Newton for ladies: Gentility, gender and radical culture

British Journal for the History of Science

Volumn 37, Issue 2, 2004, Pages 119-146

  Mazzotti, Massimo ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF EXETER   (United Kingdom)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 3042583670     PISSN: 00070874     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0007087404005400     Document Type: Review

References (243)

1. F. Algarotti, Il newtonianesimo per le dame ovvero dialoghi sopra la luce e i colori, Naples [i.e. Milan], 1737. No publisher's name is given, and the usual approval of religious and political authorities is missing. Algarotti's explicit model was Fontenelle, Entretiens sur la pluralité des mondes (1686). Newtonianism for Ladies opened with a letter to Fontenelle, 'the most genteel philosopher of France', to whom the book is dedicated (pp. iii-xi).
2. F. Algarotti, Il newtonianesimo per le dame ovvero dialoghi sopra la luce e i colori, Naples [i.e. Milan], 1737. No publisher's name is given, and the usual approval of religious and political authorities is missing. Algarotti's explicit model was Fontenelle, Entretiens sur la pluralité des mondes (1686). Newtonianism for Ladies opened with a letter to Fontenelle, 'the most genteel philosopher of France', to whom the book is dedicated (pp. iii-xi).
3. Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 6-10. F. Algarotti, 'Non la Lesboa', in Rime per la famosa laureazione ed acclamatissima aggregazione al Collegio filosofico della ill.ma ed ecc.ma sig.ra Laura Maria Catterina Bassi, Bologna, 1732, 23-4. On the relations between Bassi and Algarotti see M. Cavazza, 'L'aurata luce settemplice. Algarotti, Laura Bassi e Newton', in M. Cavazza, Settecento inquieto. Alle origini dell'Istituto delle Scienze di Bologna, Bologna, 1990, 237-56.
4. Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 6-10. F. Algarotti, 'Non la Lesboa', in Rime per la famosa laureazione ed acclamatissima aggregazione al Collegio filosofico della ill.ma ed ecc.ma sig.ra Laura Maria Catterina Bassi, Bologna, 1732, 23-4. On the relations between Bassi and Algarotti see M. Cavazza, 'L'aurata luce settemplice. Algarotti, Laura Bassi e Newton', in M. Cavazza, Settecento inquieto. Alle origini dell'Istituto delle Scienze di Bologna, Bologna, 1990, 237-56.
5. Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 6-10. F. Algarotti, 'Non la Lesboa', in Rime per la famosa laureazione ed acclamatissima aggregazione al Collegio filosofico della ill.ma ed ecc.ma sig.ra Laura Maria Catterina Bassi, Bologna, 1732, 23-4. On the relations between Bassi and Algarotti see M. Cavazza, 'L'aurata luce settemplice. Algarotti, Laura Bassi e Newton', in M. Cavazza, Settecento inquieto. Alle origini dell'Istituto delle Scienze di Bologna, Bologna, 1990, 237-56.
6. Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 31, 47 and following. The opera metaphor is derived from Fontenelle, op. cit. (1).
7. Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 31, 47 and following. The opera metaphor is derived from Fontenelle, op. cit. (1).
8. Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 154.
9. On early remarks on Algarotti's superficiality see F. Algarotti, Opere, 17 vols., Venice, 1791-4, i, p. xiv. On early criticism of Algarotti's style and language see letter of Eustachio Manfredi to Algarotti (1738), in Algarotti, Opere, xii, 323-4. Most remarkable is the absence of any reference to Algarotti's book in H. Guerlac, Newton on the Continent, Ithaca, 1981.
10. On early remarks on Algarotti's superficiality see F. Algarotti, Opere, 17 vols., Venice, 1791-4, i, p. xiv. On early criticism of Algarotti's style and language see letter of Eustachio Manfredi to Algarotti (1738), in Algarotti, Opere, xii, 323-4. Most remarkable is the absence of any reference to Algarotti's book in H. Guerlac, Newton on the Continent, Ithaca, 1981.
11. On early remarks on Algarotti's superficiality see F. Algarotti, Opere, 17 vols., Venice, 1791-4, i, p. xiv. On early criticism of Algarotti's style and language see letter of Eustachio Manfredi to Algarotti (1738), in Algarotti, Opere, xii, 323-4. Most remarkable is the absence of any reference to Algarotti's book in H. Guerlac, Newton on the Continent, Ithaca, 1981.
12. On the integration of material, literary and scientific technologies in order to establish matters of fact see S. Shapin, 'Pump and circumstance: Robert Boyle's literary technology', Social Studies of Science (1984), 14, 481-520; and S. Shapin and S. Schaffer, Leviathan and the Air-Pump: Hobbes, Boyle and the Experimental Life, Princeton, 1985.
13. On the integration of material, literary and scientific technologies in order to establish matters of fact see S. Shapin, 'Pump and circumstance: Robert Boyle's literary technology', Social Studies of Science (1984), 14, 481-520; and S. Shapin and S. Schaffer, Leviathan and the Air-Pump: Hobbes, Boyle and the Experimental Life, Princeton, 1985.
