Ibn Kannan, Yawmiyat, 60, 110-11, 234; al-Muradi, Silk, 1: 22, 48, 107, 274; 2: 199; 3: 90.
75. For other examples of refined officials and soldiers, see al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 1: 29; 2: 81; 4: 108; Ibn Kannan, Yawmiyat, 60, 110-11, 234; al-Muradi, Silk, 1: 22, 48, 107, 274; 2: 199; 3: 90.
76. For other examples of refined officials and soldiers, see al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 1: 29; 2: 81; 4: 108; Ibn Kannan, Yawmiyat, 60, 110-11, 234; al-Muradi, Silk, 1: 22, 48, 107, 274; 2: 199; 3: 90.
77. For other examples of refined officials and soldiers, see al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 1: 29; 2: 81; 4: 108; Ibn Kannan, Yawmiyat, 60, 110-11, 234; al-Muradi, Silk, 1: 22, 48, 107, 274; 2: 199; 3: 90.
78. For other examples of refined officials and soldiers, see al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 1: 29; 2: 81; 4: 108; Ibn Kannan, Yawmiyat, 60, 110-11, 234; al-Muradi, Silk, 1: 22, 48, 107, 274; 2: 199; 3: 90.
79. For other examples of refined officials and soldiers, see al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 1: 29; 2: 81; 4: 108; Ibn Kannan, Yawmiyat, 60, 110-11, 234; al-Muradi, Silk, 1: 22, 48, 107, 274; 2: 199; 3: 90.
80. For other examples of refined officials and soldiers, see al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 1: 29; 2: 81; 4: 108; Ibn Kannan, Yawmiyat, 60, 110-11, 234; al-Muradi, Silk, 1: 22, 48, 107, 274; 2: 199; 3: 90.
81. al-Muradi, Silk, 3: 135.
82. al-Muradi, Silk, 4:97. For other very explicit connections between self-restraint and justice, see Ibid, 3: 90; Ibn Kannan, Yawmiyat, 142; Ibn Juma, al-Bashat wa al-qudat, in Wulat dimashq fi al ahd al-uthmani, ed. Salah al-Din al-Munajjid (Damascus, 1949), 56; Hasan Agha al-Abd, Tarikh Hasan Agha al-Abd, ed. Yusuf Nuaysa, (Damascus, 1979), 163-64, 165.
83. al-Muradi, Silk, 4:97. For other very explicit connections between self-restraint and justice, see Ibid, 3: 90; Ibn Kannan, Yawmiyat, 142; Ibn Juma, al-Bashat wa al-qudat, in Wulat dimashq fi al ahd al-uthmani, ed. Salah al-Din al-Munajjid (Damascus, 1949), 56; Hasan Agha al-Abd, Tarikh Hasan Agha al-Abd, ed. Yusuf Nuaysa, (Damascus, 1979), 163-64, 165.
84. al-Muradi, Silk, 4:97. For other very explicit connections between self-restraint and justice, see Ibid, 3: 90; Ibn Kannan, Yawmiyat, 142; Ibn Juma, al-Bashat wa al-qudat, in Wulat dimashq fi al ahd al-uthmani, ed. Salah al-Din al-Munajjid (Damascus, 1949), 56; Hasan Agha al-Abd, Tarikh Hasan Agha al-Abd, ed. Yusuf Nuaysa, (Damascus, 1979), 163-64, 165.
85. al-Muradi, Silk, 4:97. For other very explicit connections between self-restraint and justice, see Ibid, 3: 90; Ibn Kannan, Yawmiyat, 142; Ibn Juma, al-Bashat wa al-qudat, in Wulat dimashq fi al ahd al-uthmani, ed. Salah al-Din al-Munajjid (Damascus, 1949), 56; Hasan Agha al-Abd, Tarikh Hasan Agha al-Abd, ed. Yusuf Nuaysa, (Damascus, 1979), 163-64, 165.
86. al-Muradi, Silk, 4:97. For other very explicit connections between self-restraint and justice, see Ibid, 3: 90; Ibn Kannan, Yawmiyat, 142; Ibn Juma, al-Bashat wa al-qudat, in Wulat dimashq fi al ahd al-uthmani, ed. Salah al-Din al-Munajjid (Damascus, 1949), 56; Hasan Agha al-Abd, Tarikh Hasan Agha al-Abd, ed. Yusuf Nuaysa, (Damascus, 1979), 163-64, 165.
87. The term is probably a corruption of the Turkish title subaşi.
88. Ibn Kannan, Yawmiyat, 107.
89. J. G. Peristiany, ed., Honor and Shame: The Values of Mediterranean Society (Chicago, 1966); David D. Gilmore, ed., Honor and Shame and the Unity of the Mediterranean (Washington DC, 1987).
