Contending identities: Sacred prostitution and reform in colonial South India

South Asia: Journal of South Asia Studies

Volumn 28, Issue 3, 2005, Pages 387-411

  Vijaisri, Priyadarshini ^a  

^a CENTRE FOR THE STUDY OF DEVELOPING SOCIETIES   (India)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY; IDENTITY CONSTRUCTION; PROSTITUTION; REFORM PROCESS;

ASIA; EURASIA; INDIA; SOUTH ASIA;

EID: 30844447431     PISSN: 00856401     EISSN: 14790270     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/00856400500337784     Document Type: Review

References (193)

1. See Amrit Srinivasan, 'Reform or Conformity: Temple Prostitution and the Community in the Madras Presidency', in Bina Agarwal (ed.), Structures Of Patriarchy: State, Community and Household in Modernizing Asia (New Delhi: Kali for Women, 1988);
2. Janaki Nair, 'The Devadasi, Dharma and the State', in Economic and Political Weekly, Vol.XXIX, no.50 (1994);
3. and Kalpana Kannabiran, 'Judiciary, Social Reform and Debate on "Religious Prostitution" in Colonial India', in Economic and Political Weekly (Special Issue on Review of Women Studies), Vol.XXX, no.43, (1995).
4. The term 'outcaste' is preferred instead of other popular academic terminologies as a category intrinsically conveying the notions of a distinct cultural collectivity outside the caste structure, yet operating within the caste complex as antagonistic to the hegemonic caste culture. This is also to reiterate the ideological premise on which the study is based that the outcastes constitute a distinct cultural and religious entity and thus are not Hindus. It is due to this specificity they exist as an alternative to caste culture. The term includes all the untouchable communities in the region. For instance, those under focus in the study are the Malas, Madigas, Chamar, Mahar, Chalavadi and Madar.
5. See Frederique Apffel Marglin, Wives Of the God King: The Rituals Of the Devadasis Of Puri (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1985);
6. Saskia Kersenboom-Story, Nityasumangali: Devadasi Tradition in South India (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1987);
7. and Saskia Kersenboom-Story, 'The Tiruttani Temple Dancers', in Julia Leslie (ed.), Roles and Rituals for Hindu Women (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1992).
8. Marglin, 'Introduction', Wives Of the God King.
9. Frederique Apffel Marglin, 'Power, Purity and Pollution: Aspects Of Caste System Reconsidered', in Contributions to Indian Sociology, n.s., Vol.11, no.2, (1977).
10. Marglin, Wives Of the God King.
11. The classification was inspired by Kersenboom-Story's identification of the ritual specialist at various levels in South Indian society. See Kersenboom-Story, Nityasumangali: Devadasi Tradition in South India.
12. Edgar Thurston and K. Rangachari, Castes and Tribes Of Southern India (Madras: Government Press, 1909), Vol.IV, p.298. Mathangi is a popular goddess revered by the outcastes of both Andhra and Karnataka
13. For details of the myth as narrated in relation to the cult as well as the Matangi during the colonial period, see A. Madaviah, 'The Matangi', Christian College Magazine, Vol.XXIII (n.s. Vol.V) (July 1905-June 1906), pp.301-3.
14. Manual Of the Kurnool District in the Presidency Of Madras (Hyderabad: The State Editor, District Gazetteers, [1886] 1992), p.186;
15. Madaviah, 'The Matangi', pp.301-3;
16. and Thurston and Rangachari, Castes and Tribes Of Southern India, pp.236-91.
17. Kalavanthulu, another popular term like the Kannada Patra, conveys a specific identity of dancing woman. The Kalavanthus or Kalavanthis were prevalent in southern Maratha country. But unlike the Patra or the Telugu Kalavanthulu, these women were not necessarily dedicated. However it was their hereditary occupation to dance in temples on festive occasions. For more details see D.C. Graham, Statistical Reports on the Principality Of Kolhapur (Bombay: 1885).