14. On Algarotti complaining about translations see his letter to Count Mazzuchelli (1751) in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), ix, 180-4. The first French edition was Le Newtonianisme pour le dames, ou entretien sur la lumiere, sur les couleurs, et sur l'attraction, Paris, 1738. See also [Algarotti], 'Lettre d'un Italien à un François au sujet des Entretiens sur le neutonianisme, traduits en françois par M. Du Perron de Castera', Observations sur les écrits modernes (1738), 15, 319-35; and Du Perron de Castera, Lettre à a M. le C.te de L*** pour répondre à celle d'un Italien, au sujet des Entretiens sur le newtonianisme, Paris, 1739. On some technical aspects of the French translation see C. Giovanardi, 'Note su Algarotti tradotto in francese', Nuovi Annali della Facoltà di Magistero dell'Università di Messina (1988), 6, 91-125. The first English translation was Sir Isaac Newton's Philosophy Explain'd for the Use of the Ladies. In Six Dialogues on Light and Colours, London 1739, translated by Elizabeth Carter (1717-1806) and published by Edward Cave (1691-1754), who also founded and directed the Gentleman's Magazine. See Algarotti's remarks on this translation in the Avvertenza of the 1739 Italian edition of the Newtonianesimo. Other English and French editions followed, as well as various editions in German and Dutch. See the full list in F. Arato, Il secolo delle cose. Scienza e storia in Francesco Algarotti, Genoa, 1991, 136-55.
15. On Algarotti complaining about translations see his letter to Count Mazzuchelli (1751) in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), ix, 180-4. The first French edition was Le Newtonianisme pour le dames, ou entretien sur la lumiere, sur les couleurs, et sur l'attraction, Paris, 1738. See also [Algarotti], 'Lettre d'un Italien à un François au sujet des Entretiens sur le neutonianisme, traduits en françois par M. Du Perron de Castera', Observations sur les écrits modernes (1738), 15, 319-35; and Du Perron de Castera, Lettre à a M. le C.te de L*** pour répondre à celle d'un Italien, au sujet des Entretiens sur le newtonianisme, Paris, 1739. On some technical aspects of the French translation see C. Giovanardi, 'Note su Algarotti tradotto in francese', Nuovi Annali della Facoltà di Magistero dell'Università di Messina (1988), 6, 91-125. The first English translation was Sir Isaac Newton's Philosophy Explain'd for the Use of the Ladies. In Six Dialogues on Light and Colours, London 1739, translated by Elizabeth Carter (1717-1806) and published by Edward Cave (1691-1754), who also founded and directed the Gentleman's Magazine. See Algarotti's remarks on this translation in the Avvertenza of the 1739 Italian edition of the Newtonianesimo. Other English and French editions followed, as well as various editions in German and Dutch. See the full list in F. Arato, Il secolo delle cose. Scienza e storia in Francesco Algarotti, Genoa, 1991, 136-55.
16. On Algarotti complaining about translations see his letter to Count Mazzuchelli (1751) in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), ix, 180-4. The first French edition was Le Newtonianisme pour le dames, ou entretien sur la lumiere, sur les couleurs, et sur l'attraction, Paris, 1738. See also [Algarotti], 'Lettre d'un Italien à un François au sujet des Entretiens sur le neutonianisme, traduits en françois par M. Du Perron de Castera', Observations sur les écrits modernes (1738), 15, 319-35; and Du Perron de Castera, Lettre à a M. le C.te de L*** pour répondre à celle d'un Italien, au sujet des Entretiens sur le newtonianisme, Paris, 1739. On some technical aspects of the French translation see C. Giovanardi, 'Note su Algarotti tradotto in francese', Nuovi Annali della Facoltà di Magistero dell'Università di Messina (1988), 6, 91-125. The first English translation was Sir Isaac Newton's Philosophy Explain'd for the Use of the Ladies. In Six Dialogues on Light and Colours, London 1739, translated by Elizabeth Carter (1717-1806) and published by Edward Cave (1691-1754), who also founded and directed the Gentleman's Magazine. See Algarotti's remarks on this translation in the Avvertenza of the 1739 Italian edition of the Newtonianesimo. Other English and French editions followed, as well as various editions in German and Dutch. See the full list in F. Arato, Il secolo delle cose. Scienza e storia in Francesco Algarotti, Genoa, 1991, 136-55.
17. On Algarotti complaining about translations see his letter to Count Mazzuchelli (1751) in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), ix, 180-4. The first French edition was Le Newtonianisme pour le dames, ou entretien sur la lumiere, sur les couleurs, et sur l'attraction, Paris, 1738. See also [Algarotti], 'Lettre d'un Italien à un François au sujet des Entretiens sur le neutonianisme, traduits en françois par M. Du Perron de Castera', Observations sur les écrits modernes (1738), 15, 319-35; and Du Perron de Castera, Lettre à a M. le C.te de L*** pour répondre à celle d'un Italien, au sujet des Entretiens sur le newtonianisme, Paris, 1739. On some technical aspects of the French translation see C. Giovanardi, 'Note su Algarotti tradotto in francese', Nuovi Annali della Facoltà di Magistero dell'Università di Messina (1988), 6, 91-125. The first English translation was Sir Isaac Newton's Philosophy Explain'd for the Use of the Ladies. In Six Dialogues on Light and Colours, London 1739, translated by Elizabeth Carter (1717-1806) and published by Edward Cave (1691-1754), who also founded and directed the Gentleman's Magazine. See Algarotti's remarks on this translation in the Avvertenza of the 1739 Italian edition of the Newtonianesimo. Other English and French editions followed, as well as various editions in German and Dutch. See the full list in F. Arato, Il secolo delle cose. Scienza e storia in Francesco Algarotti, Genoa, 1991, 136-55.