90. J. G. Peristiany, ed., Honor and Shame: The Values of Mediterranean Society (Chicago, 1966); David D. Gilmore, ed., Honor and Shame and the Unity of the Mediterranean (Washington DC, 1987).
91. See for example, al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 3: 427; 4: 434.
92. See for example, al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 3: 427; 4: 434.
93. Ibn Kannan, Yawmiyat, 127. Scholars, too, might attract attention for shedding tears, which were treated as an alarming breakdown of self-composure. See for example al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 1: 30; 2: 296.
94. Ibn Kannan, Yawmiyat, 127. Scholars, too, might attract attention for shedding tears, which were treated as an alarming breakdown of self-composure. See for example al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 1: 30; 2: 296.
95. Ibn Kannan, Yawmiyat, 127. Scholars, too, might attract attention for shedding tears, which were treated as an alarming breakdown of self-composure. See for example al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 1: 30; 2: 296.
96. Ibn al-Siddiq, Ghara'ib al-bada'i fi aja'ib al-waqa'i, (ed.) Yusuf al-Nuayasa, (Damascus, 1988), 89. See also his comments about public weeping, for which he used the same disparaging tone. Ibid., 20, 26, 34, 63, 73, 100.
97. Ibn al-Siddiq, Ghara'ib al-bada'i fi aja'ib al-waqa'i, (ed.) Yusuf al-Nuayasa, (Damascus, 1988), 89. See also his comments about public weeping, for which he used the same disparaging tone. Ibid., 20, 26, 34, 63, 73, 100.
98. See for example the amir Muhammad ibn Furukh (d. 1638/9), a commander of the pilgrimage caravan, who built such a terrifying reputation that the bedouin used to quake at the mere mention of his name; al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 4: 108.
99. See for example Ibn Juma, al-Bashat, 45-46; al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 4: 294
100. See for example Ibn Juma, al-Bashat, 45-46; al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 4: 294
101. al-Budayri, Hawadith, 159.
102. al-Budayri, Hawadith, 67.
103. al-Budayri, Hawadith, 46. For other examples, see Ibn Kannan, Yawmiyat, 41, 43, 158-59.
104. al-Budayri, Hawadith, 46. For other examples, see Ibn Kannan, Yawmiyat, 41, 43, 158-59.
105. For references to officials losing their tempers, see Ibn Juma, al-Bashat, 43-44; Ibn Kannan, Yawmiyat, 90; al-Qari, al-Wuzara', 81; al-Budayri, Hawadith, 214; al-Dimashqi, Tarikh, 12.
106. For references to officials losing their tempers, see Ibn Juma, al-Bashat, 43-44; Ibn Kannan, Yawmiyat, 90; al-Qari, al-Wuzara', 81; al-Budayri, Hawadith, 214; al-Dimashqi, Tarikh, 12.
107. For references to officials losing their tempers, see Ibn Juma, al-Bashat, 43-44; Ibn Kannan, Yawmiyat, 90; al-Qari, al-Wuzara', 81; al-Budayri, Hawadith, 214; al-Dimashqi, Tarikh, 12.
108. For references to officials losing their tempers, see Ibn Juma, al-Bashat, 43-44; Ibn Kannan, Yawmiyat, 90; al-Qari, al-Wuzara', 81; al-Budayri, Hawadith, 214; al-Dimashqi, Tarikh, 12.
109. For references to officials losing their tempers, see Ibn Juma, al-Bashat, 43-44; Ibn Kannan, Yawmiyat, 90; al-Qari, al-Wuzara', 81; al-Budayri, Hawadith, 214; al-Dimashqi, Tarikh, 12.
110. Ibn al-Siddiq, Ghara'ib, 20, 21, 28, 29, 33, 34, 37, 39, 40, 45, 50, 50, 52, 54, 54, 55, 56, 58, 58, 60, 60, 60, 61, 61, 62, 64, 66, 67, 74, 74, 74, 79, 83, 88, 99.
111. al-Muradi, Silk, 4: 24.
112. al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 3:156. For cases of insults being administered by judges, Ibid., 3: 276; Ibn Kannan, Yawmiyat, 283.
113. al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 3:156. For cases of insults being administered by judges, Ibid., 3: 276; Ibn Kannan, Yawmiyat, 283.
114. al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 3:156. For cases of insults being administered by judges, Ibid., 3: 276; Ibn Kannan, Yawmiyat, 283.
115. See for example al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 1: 200; 4: 201.
116. See for example al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 1: 200; 4: 201.
117. See for example al-Muradi, Silk, 2: 292; 4:10. Abd al-Rahman al-Qari, one of the least competent teachers of his day, was saved only by his students' willingness to correct his lectures beforehand. They were motivated not so much by personal fondness as by the generosity of his family, which had earned considerable goodwill; Ibid., 2: 282.