18. Bhogam in generic sense means enjoyment, possession. It also means a kept woman, mistress or concubine, a prostitute, a royal concubine. See D.F. Carmichael (ed.), Manual Of the District Of Vizagapatnam (Madras: The Asylum Press, 1869).
19. Sule is a Kannada term meaning prostitute. But during the medieval period it implied a temple damsel. The term is replaced by 'Devadasi', which had a respectful connotation during the colonial period. The term Sule is derived etymologically from the Sanskrit sula meaning a harlot. See T.N. Burrow and M.B. Meneau, A Dravidian Etymological Dictionary (Oxford: 2nd. ed., 1984), no.2741,
20. as quoted in Aloka Parasher and Usha Naik, 'Temple Girls Of Medieval Karnataka', in Indian Economic and Social History Review, Vol.XXIII, no.1, (1986), pp.65-6.
21. For Sani, see Thurston and Rangachari, Castes and Tribes Of Southern India, Vol.IV, p.128.
22. For details see Edgar Thurston, Ethnographic Notes in Southern India (New Delhi: Cosmos Publishing House, 1994);
23. B.R. Patil, 'The Devadasis', in Indian Journal Of Social Work, Vol.XXXV, no.4 (1975);
24. N.K. Kadetod, Yellamma Devadasiyaru Hagu Devadasi Padhathi (Dharwar: Karnataka University, 1983);
25. Jackie Assayag, '"Modern ] Devadasi": Devotees Of Goddess Yellamma in Karnataka', in Gabriella Elchinger and Ferro Luzi (eds), Rites and Beliefs in India (Delhi: Manohar, 1990), pp.53-65;
26. Gazetteer Of the Bombay Presidency, Belgaum, Vol.XXI (Bombay: Government Press, 1884), p.168;
27. and James M. Campbell, Dharwar District Gazetteer (Bombay: Government Press, 1959).
28. Abbé J.A. Dubois, Hindu Manners, Customs and Ceremonies (London: Oxford University Press, 1928), p.133.
29. Thurston and Rangachari, Castes and Tribes Of Southern India, Vol.IV, p.296. Elsewhere the leather working communities are known as Chamars.
30. Ibid., p.128
31. Thurston and Rangachari, Castes and Tribes Of Southern India, Vol.II, p.129.
32. Frieda Hauswirth mentions that some weaving communities of Madras observed a solidly-established practice of dedicating all first-born girls to temple service. See Frieda Hauswirth, Purdah: The Status Of Women in India (London: Trubner and Co., 1932), p.90.
33. On the Madiga, see Thurston and Rangachari, Castes and Tribes Of Southern India, Vol.IV, p.311.
34. For similar details, see C. Hayavadana Rao, Mysore Gazetteer (Bangalore: Government Press, 1921), Vol.I, p.236.
35. There was a considerable proportion of the Mahar population, i.e. Maratha outcastes parallel to the Holeya, in Kannada-speaking regions of southern Maratha country. On the Mang, see C. Hayavadana Rao, Mysore Gazetteer, Vol.I, pp.232-3;
36. and S.V. Kamat, Karnataka State Gazetteer (Bangalore: Soobhaiah and Sons, 1987).
37. The Kuruba are the caste of shepherds and blanket weavers. The Vaddars are skilled workers in earth and stone. See Census Of India, 1911, Mysore Report, Vol.XXI, p.214;
38. and James M. Campbell, Gazetteer Of Bombay Presidency, Dharwar District (Bombay: Government Press, 1884), Vol.XXII, pp.198-9.
39. On the Bedars, see C. Hayavadana Rao, Mysore Gazetteer, Vol.I, p.214.
40. The traditional occupation of the Bedars is hunting but they took to agriculture later. See C. Hayavadana Rao, Mysore Gazetteer, Vol.I, p.228.