18. On Algarotti complaining about translations see his letter to Count Mazzuchelli (1751) in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), ix, 180-4. The first French edition was Le Newtonianisme pour le dames, ou entretien sur la lumiere, sur les couleurs, et sur l'attraction, Paris, 1738. See also [Algarotti], 'Lettre d'un Italien à un François au sujet des Entretiens sur le neutonianisme, traduits en françois par M. Du Perron de Castera', Observations sur les écrits modernes (1738), 15, 319-35; and Du Perron de Castera, Lettre à a M. le C.te de L*** pour répondre à celle d'un Italien, au sujet des Entretiens sur le newtonianisme, Paris, 1739. On some technical aspects of the French translation see C. Giovanardi, 'Note su Algarotti tradotto in francese', Nuovi Annali della Facoltà di Magistero dell'Università di Messina (1988), 6, 91-125. The first English translation was Sir Isaac Newton's Philosophy Explain'd for the Use of the Ladies. In Six Dialogues on Light and Colours, London 1739, translated by Elizabeth Carter (1717-1806) and published by Edward Cave (1691-1754), who also founded and directed the Gentleman's Magazine. See Algarotti's remarks on this translation in the Avvertenza of the 1739 Italian edition of the Newtonianesimo. Other English and French editions followed, as well as various editions in German and Dutch. See the full list in F. Arato, Il secolo delle cose. Scienza e storia in Francesco Algarotti, Genoa, 1991, 136-55.
19. On Algarotti complaining about translations see his letter to Count Mazzuchelli (1751) in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), ix, 180-4. The first French edition was Le Newtonianisme pour le dames, ou entretien sur la lumiere, sur les couleurs, et sur l'attraction, Paris, 1738. See also [Algarotti], 'Lettre d'un Italien à un François au sujet des Entretiens sur le neutonianisme, traduits en françois par M. Du Perron de Castera', Observations sur les écrits modernes (1738), 15, 319-35; and Du Perron de Castera, Lettre à a M. le C.te de L*** pour répondre à celle d'un Italien, au sujet des Entretiens sur le newtonianisme, Paris, 1739. On some technical aspects of the French translation see C. Giovanardi, 'Note su Algarotti tradotto in francese', Nuovi Annali della Facoltà di Magistero dell'Università di Messina (1988), 6, 91-125. The first English translation was Sir Isaac Newton's Philosophy Explain'd for the Use of the Ladies. In Six Dialogues on Light and Colours, London 1739, translated by Elizabeth Carter (1717-1806) and published by Edward Cave (1691-1754), who also founded and directed the Gentleman's Magazine. See Algarotti's remarks on this translation in the Avvertenza of the 1739 Italian edition of the Newtonianesimo. Other English and French editions followed, as well as various editions in German and Dutch. See the full list in F. Arato, Il secolo delle cose. Scienza e storia in Francesco Algarotti, Genoa, 1991, 136-55.
20. On Algarotti complaining about translations see his letter to Count Mazzuchelli (1751) in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), ix, 180-4. The first French edition was Le Newtonianisme pour le dames, ou entretien sur la lumiere, sur les couleurs, et sur l'attraction, Paris, 1738. See also [Algarotti], 'Lettre d'un Italien à un François au sujet des Entretiens sur le neutonianisme, traduits en françois par M. Du Perron de Castera', Observations sur les écrits modernes (1738), 15, 319-35; and Du Perron de Castera, Lettre à a M. le C.te de L*** pour répondre à celle d'un Italien, au sujet des Entretiens sur le newtonianisme, Paris, 1739. On some technical aspects of the French translation see C. Giovanardi, 'Note su Algarotti tradotto in francese', Nuovi Annali della Facoltà di Magistero dell'Università di Messina (1988), 6, 91-125. The first English translation was Sir Isaac Newton's Philosophy Explain'd for the Use of the Ladies. In Six Dialogues on Light and Colours, London 1739, translated by Elizabeth Carter (1717-1806) and published by Edward Cave (1691-1754), who also founded and directed the Gentleman's Magazine. See Algarotti's remarks on this translation in the Avvertenza of the 1739 Italian edition of the Newtonianesimo. Other English and French editions followed, as well as various editions in German and Dutch. See the full list in F. Arato, Il secolo delle cose. Scienza e storia in Francesco Algarotti, Genoa, 1991, 136-55.
21. Other Venetian authors were experiencing similar problems, including the successful playwright Carlo Goldoni. See M. Infelise, L'editoria veneziana nel '700, Milan, 1989. For a Gramscian reading of Algarotti's condition at the court of 1Fredrick II see A. Lepre, 'Federico il Grande e l'Algarotti', Belfagor (1961), 16, 284-97.
22. Other Venetian authors were experiencing similar problems, including the successful playwright Carlo Goldoni. See M. Infelise, L'editoria veneziana nel '700, Milan, 1989. For a Gramscian reading of Algarotti's condition at the court of Fredrick II see A. Lepre, 'Federico il Grande e l'Algarotti', Belfagor (1961), 16, 284-97.