118. See for example al-Muradi, Silk, 2: 292; 4:10. Abd al-Rahman al-Qari, one of the least competent teachers of his day, was saved only by his students' willingness to correct his lectures beforehand. They were motivated not so much by personal fondness as by the generosity of his family, which had earned considerable goodwill; Ibid., 2: 282.
119. See for example al-Muradi, Silk, 2: 292; 4:10. Abd al-Rahman al-Qari, one of the least competent teachers of his day, was saved only by his students' willingness to correct his lectures beforehand. They were motivated not so much by personal fondness as by the generosity of his family, which had earned considerable goodwill; Ibid., 2: 282.
120. al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 4:485; al-Muradi, Silk, 3:189.
121. al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 4:485; al-Muradi, Silk, 3:189.
122. Among the newer scholars who stoked his wrath were Khayr al-Din al-Ramli and Ibn Hajr al-Haythami; al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 4: 170. For other temperamental ulama, Ibid., 1: 20, 153, 281; 2: 213; 4: 115; al-Muradi, Silk, 1: 14; 2: 324; 3: 144; 4: 30, 58, 210, 225.
123. Among the newer scholars who stoked his wrath were Khayr al-Din al-Ramli and Ibn Hajr al-Haythami; al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 4: 170. For other temperamental ulama, Ibid., 1: 20, 153, 281; 2: 213; 4: 115; al-Muradi, Silk, 1: 14; 2: 324; 3: 144; 4: 30, 58, 210, 225.
124. Among the newer scholars who stoked his wrath were Khayr al-Din al-Ramli and Ibn Hajr al-Haythami; al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 4: 170. For other temperamental ulama, Ibid., 1: 20, 153, 281; 2: 213; 4: 115; al-Muradi, Silk, 1: 14; 2: 324; 3: 144; 4: 30, 58, 210, 225.
125. Among the newer scholars who stoked his wrath were Khayr al-Din al-Ramli and Ibn Hajr al-Haythami; al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 4: 170. For other temperamental ulama, Ibid., 1: 20, 153, 281; 2: 213; 4: 115; al-Muradi, Silk, 1: 14; 2: 324; 3: 144; 4: 30, 58, 210, 225.
126. Among the newer scholars who stoked his wrath were Khayr al-Din al-Ramli and Ibn Hajr al-Haythami; al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 4: 170. For other temperamental ulama, Ibid., 1: 20, 153, 281; 2: 213; 4: 115; al-Muradi, Silk, 1: 14; 2: 324; 3: 144; 4: 30, 58, 210, 225.
127. Among the newer scholars who stoked his wrath were Khayr al-Din al-Ramli and Ibn Hajr al-Haythami; al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 4: 170. For other temperamental ulama, Ibid., 1: 20, 153, 281; 2: 213; 4: 115; al-Muradi, Silk, 1: 14; 2: 324; 3: 144; 4: 30, 58, 210, 225.
128. Among the newer scholars who stoked his wrath were Khayr al-Din al-Ramli and Ibn Hajr al-Haythami; al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 4: 170. For other temperamental ulama, Ibid., 1: 20, 153, 281; 2: 213; 4: 115; al-Muradi, Silk, 1: 14; 2: 324; 3: 144; 4: 30, 58, 210, 225.
129. Among the newer scholars who stoked his wrath were Khayr al-Din al-Ramli and Ibn Hajr al-Haythami; al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 4: 170. For other temperamental ulama, Ibid., 1: 20, 153, 281; 2: 213; 4: 115; al-Muradi, Silk, 1: 14; 2: 324; 3: 144; 4: 30, 58, 210, 225.
130. al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 1:32. See also Ibid., 3: 386; 4: 115; al-Muradi, Silk, 2: 31.
131. al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 1:32. See also Ibid., 3: 386; 4: 115; al-Muradi, Silk, 2: 31.
132. al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 1:32. See also Ibid., 3: 386; 4: 115; al-Muradi, Silk, 2: 31.
133. al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 1:32. See also Ibid., 3: 386; 4: 115; al-Muradi, Silk, 2: 31.
134. Hasan Agha, Tarikh, 164. The qadi of Aleppo, who could not contain his fury, once threatened to cut off the fingers of a scribe (allegedly slandered by people at the courthouse, who had the qadi's ear). See al-Muradi, Silk, 3: 181. In another case the qadi of Damascus conspired with the mufti to have one of the latter's adversaries convicted on trumped-up charges and flogged at the courthouse. Ibid., 1: 206. Underhanded tactics were not always successful. During a brief revival of strength on his deathbed, Muhammad ibn Abd al-Malak grabbed the beard of a deputy judge and slapped him on the head for trying to steal his fortune; al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 4: 31.