41. For the Besthas, see ibid., p.215. The Besthas are the fishermen of Mysore state.
42. For the Chalavadis, see Campbell, Gazetteer Of Bombay Presidency, Dharwar District, Vol.XXII, p.186.The Chalavadis are a class of Lingayat Holeyas.
43. Thurston and Rangachari, Castes and Tribes Of Southern India, Vol.IV, p.296;
44. Emma Rauschenbusch-Clough, While Sewing Sandals or Tales Of a Telugu Pariah Tribe (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1899), pp.66-71.
45. Amrit Srinivasan, 'Reform or Continuity? Temple Prostitution and the Community in the Madras Presidency', in Bina Agarwal (ed.), Structures Of Patriarchy: State, Community and Household in Modern Asia (New Delhi: Kali for Women, 1988). For an elaborate account of the rites of initiation that transform an ordinary girl into a devadasi, see Kersenboom-Story, Nityasumangali: Devadasi Tradition in South India. The Bogams who are without exception prostitutes, go though a marriage ceremony which is rather costly. Sometimes a wealthy Indian bears the expense, makes large presents to the bride, and receives her first favours.
46. See Thurston and Rangachari, Castes and Tribes Of Southern India, Vol.II, p.138;
47. Dubois, Hindu Manners, Customs and Ceremonies;
48. and Marglin, Wives Of the God King.
49. Edgar Thurston, Ethnographic Notes in Southern India, Pt. II (Madras: The Government Press, 1921), pp.400-1;
50. Rauschenbusch-Clough, While Sewing Sandals, pp.62-89;
51. and Madaviah, 'The Matangi', pp.300-5.
52. F. Fawcett, 'Basivis-Women Who Through Dedication to a Deity Assume Masculine Privileges', in Journal Of the Anthropological Society Of Bombay, Vol.II (1892), pp.322-5;
53. and Syed Siraj Ul Hasan, Castes and Tribes Of the Nizam's Dominion (Bombay: 1920), pp.434-5.
54. Thurston and Rangachari, Castes and Tribes Of Southern India, Vol.IV, pp.125-53.
55. Carmichael (ed.), Manual Of the District Of Vizagapatnam;
56. and Thurston and Rangachari, Castes and Tribes Of Southern India, Vol.II, p.128.
57. The situation in the Kannada-speaking region appears to be distinct as it formed the nucleus of the regional tradition developing a religious complex and ritualistic tradition that is absent in the Telugu-speaking region.
58. They did this for both caste Hindu domestic rituals and intercaste community rituals and celebrations.
59. P.R. Venkataswamy, Our Struggle for Emancipation, Vol. I (Secunderabad: The Universal Art Printers, 1955);
60. and M.B. Gautam, Bhagyodayam (Hyderabad: Adi-Hindu Social Service League, 1991).
61. The Matangi received maintenance in the form of inam (rent free) lands. The Sule/Sani also received grants in kind, while the Joginis and Basavis usually had to beg for their maintenance although they were occasionally offered alms in return for their ritual services. For more details, see Priyadarshini Vijaisri, Recasting the Devadasi: Patterns Of Sacred Prostitution in Colonial South India (New Delhi: Kanishka Publishers, 2004).
62. K.N. Panikkar, 'Socio-Religious Reform and the National Awakening', in Bipan Chandra et al. (eds), India's Struggle for Independence (New Delhi: Penguin Books, 1988), p.89.
63. Nancy Cassels, 'Introduction', in Nancy G. Casssels (ed.), Orientalism, Evangelicalism and the Military Cantonment in Early Nineteenth-Century India: A Historiographical Overview (Queenstown, Can.: The Edwin Mellen Press, 1991), pp.1-18.
64. Particularly influential was the colonial projection of the era of Muslim rule as the period that initiated the process of degeneration of Hindu cultural life. This was eventually accepted as a historical 'truth' by the intellectuals who strove to redefine cultural traditions. For the centrality accorded to this notion in the debates on reform, see C.Y. Chintamani, The Indian Social Reform (Madras: Thompson and Co., 1901).