23. In the following years Algarotti deepened his study of other aspects of Newton's work, as shown by his essay on Newtonian chronology. See F. Algarotti, Saggio sopra la durata de' regni de' re di Roma (1729), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), iv, 127-70. For biographical information on Algarotti see G. M. Mazzuchelli, Gli scrittori d'Italia. Cioè notizie storiche e criticise intorno alle vite e agli scritti dei letterati italiani, 6 vols., Brescia, 1753-63, i, 479-86; D. Michelessi, 'Memorie intorno alla vita ed agli scritti del Conte Francesco Algarotti', in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), i, pp. i-cxxv; I. F. Yates, Un cosmopolite italien du XVIIIe siècle, Francesco Algarotti, Paris, 1913; E. Bonora, sub voce, Dizionario biografico degli italiani, Rome, 1960-, ii, 356-60 (henceforth DBI); and Arato, op. cit. (7). On Venetian society and culture see J. C. Davis, The Decline of the Venetian Nobility as a Ruling Class, Baltimore, 1962; G. Cozzi, 'Venezia, una repubblica di principi?' Studi Veneziani (1986), 11, 139-58. See also F. Venturi, Settecento riformatore: da Muratori a Beccaria, Turin, 1969; and G. Arnaldi and M. Pastore Strocchi (ed.), Storia della cultura veneta. Vol. 5/I and II, Vicenza, 1985-6.
24. In the following years Algarotti deepened his study of other aspects of Newton's work, as shown by his essay on Newtonian chronology. See F. Algarotti, Saggio sopra la durata de' regni de' re di Roma (1729), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), iv, 127-70. For biographical information on Algarotti see G. M. Mazzuchelli, Gli scrittori d'Italia. Cioè notizie storiche e criticise intorno alle vite e agli scritti dei letterati italiani, 6 vols., Brescia, 1753-63, i, 479-86; D. Michelessi, 'Memorie intorno alla vita ed agli scritti del Conte Francesco Algarotti', in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), i, pp. i-cxxv; I. F. Yates, Un cosmopolite italien du XVIIIe siècle, Francesco Algarotti, Paris, 1913; E. Bonora, sub voce, Dizionario biografico degli italiani, Rome, 1960-, ii, 356-60 (henceforth DBI); and Arato, op. cit. (7). On Venetian society and culture see J. C. Davis, The Decline of the Venetian Nobility as a Ruling Class, Baltimore, 1962; G. Cozzi, 'Venezia, una repubblica di principi?' Studi Veneziani (1986), 11, 139-58. See also F. Venturi, Settecento riformatore: da Muratori a Beccaria, Turin, 1969; and G. Arnaldi and M. Pastore Strocchi (ed.), Storia della cultura veneta. Vol. 5/I and II, Vicenza, 1985-6.
25. In the following years Algarotti deepened his study of other aspects of Newton's work, as shown by his essay on Newtonian chronology. See F. Algarotti, Saggio sopra la durata de' regni de' re di Roma (1729), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), iv, 127-70. For biographical information on Algarotti see G. M. Mazzuchelli, Gli scrittori d'Italia. Cioè notizie storiche e criticise intorno alle vite e agli scritti dei letterati italiani, 6 vols., Brescia, 1753-63, i, 479-86; D. Michelessi, 'Memorie intorno alla vita ed agli scritti del Conte Francesco Algarotti', in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), i, pp. i-cxxv; I. F. Yates, Un cosmopolite italien du XVIIIe siècle, Francesco Algarotti, Paris, 1913; E. Bonora, sub voce, Dizionario biografico degli italiani, Rome, 1960-, ii, 356-60 (henceforth DBI); and Arato, op. cit. (7). On Venetian society and culture see J. C. Davis, The Decline of the Venetian Nobility as a Ruling Class, Baltimore, 1962; G. Cozzi, 'Venezia, una repubblica di principi?' Studi Veneziani (1986), 11, 139-58. See also F. Venturi, Settecento riformatore: da Muratori a Beccaria, Turin, 1969; and G. Arnaldi and M. Pastore Strocchi (ed.), Storia della cultura veneta. Vol. 5/I and II, Vicenza, 1985-6.
26. In the following years Algarotti deepened his study of other aspects of Newton's work, as shown by his essay on Newtonian chronology. See F. Algarotti, Saggio sopra la durata de' regni de' re di Roma (1729), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), iv, 127-70. For biographical information on Algarotti see G. M. Mazzuchelli, Gli scrittori d'Italia. Cioè notizie storiche e criticise intorno alle vite e agli scritti dei letterati italiani, 6 vols., Brescia, 1753-63, i, 479-86; D. Michelessi, 'Memorie intorno alla vita ed agli scritti del Conte Francesco Algarotti', in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), i, pp. i-cxxv; I. F. Yates, Un cosmopolite italien du XVIIIe siècle, Francesco Algarotti, Paris, 1913; E. Bonora, sub voce, Dizionario biografico degli italiani, Rome, 1960-, ii, 356-60 (henceforth DBI); and Arato, op. cit. (7). On Venetian society and culture see J. C. Davis, The Decline of the Venetian Nobility as a Ruling Class, Baltimore, 1962; G. Cozzi, 'Venezia, una repubblica di principi?' Studi Veneziani (1986), 11, 139-58. See also F. Venturi, Settecento riformatore: da Muratori a Beccaria, Turin, 1969; and G. Arnaldi and M. Pastore Strocchi (ed.), Storia della cultura veneta. Vol. 5/I and II, Vicenza, 1985-6.