135. Hasan Agha, Tarikh, 164. The qadi of Aleppo, who could not contain his fury, once threatened to cut off the fingers of a scribe (allegedly slandered by people at the courthouse, who had the qadi's ear). See al-Muradi, Silk, 3: 181. In another case the qadi of Damascus conspired with the mufti to have one of the latter's adversaries convicted on trumped-up charges and flogged at the courthouse. Ibid., 1: 206. Underhanded tactics were not always successful. During a brief revival of strength on his deathbed, Muhammad ibn Abd al-Malak grabbed the beard of a deputy judge and slapped him on the head for trying to steal his fortune; al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 4: 31.
136. Hasan Agha, Tarikh, 164. The qadi of Aleppo, who could not contain his fury, once threatened to cut off the fingers of a scribe (allegedly slandered by people at the courthouse, who had the qadi's ear). See al-Muradi, Silk, 3: 181. In another case the qadi of Damascus conspired with the mufti to have one of the latter's adversaries convicted on trumped-up charges and flogged at the courthouse. Ibid., 1: 206. Underhanded tactics were not always successful. During a brief revival of strength on his deathbed, Muhammad ibn Abd al-Malak grabbed the beard of a deputy judge and slapped him on the head for trying to steal his fortune; al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 4: 31.
137. Hasan Agha, Tarikh, 164. The qadi of Aleppo, who could not contain his fury, once threatened to cut off the fingers of a scribe (allegedly slandered by people at the courthouse, who had the qadi's ear). See al-Muradi, Silk, 3: 181. In another case the qadi of Damascus conspired with the mufti to have one of the latter's adversaries convicted on trumped-up charges and flogged at the courthouse. Ibid., 1: 206. Underhanded tactics were not always successful. During a brief revival of strength on his deathbed, Muhammad ibn Abd al-Malak grabbed the beard of a deputy judge and slapped him on the head for trying to steal his fortune; al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 4: 31.
138. al-Muradi, Silk, 1: 68.
139. Ibn Kannan, Yawmiyat, 182. For another example of ulama legitimizing violence (1743), see al-Budayri, Hawadith, 50-51.
140. Ibn Kannan, Yawmiyat, 182. For another example of ulama legitimizing violence (1743), see al-Budayri, Hawadith, 50-51.
141. al-Nabulsi, al-Hadiqa, 2: 237-38.
142. See for example al-Muradi, Silk, 4: 245-46.
143. See for example al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 1: 493.
144. al-Sabbagh, Tarikh, 155. For some of the rules on proper sitting, see al-Nabulsi, al-Hadiqa, 2: 506
145. al-Sabbagh, Tarikh, 155. For some of the rules on proper sitting, see al-Nabulsi, al-Hadiqa, 2: 506
146. al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 4: 36.
147. al-Dimashqi, Tarikh, 52. The shouting of abuse routinely accompanied sieges. See for example al-Muradi, Silk, 3:185; Hasan Agha, Tarikh, 76.
148. al-Dimashqi, Tarikh, 52. The shouting of abuse routinely accompanied sieges. See for example al-Muradi, Silk, 3:185; Hasan Agha, Tarikh, 76.
149. al-Dimashqi, Tarikh, 52. The shouting of abuse routinely accompanied sieges. See for example al-Muradi, Silk, 3:185; Hasan Agha, Tarikh, 76.
150. al-Muradi, Silk, 1: 184. See also the interview between the notorious governor Ahmad Pasha al-Jazzar and the mufti, Muhammad Khalil al-Muradi, which deteriorated into an exchange of "inappropriate words (mukalamat ghayr layiqa)"; Hasan Agha, Tarikh, 9-10. For cases of notables being murdered after speaking intemperately, see Ibn al-Siddiq, Ghara'ib, 55-56; al-Dimashqi, Tarikh, 18-19.
151. al-Muradi, Silk, 1: 184. See also the interview between the notorious governor Ahmad Pasha al-Jazzar and the mufti, Muhammad Khalil al-Muradi, which deteriorated into an exchange of "inappropriate words (mukalamat ghayr layiqa)"; Hasan Agha, Tarikh, 9-10. For cases of notables being murdered after speaking intemperately, see Ibn al-Siddiq, Ghara'ib, 55-56; al-Dimashqi, Tarikh, 18-19.
152. al-Muradi, Silk, 1: 184. See also the interview between the notorious governor Ahmad Pasha al-Jazzar and the mufti, Muhammad Khalil al-Muradi, which deteriorated into an exchange of "inappropriate words (mukalamat ghayr layiqa)"; Hasan Agha, Tarikh, 9-10. For cases of notables being murdered after speaking intemperately, see Ibn al-Siddiq, Ghara'ib, 55-56; al-Dimashqi, Tarikh, 18-19.
153. al-Muradi, Silk, 1: 184. See also the interview between the notorious governor Ahmad Pasha al-Jazzar and the mufti, Muhammad Khalil al-Muradi, which deteriorated into an exchange of "inappropriate words (mukalamat ghayr layiqa)"; Hasan Agha, Tarikh, 9-10. For cases of notables being murdered after speaking intemperately, see Ibn al-Siddiq, Ghara'ib, 55-56; al-Dimashqi, Tarikh, 18-19.