65. Kandukuri Viresalingam (1848-1919) was born of a Brahmin family at Rajamundry. He initiated a vibrant reformist movement by raising crucial issues relating to women and becoming actively involved in widow remarriage, female education and the anti-nautch movement, which produced a profound impact on the emerging middle class in the Telugu-speaking region. He advocated reformist views though his monthly journal, Vivekavardhini, and satires and plays of which 'Brahma Vivahamu', 'Vyavahara Dharma Bodhini', 'Viveka Deepika' and 'Vesyapriya Prahasanam' are the most important.
66. G.A. Oddie, Social Protest in India: British Protestant Missionaries and Social Reform 1850-1900, (Delhi: Manohar, 1979), pp.102-3.
67. Subramaniya Aiyar, editor of The Hindu, organised a public meeting in Madras Presidency. After deliberations a memorandum was drawn up to be forwarded to the governor and governor-general to support the anti-nautch program. For details see Kenneth Ballhatchet, Race, Sex and Class Under the Raj: Imperial Attitudes and Policies and Their Critics, 1793-1905 (Delhi: Vikas, 1979), p.158.
68. Viresalingam, address to the Twelfth Social Conference in 1893. See Chintamani, The Indian Social Reform, p.202.
69. Ibid., p.205
70. Notable among these journals was Vivekavardhani, established as early as 1874. For details see D.V. Sivarao, 'The Beginnings Of Telugu Journalism', in Journalism in Andhra Pradesh (Hyderabad: 1987), pp.23-40;
71. Tarakam,'Contribution Of Telugu Journalism to Social and Religious Reform', in K.R. Seshagiri Rao, (ed.), Studies in the History Of Telugu Journalism (New Delhi: 1968);
72. V. Ramakrishnacharyulu, 'Social Reform Movements in Andhra (1848-1919)' (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Jawaharlal Nehru University, 1977);
73. and V. Ramakrishnacharyulu, 'Women's Journals in Andhra During the Nineteenth Century', in Social Scientist, Vol.19, nos.5-6 (May-June, 1991), pp.80-7.
74. Viresalingam, 'Vesyapriya Prahasanam', in The Compiled Works Of K. Veeresalingam, Vol.I (Farces) (Rajahmundry, 3rd. ed., 1917), pp.370-420.
75. The Vrittanta Patrika (11 May 1893), National Archives of India, catalogued as Native Newspaper Reports.
76. Carnatica Pracaushika (20 and 29 May 1892), National Archives of India, catalogued as Native Newspaper Reports.
77. B. Leela, 'Socio-Cultural Aspects Of Mysore, 1881-1920' (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Bombay University, 1985), pp.190-1.
78. Ibid.
79. Vrittanta Chintamany (14 Oct. 1891), National Archives of India, catalogued as Native Newspaper Reports.
80. Carnatica Pracaushika (16 Jan. 1893).
81. The Vrittanta Patrika (21 May 1896).
82. The Sanmarga Bodhini (17 June 1893), National Archives of India, catalogued as Native Newspaper Reports.
83. Muthulakshmi Reddy Papers, Nehru Memorial Museum and Library, New Delhi, File no.11, part II, pp.252-4.
84. Ibid;
85. and Muthulakshmi Reddy, 'Speeches and Writings', Vol.II, Manuscript Section, Nehru Memorial Museum and Library, New Delhi.
86. The Sanmarga Bodhini (17 June 1893) pleaded with other native states to 'issue similar orders and thus get rid of one of its worst evils'.
87. For a critical reading of the legislative development in the 'native' state within the constraints of the colonial structure, see Nair, 'The Devadasi, Dharma and the State'.