27. In the following years Algarotti deepened his study of other aspects of Newton's work, as shown by his essay on Newtonian chronology. See F. Algarotti, Saggio sopra la durata de' regni de' re di Roma (1729), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), iv, 127-70. For biographical information on Algarotti see G. M. Mazzuchelli, Gli scrittori d'Italia. Cioè notizie storiche e criticise intorno alle vite e agli scritti dei letterati italiani, 6 vols., Brescia, 1753-63, i, 479-86; D. Michelessi, 'Memorie intorno alla vita ed agli scritti del Conte Francesco Algarotti', in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), i, pp. i-cxxv; I. F. Yates, Un cosmopolite italien du XVIIIe siècle, Francesco Algarotti, Paris, 1913; E. Bonora, sub voce, Dizionario biografico degli italiani, Rome, 1960-, ii, 356-60 (henceforth DBI); and Arato, op. cit. (7). On Venetian society and culture see J. C. Davis, The Decline of the Venetian Nobility as a Ruling Class, Baltimore, 1962; G. Cozzi, 'Venezia, una repubblica di principi?' Studi Veneziani (1986), 11, 139-58. See also F. Venturi, Settecento riformatore: da Muratori a Beccaria, Turin, 1969; and G. Arnaldi and M. Pastore Strocchi (ed.), Storia della cultura veneta. Vol. 5/I and II, Vicenza, 1985-6.
28. In the following years Algarotti deepened his study of other aspects of Newton's work, as shown by his essay on Newtonian chronology. See F. Algarotti, Saggio sopra la durata de' regni de' re di Roma (1729), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), iv, 127-70. For biographical information on Algarotti see G. M. Mazzuchelli, Gli scrittori d'Italia. Cioè notizie storiche e criticise intorno alle vite e agli scritti dei letterati italiani, 6 vols., Brescia, 1753-63, i, 479-86; D. Michelessi, 'Memorie intorno alla vita ed agli scritti del Conte Francesco Algarotti', in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), i, pp. i-cxxv; I. F. Yates, Un cosmopolite italien du XVIIIe siècle, Francesco Algarotti, Paris, 1913; E. Bonora, sub voce, Dizionario biografico degli italiani, Rome, 1960-, ii, 356-60 (henceforth DBI); and Arato, op. cit. (7). On Venetian society and culture see J. C. Davis, The Decline of the Venetian Nobility as a Ruling Class, Baltimore, 1962; G. Cozzi, 'Venezia, una repubblica di principi?' Studi Veneziani (1986), 11, 139-58. See also F. Venturi, Settecento riformatore: da Muratori a Beccaria, Turin, 1969; and G. Arnaldi and M. Pastore Strocchi (ed.), Storia della cultura veneta. Vol. 5/I and II, Vicenza, 1985-6.
29. In the following years Algarotti deepened his study of other aspects of Newton's work, as shown by his essay on Newtonian chronology. See F. Algarotti, Saggio sopra la durata de' regni de' re di Roma (1729), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), iv, 127-70. For biographical information on Algarotti see G. M. Mazzuchelli, Gli scrittori d'Italia. Cioè notizie storiche e criticise intorno alle vite e agli scritti dei letterati italiani, 6 vols., Brescia, 1753-63, i, 479-86; D. Michelessi, 'Memorie intorno alla vita ed agli scritti del Conte Francesco Algarotti', in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), i, pp. i-cxxv; I. F. Yates, Un cosmopolite italien du XVIIIe siècle, Francesco Algarotti, Paris, 1913; E. Bonora, sub voce, Dizionario biografico degli italiani, Rome, 1960-, ii, 356-60 (henceforth DBI); and Arato, op. cit. (7). On Venetian society and culture see J. C. Davis, The Decline of the Venetian Nobility as a Ruling Class, Baltimore, 1962; G. Cozzi, 'Venezia, una repubblica di principi?' Studi Veneziani (1986), 11, 139-58. See also F. Venturi, Settecento riformatore: da Muratori a Beccaria, Turin, 1969; and G. Arnaldi and M. Pastore Strocchi (ed.), Storia della cultura veneta. Vol. 5/I and II, Vicenza, 1985-6.
30. In the following years Algarotti deepened his study of other aspects of Newton's work, as shown by his essay on Newtonian chronology. See F. Algarotti, Saggio sopra la durata de' regni de' re di Roma (1729), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), iv, 127-70. For biographical information on Algarotti see G. M. Mazzuchelli, Gli scrittori d'Italia. Cioè notizie storiche e criticise intorno alle vite e agli scritti dei letterati italiani, 6 vols., Brescia, 1753-63, i, 479-86; D. Michelessi, 'Memorie intorno alla vita ed agli scritti del Conte Francesco Algarotti', in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), i, pp. i-cxxv; I. F. Yates, Un cosmopolite italien du XVIIIe siècle, Francesco Algarotti, Paris, 1913; E. Bonora, sub voce, Dizionario biografico degli italiani, Rome, 1960-, ii, 356-60 (henceforth DBI); and Arato, op. cit. (7). On Venetian society and culture see J. C. Davis, The Decline of the Venetian Nobility as a Ruling Class, Baltimore, 1962; G. Cozzi, 'Venezia, una repubblica di principi?' Studi Veneziani (1986), 11, 139-58. See also F. Venturi, Settecento riformatore: da Muratori a Beccaria, Turin, 1969; and G. Arnaldi and M. Pastore Strocchi (ed.), Storia della cultura veneta. Vol. 5/I and II, Vicenza, 1985-6.