154. al-Budayri, Hawadith, 62, 66; al-Qari, al-Wuzara', 79.
155. al-Budayri, Hawadith, 62, 66; al-Qari, al-Wuzara', 79.
156. See for example al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 1: 167-68.
157. For other masters of this genre, see al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 2: 160; 3: 456; 4: 34.
158. For other masters of this genre, see al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 2: 160; 3: 456; 4: 34.
159. For other masters of this genre, see al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 2: 160; 3: 456; 4: 34.
160. al-Muradi, Silk, 2: 253. Working in the same tradition, Husayn al-Qusayfi used to "satirize the people" with his poetry. He composed it with such relish that, after incurring the wrath of his father, he even took aim at himself; Ibid., 2: 47.
161. al-Muradi, Silk, 2: 253. Working in the same tradition, Husayn al-Qusayfi used to "satirize the people" with his poetry. He composed it with such relish that, after incurring the wrath of his father, he even took aim at himself; Ibid., 2: 47.
162. al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 4: 505. In another case, a local doctor, though acknowledged as a leading expert in his field, somehow became known as "the camel"; contemporaries referred to nis rival as "the raven". Ibid., 1:21.
163. al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 4: 505. In another case, a local doctor, though acknowledged as a leading expert in his field, somehow became known as "the camel"; contemporaries referred to nis rival as "the raven". Ibid., 1:21.
164. Abd al-Nafi al-Hamawi had to flee his position as mufti of Hama after offending the chief judge and writing defamatory poetry against a powerful amir and his clan. He took refuge in the coastal town of Tripoli under the protection of the governor, but never really succeeded in reining in his pen, which had an uncanny knack for satire and invective. He soon fell into local politics and aimed mocking verses at another amir, who later sent an assassin as his own reply. Our poet emerged from the scrape with his life, moved on rather hastily to Aleppo, and then finished his career in uncharacteristic tranquility in the small town of Idlib. See al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 3: 90. For specialists in hija' who paid with their lives (including the famous Ottoman poet Nefi), see Ibid., 1: 197; 3: 228.
165. Abd al-Nafi al-Hamawi had to flee his position as mufti of Hama after offending the chief judge and writing defamatory poetry against a powerful amir and his clan. He took refuge in the coastal town of Tripoli under the protection of the governor, but never really succeeded in reining in his pen, which had an uncanny knack for satire and invective. He soon fell into local politics and aimed mocking verses at another amir, who later sent an assassin as his own reply. Our poet emerged from the scrape with his life, moved on rather hastily to Aleppo, and then finished his career in uncharacteristic tranquility in the small town of Idlib. See al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 3: 90. For specialists in hija' who paid with their lives (including the famous Ottoman poet Nefi), see Ibid., 1: 197; 3: 228.
166. Abd al-Nafi al-Hamawi had to flee his position as mufti of Hama after offending the chief judge and writing defamatory poetry against a powerful amir and his clan. He took refuge in the coastal town of Tripoli under the protection of the governor, but never really succeeded in reining in his pen, which had an uncanny knack for satire and invective. He soon fell into local politics and aimed mocking verses at another amir, who later sent an assassin as his own reply. Our poet emerged from the scrape with his life, moved on rather hastily to Aleppo, and then finished his career in uncharacteristic tranquility in the small town of Idlib. See al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 3: 90. For specialists in hija' who paid with their lives (including the famous Ottoman poet Nefi), see Ibid., 1: 197; 3: 228.
167. Ibn al-Siddiq, Ghara'ib, 18, 22, 26, 30, 31, 34, 40, 41, 42, 44, 54, 63, 70, 73, 76, 77, 78, 85, 87, 88, 89, 96, 99. For other forms of abuse, see al-Sabbagh, Tarikh, 61; al-Dimashqi, Tarikh, 26.
168. Ibn al-Siddiq, Ghara'ib, 18, 22, 26, 30, 31, 34, 40, 41, 42, 44, 54, 63, 70, 73, 76, 77, 78, 85, 87, 88, 89, 96, 99. For other forms of abuse, see al-Sabbagh, Tarikh, 61; al-Dimashqi, Tarikh, 26.
169. Ibn al-Siddiq, Ghara'ib, 18, 22, 26, 30, 31, 34, 40, 41, 42, 44, 54, 63, 70, 73, 76, 77, 78, 85, 87, 88, 89, 96, 99. For other forms of abuse, see al-Sabbagh, Tarikh, 61; al-Dimashqi, Tarikh, 26.
170. See for example al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 2: 79; 3: 399, 463; 4: 451; al-Muradi, Silk, 4: 3; Ibn al-Siddiq, Ghara'ib, 20, 22, 26, 31, 35, 36, 39, 42, 57, 58, 59, 60, 63.