88. V. Ramakrishna Rao, R. Venkatratnam Naidu: Message and Ministrations (Kakinada: 1923), p.70.
89. For more details see Rosalind O'Hanlon, Caste, Conflict and Ideology: Mahatma Jotiba Phule and Low-Caste Social Protest in Nineteenth Century Western India (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), pp.55-6;
90. and R. Venkatratnam Naidu, 'Social Purity and Anti Nautch Movement', in C.Y. Chintamani (ed.), The Indian Social Reform (Madras: Thompson and Co., 1901), pp.249-81. Naidu's writing is extensively based on Western writers whom he quotes throughout the text.
91. For details see V. Ramakrishna, Social Reform in Andhra (New Delhi: Vikas, 1983), pp.136-8.
92. Naidu, 'Social Purity and Anti Nautch Movement', p.259.
93. Ibid., pp.250-1.
94. Ibid., p.256.
95. V. Ramakrishna Rao, R. Venkatratnam Naidu, p.70.
96. Ibid., p.272.
97. The pledge for adults was as follows: (1) I will not attend any gathering where nautches are present, or invite them myself, or do anything else that tends to encourage them; (2) I will not use impure language, or tell coarse jests, or sing indecent songs, or indulge in listening to such language, songs or jests; (3) I will not indulge in witnessing indecent pictures, printing or scenes; (4) I will not converse or read, for the sake of impure pleasure, about subjects that are calculated to suggest impure thoughts and will try my best not to entertain any such thoughts; (5) I will be chaste in body and will endeavour my best to be chaste in mind as well as promote the cause of purity in general. See Naidu, 'Social Purity and Anti-Nautch Movement', p.281.
98. Ibid., pp.269-70. Naidu aspired to introduce the ideal of Western 'guilds of honour'. The associations would be 'with membership large enough for fraternity but quite within bounds for discipline, manned by a fostering spirit by persons that have a sacred sense of the promise and the possibility of childhood or youth, and inculcating, on broad principles and in devout reverence, along with spotless purity, the kindred virtues of unflinching honesty and large hearted magnanimity'.
99. Ibid., Appendix.
100. Ibid., p.271.
101. Harijan (12 Oct. 1934).
102. Also see M.K. Gandhi, Women (Ahmedabad: Navjivan Publishing House, 1st ed., 1958), p.3.
103. Harijan (16 Mar. 1940).
104. Gandhi, Women, p.11.;
105. and Harijan (29 Apr. 1937).
106. For more detail see M.K. Gandhi, The Role Of Women (ed. Anand T. Hingrani) (Bombay: Bharatiya Vidhya Bhavan, 1964).
107. Young India (15 Sept. 1921 and 10 Apr. 1930).
108. Gandhi, Women, pp.106-7;
109. and Young India (16 Apr. 1925).
110. Muthulakshmi Reddy, Autobiography of Dr (Mrs) S. Muthulakshmi Reddy (Madras: Author, 1964), p.56.
111. Ibid.
112. Harijan (14 Sept. 1934).
113. Muthulakshmi Reddy Papers, Vol.II, part II, Serial nos.116-154.
114. Muthulakshmi Reddy, Autobiography, pp.53-4. Gandhi expressed similar views on 9 September 1927 in Madras.
115. Reddy spoke as an Indian delegate to the Paris International Conference of Women. Muthulakshmi Reddy, Autobiography, pp.41-2.
116. Muthulakshmi Reddy, Autobiography, p.44.
117. A contributor to the journal Gruha Laxmi wrote: 'There has been a lot of debate that the contents in the book are false and that it should not have been written in that manner. I do not say that writing in such a fashion is good but I strongly believe that there is a lot of truth in it. Though we might with a sense of self respect try to defend ourselves but we cannot prove that it is wrong'. V.Saraswathi, letter to Bangaluru Nagaratnamma, Gruha Laxmi (1929), pp.917-9.
118. Muthulakshmi Reddy, speech at Fortieth Indian Social Conference, Madras, 1927, in Muthulakshmi Reddy, 'Speeches and Writings', Vol.II, part II, serial nos.116-154, pp.825-7.