31. In the following years Algarotti deepened his study of other aspects of Newton's work, as shown by his essay on Newtonian chronology. See F. Algarotti, Saggio sopra la durata de' regni de' re di Roma (1729), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), iv, 127-70. For biographical information on Algarotti see G. M. Mazzuchelli, Gli scrittori d'Italia. Cioè notizie storiche e criticise intorno alle vite e agli scritti dei letterati italiani, 6 vols., Brescia, 1753-63, i, 479-86; D. Michelessi, 'Memorie intorno alla vita ed agli scritti del Conte Francesco Algarotti', in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), i, pp. i-cxxv; I. F. Yates, Un cosmopolite italien du XVIIIe siècle, Francesco Algarotti, Paris, 1913; E. Bonora, sub voce, Dizionario biografico degli italiani, Rome, 1960-, ii, 356-60 (henceforth DBI); and Arato, op. cit. (7). On Venetian society and culture see J. C. Davis, The Decline of the Venetian Nobility as a Ruling Class, Baltimore, 1962; G. Cozzi, 'Venezia, una repubblica di principi?' Studi Veneziani (1986), 11, 139-58. See also F. Venturi, Settecento riformatore: da Muratori a Beccaria, Turin, 1969; and G. Arnaldi and M. Pastore Strocchi (ed.), Storia della cultura veneta. Vol. 5/I and II, Vicenza, 1985-6.
32. In the following years Algarotti deepened his study of other aspects of Newton's work, as shown by his essay on Newtonian chronology. See F. Algarotti, Saggio sopra la durata de' regni de' re di Roma (1729), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), iv, 127-70. For biographical information on Algarotti see G. M. Mazzuchelli, Gli scrittori d'Italia. Cioè notizie storiche e criticise intorno alle vite e agli scritti dei letterati italiani, 6 vols., Brescia, 1753-63, i, 479-86; D. Michelessi, 'Memorie intorno alla vita ed agli scritti del Conte Francesco Algarotti', in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), i, pp. i-cxxv; I. F. Yates, Un cosmopolite italien du XVIIIe siècle, Francesco Algarotti, Paris, 1913; E. Bonora, sub voce, Dizionario biografico degli italiani, Rome, 1960-, ii, 356-60 (henceforth DBI); and Arato, op. cit. (7). On Venetian society and culture see J. C. Davis, The Decline of the Venetian Nobility as a Ruling Class, Baltimore, 1962; G. Cozzi, 'Venezia, una repubblica di principi?' Studi Veneziani (1986), 11, 139-58. See also F. Venturi, Settecento riformatore: da Muratori a Beccaria, Turin, 1969; and G. Arnaldi and M. Pastore Strocchi (ed.), Storia della cultura veneta. Vol. 5/I and II, Vicenza, 1985-6.
33. In the following years Algarotti deepened his study of other aspects of Newton's work, as shown by his essay on Newtonian chronology. See F. Algarotti, Saggio sopra la durata de' regni de' re di Roma (1729), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), iv, 127-70. For biographical information on Algarotti see G. M. Mazzuchelli, Gli scrittori d'Italia. Cioè notizie storiche e criticise intorno alle vite e agli scritti dei letterati italiani, 6 vols., Brescia, 1753-63, i, 479-86; D. Michelessi, 'Memorie intorno alla vita ed agli scritti del Conte Francesco Algarotti', in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), i, pp. i-cxxv; I. F. Yates, Un cosmopolite italien du XVIIIe siècle, Francesco Algarotti, Paris, 1913; E. Bonora, sub voce, Dizionario biografico degli italiani, Rome, 1960-, ii, 356-60 (henceforth DBI); and Arato, op. cit. (7). On Venetian society and culture see J. C. Davis, The Decline of the Venetian Nobility as a Ruling Class, Baltimore, 1962; G. Cozzi, 'Venezia, una repubblica di principi?' Studi Veneziani (1986), 11, 139-58. See also F. Venturi, Settecento riformatore: da Muratori a Beccaria, Turin, 1969; and G. Arnaldi and M. Pastore Strocchi (ed.), Storia della cultura veneta. Vol. 5/I and II, Vicenza, 1985-6.
34. In the following years Algarotti deepened his study of other aspects of Newton's work, as shown by his essay on Newtonian chronology. See F. Algarotti, Saggio sopra la durata de' regni de' re di Roma (1729), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), iv, 127-70. For biographical information on Algarotti see G. M. Mazzuchelli, Gli scrittori d'Italia. Cioè notizie storiche e criticise intorno alle vite e agli scritti dei letterati italiani, 6 vols., Brescia, 1753-63, i, 479-86; D. Michelessi, 'Memorie intorno alla vita ed agli scritti del Conte Francesco Algarotti', in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), i, pp. i-cxxv; I. F. Yates, Un cosmopolite italien du XVIIIe siècle, Francesco Algarotti, Paris, 1913; E. Bonora, sub voce, Dizionario biografico degli italiani, Rome, 1960-, ii, 356-60 (henceforth DBI); and Arato, op. cit. (7). On Venetian society and culture see J. C. Davis, The Decline of the Venetian Nobility as a Ruling Class, Baltimore, 1962; G. Cozzi, 'Venezia, una repubblica di principi?' Studi Veneziani (1986), 11, 139-58. See also F. Venturi, Settecento riformatore: da Muratori a Beccaria, Turin, 1969; and G. Arnaldi and M. Pastore Strocchi (ed.), Storia della cultura veneta. Vol. 5/I and II, Vicenza, 1985-6.
35. On marriage like death see Algarotti's letter to Bonomo (1733), mss 1256 A, Biblioteca Comunale, Treviso (henceforth BCT). On the 'academic cabals' in Bologna see the letter of Algarotti to Zanotti (1732), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 66. Algarotti received the title of count from Frederick II in 1740.