171. See for example al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 2: 79; 3: 399, 463; 4: 451; al-Muradi, Silk, 4: 3; Ibn al-Siddiq, Ghara'ib, 20, 22, 26, 31, 35, 36, 39, 42, 57, 58, 59, 60, 63.
172. See for example al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 2: 79; 3: 399, 463; 4: 451; al-Muradi, Silk, 4: 3; Ibn al-Siddiq, Ghara'ib, 20, 22, 26, 31, 35, 36, 39, 42, 57, 58, 59, 60, 63.
173. See for example al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 2: 79; 3: 399, 463; 4: 451; al-Muradi, Silk, 4: 3; Ibn al-Siddiq, Ghara'ib, 20, 22, 26, 31, 35, 36, 39, 42, 57, 58, 59, 60, 63.
174. See for example al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 2: 79; 3: 399, 463; 4: 451; al-Muradi, Silk, 4: 3; Ibn al-Siddiq, Ghara'ib, 20, 22, 26, 31, 35, 36, 39, 42, 57, 58, 59, 60, 63.
175. al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 3: 90.
176. For examples of the complications that might ensue, see al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 3: 436, 465; 4: 331.80. Ibn al-Siddiq, Ghara'ib, 70. Direct references to excrement are rare, but do turn up in other Ottoman-era sources. For an Egyptian example, see al-Damurdashi (d. 1755), al-Durra al-musana fi akhbar al-kinana, unpublished manuscript, British Library, 528-30; also cited in Jane Hathaway, The Politics of Households in Ottoman Egypt: The Rise of the Qazdaglis (New York, 1997), 91.
177. For examples of the complications that might ensue, see al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 3: 436, 465; 4: 331
178. Ibn al-Siddiq, Ghara'ib, 70. Direct references to excrement are rare, but do turn up in other Ottoman-era sources. For an Egyptian example, see al-Damurdashi (d. 1755), al-Durra al-musana fi akhbar al-kinana, unpublished manuscript, British Library, 528-30; also cited in Jane Hathaway, The Politics of Households in Ottoman Egypt: The Rise of the Qazdaglis (New York, 1997), 91.
179. Ibn al-Siddiq, Ghara'ib, 70. Direct references to excrement are rare, but do turn up in other Ottoman-era sources. For an Egyptian example, see al-Damurdashi (d. 1755), al-Durra al-musana fi akhbar al-kinana, unpublished manuscript, British Library, 528-30; also cited in Jane Hathaway, The Politics of Households in Ottoman Egypt: The Rise of the Qazdaglis (New York, 1997), 91.
180. Ibn al-Siddiq, Ghara'ib, 70. Direct references to excrement are rare, but do turn up in other Ottoman-era sources. For an Egyptian example, see al-Damurdashi (d. 1755), al-Durra al-musana fi akhbar al-kinana, unpublished manuscript, British Library, 528-30; also cited in Jane Hathaway, The Politics of Households in Ottoman Egypt: The Rise of the Qazdaglis (New York, 1997), 91.
181. al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 4: 229.
182. Muhammad Said al-Qasimi,Qamus al-sana at al-shamiyya, ed. Zafir al-Qasimi (Damascus, 1988), 69.
183. al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 4:317. Al-Muhibbi had a similar reaction to the obscene hija' composed by Abd al-Nafi al-Hamawi, who got into a long poetic feud with al-Hasan al-Burini, the renowned scholar and biographer; Ibid., 3: 90.
184. al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 4:317. Al-Muhibbi had a similar reaction to the obscene hija' composed by Abd al-Nafi al-Hamawi, who got into a long poetic feud with al-Hasan al-Burini, the renowned scholar and biographer; Ibid., 3: 90.
185. al-Muradi, Silk, 3: 275-76.
186. al-Nabulsi, al-Hadiqa, 2: 321. He reasoned that these lesser oaths, though problematic from a legal point of view, might help to promote moral behavior by creating a sense of honor-bound obligation.
187. The penalty for apostasy might actually be applied. See Burayk, Tarikh, 110, for a Christian youth who converted to Islam (1773), tried to change his mind the next day, and paid the ultimate price. For a lengthy discussion of oaths of apostasy, see Khayr al-Din al-Ramli, Risala fi al-jawab an mas'alat man qala inn faaltu kadha fa-huwa kafir, unpublished manuscript, Süleymantye Library, Hekimoǧlu 322, 295b-306b.
188. The penalty for apostasy might actually be applied. See Burayk, Tarikh, 110, for a Christian youth who converted to Islam (1773), tried to change his mind the next day, and paid the ultimate price. For a lengthy discussion of oaths of apostasy, see Khayr al-Din al-Ramli, Risala fi al-jawab an mas'alat man qala inn faaltu kadha fa-huwa kafir, unpublished manuscript, Süleymantye Library, Hekimoǧlu 322, 295b-306b.