119. Muthulakshmi Reddy to Mrs Caton, 23 Feb. 1930, in Muthulakshmi Reddy, 'Speeches and Writings', Vol.II.
120. Letter dated 8 Oct. 1927, in Muthulakshmi Reddy, 'Speeches and Writings', Vol.II, pp.349-51.
121. Muthulakshmi Reddy, Autobiography, p.47.
122. Devala Palli Venkataratnamma, 'Devadasi', Gruha Laxmi (July 1940), pp.277-278.
123. Muthulakshmi Reddy, Autobiography, p.54.
124. Muthulakshmi Reddy to A.R. MacEwen, secretary to the government of Madras (1939?), Muthulakshmi Reddy Papers, File no.11, part II, p.284.
125. Ibid.
126. The term kalavanthulu strictly implied temple dancing girls/women, and signifies a community identity, whereas kalavanthula means belonging to the kalavanthulu.
127. Darsi Chenchaiah, Nenu Nadesamu (Vijayawada: Jayant Publications [1952], rpr. 1985), p.178.
128. Muthulakshmi Reddy Papers, File no.11, part II, pp.370-1.
129. Sixth Andhradesa Kalavanthula Social Reform Conference, 1927. See ibid., p.371.
130. Kalavanthula Conference at Guntur, 1927. See Muthulakshmi Reddy Papers, File no.12, p.64.
131. Krishna Patrika (23 June 1934).
132. Krishna Patrika, National Archives of India, catalogued as Native Newspaper Reports, p.372.
133. Ibid., p.66.
134. Secretary, Kalavanthula Vidya Sangham, Guntur, to Muthulakshmi Reddy, 15 Nov. 1929, Muthulakshmi Reddy Papers, File no.11.
135. Andhra Desa Devadasis Sangha Samrakshana Sabha, Tirupati, 1927, Muthulakshmi Reddy Papers, File no.11, p.332.
136. See M. Venkatarangaiah (ed.), The Freedom Struggle in Andhra Pradesh (Andhra), Vol.III, 1921-1931, (Hyderabad: Director of Printing, 1965), pp.443-4.
137. Chenchaiah, Nenu Nadesamu, p.77.
138. Ibid., pp.177-8.
139. Ibid., 179.
140. Ibid., p.180.
141. The consciousness generated within the community was in concert with patriarchal norms. The movement was largely under male leadership and 'reformed' devadasis were to cooperate with the cause as espoused by men, as implicitly conveyed in one of Muthulakshmi's pleas: 'I feel some of the reformed devadasis like Ramamirthan of Mayavaram and Srimathi Padmavathi Ammal of Tirunnelvelly who is now here and who is anxious to carry on the propaganda work in the Tamil country may be allowed to cooperate with the male members of the community to work for the same cause'. Muthulakshmi Reddy, 20 Nov. 1927, Muthulakshmi Reddy Papers, File no.11, part II.
142. Muzrai Dept., File no.368-28, serial no.1-6, Karnataka State Archives.
143. Government of Bombay, Educational Department Compilations, No.80, part 1, 1-11 (1913), p.617
144. Ibid.
145. For more details see Kasinath K. Kavlekar, Non-Brahman Movement in Southern India (1873-1949) (Kolhapur: Shivaji University Press, 1979);
146. and Ian Copland, 'The Maharaja Of Kolhapur and the Non-Brahmin Movement 1902-10', in Modern Asian Studies, Vol.7, no.2 (1973), pp.209-5.
147. Ingle had a vernacular education up to the fifth standard in his village school. Further education took him to Kolhapur, where he studied Kannada, Marathi and English, and returned to his village as a teacher. See Chandrakant Waghamare, Devaraya Ingle: Charitra ani Kavya (Belgaum: Author, 1994), p.2.