36. On Bolognese salon life see Michelessi, op. cit. (9), pp. cxxi-cxxii. On Petronius's translation see the letter of Eustachio Zanotti to Algarotti (1741), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 366. On Algarotti willingly placing his fate in the hands of the public see his letter to Bonomo dated 4 December 1737, mss 1256 A (BCT). See Algarotti's letter (1763) to an anonymous recipient on the elusive audience, still in the making, he aimed to address, which he situated somewhere in between 'the learned' and 'the ignorant', in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), x, 173. See also D. Goodman, The Republic of Letters: A Cultural History of the French Enlightenment, Cornell, 1994, 236; and, for a European overview, J. Van Horn Melton, The Rise of the Public in Enlightenment Europe, Cambridge, 2001. On the commodification of culture products in the eighteenth century see also J. Habermas, The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere: An Inquiry into the Category of Bourgeois Society, Boston, 1991, 25-6, 36-7.
37. On Bolognese salon life see Michelessi, op. cit. (9), pp. cxxi-cxxii. On Petronius's translation see the letter of Eustachio Zanotti to Algarotti (1741), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 366. On Algarotti willingly placing his fate in the hands of the public see his letter to Bonomo dated 4 December 1737, mss 1256 A (BCT). See Algarotti's letter (1763) to an anonymous recipient on the elusive audience, still in the making, he aimed to address, which he situated somewhere in between 'the learned' and 'the ignorant', in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), x, 173. See also D. Goodman, The Republic of Letters: A Cultural History of the French Enlightenment, Cornell, 1994, 236; and, for a European overview, J. Van Horn Melton, The Rise of the Public in Enlightenment Europe, Cambridge, 2001. On the commodification of culture products in the eighteenth century see also J. Habermas, The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere: An Inquiry into the Category of Bourgeois Society, Boston, 1991, 25-6, 36-7.
38. On Bolognese salon life see Michelessi, op. cit. (9), pp. cxxi-cxxii. On Petronius's translation see the letter of Eustachio Zanotti to Algarotti (1741), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 366. On Algarotti willingly placing his fate in the hands of the public see his letter to Bonomo dated 4 December 1737, mss 1256 A (BCT). See Algarotti's letter (1763) to an anonymous recipient on the elusive audience, still in the making, he aimed to address, which he situated somewhere in between 'the learned' and 'the ignorant', in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), x, 173. See also D. Goodman, The Republic of Letters: A Cultural History of the French Enlightenment, Cornell, 1994, 236; and, for a European overview, J. Van Horn Melton, The Rise of the Public in Enlightenment Europe, Cambridge, 2001. On the commodification of culture products in the eighteenth century see also J. Habermas, The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere: An Inquiry into the Category of Bourgeois Society, Boston, 1991, 25-6, 36-7.
39. On Bolognese salon life see Michelessi, op. cit. (9), pp. cxxi-cxxii. On Petronius's translation see the letter of Eustachio Zanotti to Algarotti (1741), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 366. On Algarotti willingly placing his fate in the hands of the public see his letter to Bonomo dated 4 December 1737, mss 1256 A (BCT). See Algarotti's letter (1763) to an anonymous recipient on the elusive audience, still in the making, he aimed to address, which he situated somewhere in between 'the learned' and 'the ignorant', in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), x, 173. See also D. Goodman, The Republic of Letters: A Cultural History of the French Enlightenment, Cornell, 1994, 236; and, for a European overview, J. Van Horn Melton, The Rise of the Public in Enlightenment Europe, Cambridge, 2001. On the commodification of culture products in the eighteenth century see also J. Habermas, The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere: An Inquiry into the Category of Bourgeois Society, Boston, 1991, 25-6, 36-7.
40. On Bolognese salon life see Michelessi, op. cit. (9), pp. cxxi-cxxii. On Petronius's translation see the letter of Eustachio Zanotti to Algarotti (1741), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 366. On Algarotti willingly placing his fate in the hands of the public see his letter to Bonomo dated 4 December 1737, mss 1256 A (BCT). See Algarotti's letter (1763) to an anonymous recipient on the elusive audience, still in the making, he aimed to address, which he situated somewhere in between 'the learned' and 'the ignorant', in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), x, 173. See also D. Goodman, The Republic of Letters: A Cultural History of the French Enlightenment, Cornell, 1994, 236; and, for a European overview, J. Van Horn Melton, The Rise of the Public in Enlightenment Europe, Cambridge, 2001. On the commodification of culture products in the eighteenth century see also J. Habermas, The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere: An Inquiry into the Category of Bourgeois Society, Boston, 1991, 25-6, 36-7.
41. On Bolognese salon life see Michelessi, op. cit. (9), pp. cxxi-cxxii. On Petronius's translation see the letter of Eustachio Zanotti to Algarotti (1741), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 366. On Algarotti willingly placing his fate in the hands of the public see his letter to Bonomo dated 4 December 1737, mss 1256 A (BCT). See Algarotti's letter (1763) to an anonymous recipient on the elusive audience, still in the making, he aimed to address, which he situated somewhere in between 'the learned' and 'the ignorant', in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), x, 173. See also D. Goodman, The Republic of Letters: A Cultural History of the French Enlightenment, Cornell, 1994, 236; and, for a European overview, J. Van Horn Melton, The Rise of the Public in Enlightenment Europe, Cambridge, 2001. On the commodification of culture products in the eighteenth century see also J. Habermas, The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere: An Inquiry into the Category of Bourgeois Society, Boston, 1991, 25-6, 36-7.