189. Every man who had married under Islamic law (including non-Muslims who might opt for Islamic legal arrangements) would have to pay the remaining portion of the dowry owed to his wife. In most marriages, a part was given in advance at the time of the wedding, and the rest was kept in reserve as a kind of insurance in the event of death or divorce. Together with this basic requirement, a husband who resorted to this kind of divorce would also have to pay back any money that he had borrowed from his wife, who was entitled to receive all her debts at once.
190. The fatwa literature best illustrates the range of these oaths, the elaborate conditions on which they might be predicated, and the tragi-comic scenarios in which some claims of divorce might be pressed. See for example Khayr al-Din al-Ramli, al-Fatawa al-khayriyya li'naf al-barriyya ala al-imam al-azam Abi Hanifa (Beirut, 1974, 2nd edition), 1: 36-57; Hamid al-Imadi, al-Uqud al'durriyya fi tanqih al-fatawa al-hamidiyya, ed, Ibn Abdin (Beirut, 1974, 2nd edition), 1: 35-51.
191. The fatwa literature best illustrates the range of these oaths, the elaborate conditions on which they might be predicated, and the tragi-comic scenarios in which some claims of divorce might be pressed. See for example Khayr al-Din al-Ramli, al-Fatawa al-khayriyya li'naf al-barriyya ala al-imam al-azam Abi Hanifa (Beirut, 1974, 2nd edition), 1: 36-57; Hamid al-Imadi, al-Uqud al'durriyya fi tanqih al-fatawa al-hamidiyya, ed, Ibn Abdin (Beirut, 1974, 2nd edition), 1: 35-51.
192. al-Budayri, Hawadith, 57-58. For another example, see also Ibn Kannan, Yawmiyat, 91.
193. al-Budayri, Hawadith, 57-58. For another example, see also Ibn Kannan, Yawmiyat, 91.
194. Ibn al-Siddiq, Ghara'ib, 82.
195. Judith Tucker, In the House of the Law: Gender and Islamic Law in Ottoman Syria and Palestine (Berkeley, 1998), 181-82.
196. For a discussion of the history of this legal debate, see Abd al-Ghani al-Nabulsi, Fath al-inghilaq fi mas'alat al-talaq, unpublished manuscript, Süleymaniye Library, Çelebi Abdullah Efendi 385/289b.
197. On the decline of purgative oaths in medieval Europe, see R. C. van Caenegem, Legal History: A European Perspective (London, 1991), 93.
198. This flexibility belies the older stereotype of an Islamic legal tradition which had slowly ossified and lost its vitality and creativity during the medieval period. One historian has observed that muftis in Ottoman Syria issued rulings on family law in a very pragmatic spirit which often held the interests of family and society above rigid applications of legal doctrine. See Tucker, In the House of the Law, 181-82.
199. See the discussion in Peter Burke, The Historical Anthropology of Early Modern Italy (London, 1987), 9-14.
200. al-Muradi, Silk, 1: 142. For similar stories, see al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 1: 105; al-Budayri, Hawadith, 112.
201. al-Muradi, Silk, 1: 142. For similar stories, see al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 1: 105; al-Budayri, Hawadith, 112.
202. al-Muradi, Silk, 1: 142. For similar stories, see al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 1: 105; al-Budayri, Hawadith, 112.
203. See for example al-Muradi, Silk, 3: 275-76.
204. al-Dimashqi, Tarikh, 24. On the sanctity of oaths sworn by mediators, see al-Budayri, Hawadith, 117-18; al-Qari, Wuzara', 87-88; Hasan Agha, Tarikh, 18.
205. al-Dimashqi, Tarikh, 24. On the sanctity of oaths sworn by mediators, see al-Budayri, Hawadith, 117-18; al-Qari, Wuzara', 87-88; Hasan Agha, Tarikh, 18.
206. al-Dimashqi, Tarikh, 24. On the sanctity of oaths sworn by mediators, see al-Budayri, Hawadith, 117-18; al-Qari, Wuzara', 87-88; Hasan Agha, Tarikh, 18.
207. al-Dimashqi, Tarikh, 24. On the sanctity of oaths sworn by mediators, see al-Budayri, Hawadith, 117-18; al-Qari, Wuzara', 87-88; Hasan Agha, Tarikh, 18.
208. Roy Mottahedeh, Loyalty and Leadership in an Early Islamic Society (Princeton, 1980), 41-62.
209. al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 4:143.
210. See for example al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 2: 78; 4: 63,78, 320.
211. See for example al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 2: 78; 4: 63,78, 320.
212. al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 1:34. Amulets and other written formulas, which were usually taken from the Quran, functioned for some doctors as a supplement to conventional prescriptions. See the biography of Ibn al-Hakim, who once treated the sultan himself by writing out a customized charm. Ibid., 1: 96. As a cure for forgetfulness, Abd al-Ghani al-Nabulsi recommended the use of various verses of the Quran in charms and potions. See al-Nabulsi, al-Kashf wa al-bayan amma yataalliq bi'l-nisyan (Damascus, n.d.), 35-47.