148. Ibid., pp.3-5.
149. The outcastes were known by their traditional caste occupation, e.g., Chamar, Madiga, Holeya, Mang, etc. In a meeting called at Chikodi Taluka, Ingle pleaded with the outcastes to give up their derogatory surnames and assume respectable and dignified titles. Contemporary surnames held by the former 'untouchables' of Chikodi Taluka bear testimony to this. Titles such as Bhimnaik, Thamnaik, Dhamnaik, Meghnaik, etc. attempted to trace their genealogy back to the brave outcaste warriors of the Peshwa. Others were named after villages, e.g. Sanglikar, Chinchlikar, Shirgoankar, Kalolkar etc., whilst Suryavamsi, Bhavani, etc. were titles bestowed by Ingle at the gathering.
150. As per the agenda of social reform, Ingle initiated a movement against the consumption of carcasses, a result of the extremely poor economic condition of the outcastes. He organised frequent campaigns advising the illiterate and ignorant masses of the unhygienic effects of such practices. When it was reported that a dead animal had been found, Ingle would gather with a group of youths at the spot, pour kerosene over the carcass and sing songs telling of the bad days that had befallen the outcastes, and pray to the gods to deliver them from their degradation. Interview with Sonabai Nilannavar (a Jogati married to an activist who was a close associate of Ingle). For details also see Waghamare, Devaraya Ingle, p.11.
151. Ingle established a hostel at Dharwar, known as Bhahiskrit Hostel. To provide for the bare necessities of the outcaste students he resorted to begging. Interview with P.P. Hegre. Such instances can also be found in the Telugu-speaking region. For details see Chinna Rao Yagati, 'Education and Identity Formation Among Dalits in Colonial Andhra', in S. Bhattacharya (ed.), Education and the Disprivileged: Nineteenth and Twentieth Century India (New Delhi: Orient Longman, 2002), pp.84-120.
152. Interview with Sonabai Nilannavar.
153. Waghamare, Devaraya Ingle, p.11. Lingayats constitute the dominant landowning castes of the region.
154. Ibid. pp.5-6.
155. The play went as follows: A couple expecting the birth of their child emerge on the stage. The wife expresses a desire, if the child happens to be a girl, to dedicate her to the goddess Yellamma. The husband protests and an argument ensues, during which the issues of child temple prostitution are aired. The drama was modified at different locations to suit the tastes and beliefs of the local audience. The range of ideas was huge, varying from the portrayal of the dread effects of venereal disease to the role of legal responsibility to reflections on the enslaving impact of superstition and blind faith.
156. It seems Ingle asked Ambedkar for advice before writing the play. Ingle did not receive any response, but went ahead with writing the play. See Sarju Katkar, Devaraya (Athani: Vimochana Publication, 2002), p.35
157. Interview with Maruti Tukaram Ghatti, a local dalit leader, at Chikodi, Belgaum District, 10 July 2000.
158. It is suggested Ingle also played a part in the drama.
159. The exact year in which the drama was written could not be ascertained. See Katkar, Devaraya, pp.39-40.
160. Waghamare notes that children were also encouraged to defecate on these objects. Waghamare, Devaraya Ingle, p.9.
161. Ibid., p.12.
162. Telangana comprised the Telugu-speaking regions under the Nizam's dominions. See Gautam, Bhagyodayam, pp.7-8.
163. Bhagya Reddy Varma's given name was Madari Bhagaiah. His father died when he was 8 years old and thus his mother set up a petty crockery shop to maintain a family of five. In an economically precarious condition further precipitated by famine, it was difficult for Bhagya Reddy Varma to obtain any formal education. A generous Catholic family in whose household he worked as a steward helped him with a stipend. During this period he was exposed to literature and social issues, e.g. Manoranjini, Andhra Patrika, and Desabhimani. In May 1912 he sought training from Messrs. Crompton and Co. Electrical Engineers. In 1913 he was promoted as an electrical meter inspector. He was married to Laxmi Devi at the age of 18. He died on 18 February 1939. For details see Gautam, Bhagyodayam.