213. al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 1:34. Amulets and other written formulas, which were usually taken from the Quran, functioned for some doctors as a supplement to conventional prescriptions. See the biography of Ibn al-Hakim, who once treated the sultan himself by writing out a customized charm. Ibid., 1: 96. As a cure for forgetfulness, Abd al-Ghani al-Nabulsi recommended the use of various verses of the Quran in charms and potions. See al-Nabulsi, al-Kashf wa al-bayan amma yataalliq bi'l-nisyan (Damascus, n.d.), 35-47.
214. al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 1:34. Amulets and other written formulas, which were usually taken from the Quran, functioned for some doctors as a supplement to conventional prescriptions. See the biography of Ibn al-Hakim, who once treated the sultan himself by writing out a customized charm. Ibid., 1: 96. As a cure for forgetfulness, Abd al-Ghani al-Nabulsi recommended the use of various verses of the Quran in charms and potions. See al-Nabulsi, al-Kashf wa al-bayan amma yataalliq bi'l-nisyan (Damascus, n.d.), 35-47.
215. See for example al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 1: 34, 152; 3: 243.
216. See for example al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 1: 34, 152; 3: 243.
217. Burayk, Tarkih, 37.
218. al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 2: 64. See also Ibid., 1: 356; al-Muradi, Silk, 1: 273.
219. al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 2: 64. See also Ibid., 1: 356; al-Muradi, Silk, 1: 273.
220. al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 2: 64. See also Ibid., 1: 356; al-Muradi, Silk, 1: 273.
221. See respectively al-Nabulsi, al-Hadiqa, 2: 460, 477, 393.
222. See for example al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 2: 118.
223. al-Nabulsi, al-Hadiqa, 2: 230-32. Among the exceptions who were eligible to be cursed: a man who ignored the call to prayer; a woman who refused to come to her husband's bed; one who offers, or receives, a bribe; and a person who makes or drinks wine. Ibid., 2: 233.
224. al-Nabulsi, al-Hadiqa, 2: 230-32. Among the exceptions who were eligible to be cursed: a man who ignored the call to prayer; a woman who refused to come to her husband's bed; one who offers, or receives, a bribe; and a person who makes or drinks wine. Ibid., 2: 233.
225. Ibn Kannan, Yawmiyat, 244-48. For another reference to lethal curses, Ibid., 375-76.
226. Ibn Kannan, Yawmiyat, 244-48. For another reference to lethal curses, Ibid., 375-76.
227. See for example al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 1:114; 2:306; 3:386; 4:145, 214; al-Muradi, Silk, 1: 8-9; 3: 11; 4: 222.
228. See for example al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 1:114; 2:306; 3:386; 4:145, 214; al-Muradi, Silk, 1: 8-9; 3: 11; 4: 222.
229. See for example al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 1:114; 2:306; 3:386; 4:145, 214; al-Muradi, Silk, 1: 8-9; 3: 11; 4: 222.
230. See for example al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 1:114; 2:306; 3:386; 4:145, 214; al-Muradi, Silk, 1: 8-9; 3: 11; 4: 222.
231. See for example al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 1:114; 2:306; 3:386; 4:145, 214; al-Muradi, Silk, 1: 8-9; 3: 11; 4: 222.
232. See for example al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 1:114; 2:306; 3:386; 4:145, 214; al-Muradi, Silk, 1: 8-9; 3: 11; 4: 222.
233. See for example al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 1:114; 2:306; 3:386; 4:145, 214; al-Muradi, Silk, 1: 8-9; 3: 11; 4: 222.z
234. He also warned against bringing down a curse on a father or child, on the caliphs Abu Bakr and Umar (an overt reference to Shiite traditions), or even on a natural force like the wind; al-Nabulsi, al-Kashf, 28-32.
235. al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 4: 508.
236. Ibn Kannan, Yawmiyat, 244.
237. Bronislaw Malinowski, Coral Gardens and Their Magic: A Study of the Methods of Tilling the Soil and of Agricultural Rites in the Trobriand Islands (New York, 1935). For another important discussion of magic and speech, see S. J. Tambiah, Culture, Thought, and Social Action: An Anthropological Perspective (Cambridge, MA, 1985), ch. 1.
238. Bronislaw Malinowski, Coral Gardens and Their Magic: A Study of the Methods of Tilling the Soil and of Agricultural Rites in the Trobriand Islands (New York, 1935). For another important discussion of magic and speech, see S. J. Tambiah, Culture, Thought, and Social Action: An Anthropological Perspective (Cambridge, MA, 1985), ch. 1.