164. However P.R. Venkataswamy doubts if Bhagya Reddy Varma was the real founder, though he notes his association with the movement since its inception. See Venkataswamy, Our Struggle for Emancipation, Vol.I, p.3.
165. Ibid. For further details see Omvedt, Dalits and the Democratic Revolution;
166. and Yagati, Dalit Struggle for Identity.
167. The term manya in Telugu connotes that which is honourable, venerable or respectable. See C.P. Brown, C.P Brown's Telugu English Dictionary (Asian Educational Services, 2nd. ed., 1999), pp.980-1.
168. Gautam, Bhagyodayam, p.9.
169. Ibid. p.11.
170. Venkataswamy, Our Struggle for Emanicipation, p.30.
171. Ibid., p.26;
172. Chinna Rao Yagati, 'Dalit Movement in Andhra: 1900-1950' (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Jawaharlal Nehru University, 1999), p.166.
173. For biographical sketches of organisations and personalities, see R.K. Kshirsagar, Dalit Movement in India and its Leaders (1857-1956) (New Delhi: 1994), pp.163-7.
174. Venkataswamy, Our Struggle for Emanicipation, Vol.I, p.16.
175. Census Of India, 1931, Vol.XXIII, H.E.H. The Nizam's Dominions, Hyderabad State, Part I (Hyderabad Deccan: 1933), p.257.
176. Also see Gautam, Bhagyodayam, Appendix 6.
177. Gautam, Bhagyodayam, p.15;
178. and Chinna Rao Yagati, Dalits' Struggle for Identity: Andhra and Hyderabad, 1900-1950 (New Delhi: Kanishka Publishers, 2003).
179. Gautam, Bhagyodayam.
180. Venkataswamy, Our Struggle for Emanicipation, p.27.
181. Ibid., Appendix 7.
182. The pledges taken by the participants at the Adi-Hindu Conferences reflect this: I promise in the presence of god that I would try best to live up to the following: (1) I give up hereby drinking toddy or rum completely; (2) I will not participate in any religious and other ceremonies and functions which involve the suffering and killing of animals; (3) I will not use abusive or impure language, I will not indulge in coarse jests, I will not sing indecent songs, I will not indulge even in listening to such language songs or jests; (4) In the matter of keeping the house, dressing, eating and in other things I will observe cleanliness and (5) I will cultivate such habits as will help my improvement, I will follow my fellow men to do likewise.
183. Census Of India, 1931, Vol.XXIII, p.257. These activists of the League encountered considerable opposition at certain places. The movement was also strengthened by government legislative action, which in 1930 declared the practice illegal. Despite intensive campaigns the influence of the custom continued to persist due to a lack of effective rehabilitative measures. See Gautam, Bhagyodayam.
184. Venkataswamy's notes on outcaste activities suggest no significant links with the rural areas. See Venkataswamy, Our Struggle for Emancipation; and Omvedt, Dalits and the Democratic Revolution, p.124.
185. Venkataswamy, Our Struggle for Emancipation, Vol.I, p. 30.
186. For instance Bhagya Reddy Varma was associated with various local organisations such as the Arya Samaj, Brahmo Samaj, Humanitarian League, Sanathana Dharma Mandali, Hindu Mahasabha, Social Reform Association and Andhra Association. Youths influenced by him participated in the activities of these organisations under the guidance of their leader. See Venkataswamy, Our Struggle for Emancipation, pp.8, 77.
187. Janata (4 July 1936), cited in Pradip Gaikwad, Dr Ambedkaranchi Samagra Bhashane (Bombay: Shity Publications, 2000), Vol.II, pp.46-8.
188. Ibid., pp.47-8.
189. Swarajya (16 Oct. 1931).
190. For more details see Omvedt, Dalits and the Democratic Revolution;
191. and Yagati, Dalits' Struggle for Identity.
192. 'Bill No.XXVII of 1933', Bombay Legislative Debates (16 March 1934).
193. Venkataswamy, Our Struggle for Emancipation, Vol.1, p.80.