42. Algarotti had been preceded by letters to Maupertuis and Jean-Jacques Dortus de Mairan. Letter of Manfredi to Algarotti (1734), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 112. However, Manfredi insisted that he should rather get married and settle down in Venice, where he could 'carry on a most sweet and pleasant life'. Letter to Algarotti (1732), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 74. On increasing his allowance see the letter of Algarotti to Bonomo, dated 17 April 1734, mss 1256 A (BCT); and the letters of Bonomo to his brother, mss 1256 B (BCT). See also Yates, op. cit. (9), 45-9.
43. Algarotti had been preceded by letters to Maupertuis and Jean-Jacques Dortus de Mairan. Letter of Manfredi to Algarotti (1734), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 112. However, Manfredi insisted that he should rather get married and settle down in Venice, where he could 'carry on a most sweet and pleasant life'. Letter to Algarotti (1732), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 74. On increasing his allowance see the letter of Algarotti to Bonomo, dated 17 April 1734, mss 1256 A (BCT); and the letters of Bonomo to his brother, mss 1256 B (BCT). See also Yates, op. cit. (9), 45-9.
44. Algarotti had been preceded by letters to Maupertuis and Jean-Jacques Dortus de Mairan. Letter of Manfredi to Algarotti (1734), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 112. However, Manfredi insisted that he should rather get married and settle down in Venice, where he could 'carry on a most sweet and pleasant life'. Letter to Algarotti (1732), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 74. On increasing his allowance see the letter of Algarotti to Bonomo, dated 17 April 1734, mss 1256 A (BCT); and the letters of Bonomo to his brother, mss 1256 B (BCT). See also Yates, op. cit. (9), 45-9.
45. On the manners of conversations see Algarotti's letter to Franchini (1735), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), ix, 3-4. Voltaire remarked that Algarotti had managed to be amiable in his book as he was in his conversation, Michelessi, op. cit. (9), p. cxxii. The engraving on the frontispiece was by Marco Pitreri based on a drawing by Giambattista Piazzetta. Letter of Châtelet to Algarotti (n.d.), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xv, 12. Manfredi did not like the idea of portraying a 'well-known lady'. Letter of Manfredi to Algarotti (1738), in Algarotri, op. cit. (5), xi, 131. See also Arato, op. cit. (7), 138; and Michelessi, op. cit. (9), pp. xvi-xvii.
46. On the manners of conversations see Algarotti's letter to Franchini (1735), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), ix, 3-4. Voltaire remarked that Algarotti had managed to be amiable in his book as he was in his conversation, Michelessi, op. cit. (9), p. cxxii. The engraving on the frontispiece was by Marco Pitreri based on a drawing by Giambattista Piazzetta. Letter of Châtelet to Algarotti (n.d.), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xv, 12. Manfredi did not like the idea of portraying a 'well-known lady'. Letter of Manfredi to Algarotti (1738), in Algarotri, op. cit. (5), xi, 131. See also Arato, op. cit. (7), 138; and Michelessi, op. cit. (9), pp. xvi-xvii.
47. On the manners of conversations see Algarotti's letter to Franchini (1735), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), ix, 3-4. Voltaire remarked that Algarotti had managed to be amiable in his book as he was in his conversation, Michelessi, op. cit. (9), p. cxxii. The engraving on the frontispiece was by Marco Pitreri based on a drawing by Giambattista Piazzetta. Letter of Châtelet to Algarotti (n.d.), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xv, 12. Manfredi did not like the idea of portraying a 'well-known lady'. Letter of Manfredi to Algarotti (1738), in Algarotri, op. cit. (5), xi, 131. See also Arato, op. cit. (7), 138; and Michelessi, op. cit. (9), pp. xvi-xvii.
48. On the manners of conversations see Algarotti's letter to Franchini (1735), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), ix, 3-4. Voltaire remarked that Algarotti had managed to be amiable in his book as he was in his conversation, Michelessi, op. cit. (9), p. cxxii. The engraving on the frontispiece was by Marco Pitreri based on a drawing by Giambattista Piazzetta. Letter of Châtelet to Algarotti (n.d.), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xv, 12. Manfredi did not like the idea of portraying a 'well-known lady'. Letter of Manfredi to Algarotti (1738), in Algarotri, op. cit. (5), xi, 131. See also Arato, op. cit. (7), 138; and Michelessi, op. cit. (9), pp. xvi-xvii.
49. On the manners of conversations see Algarotti's letter to Franchini (1735), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), ix, 3-4. Voltaire remarked that Algarotti had managed to be amiable in his book as he was in his conversation, Michelessi, op. cit. (9), p. cxxii. The engraving on the frontispiece was by Marco Pitreri based on a drawing by Giambattista Piazzetta. Letter of Châtelet to Algarotti (n.d.), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xv, 12. Manfredi did not like the idea of portraying a 'well-known lady'. Letter of Manfredi to Algarotti (1738), in Algarotri, op. cit. (5), xi, 131. See also Arato, op. cit. (7), 138; and Michelessi, op. cit. (9), pp. xvi-xvii.
50. On the manners of conversations see Algarotti's letter to Franchini (1735), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), ix, 3-4. Voltaire remarked that Algarotti had managed to be amiable in his book as he was in his conversation, Michelessi, op. cit. (9), p. cxxii. The engraving on the frontispiece was by Marco Pitreri based on a drawing by Giambattista Piazzetta. Letter of Châtelet to Algarotti (n.d.), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xv, 12. Manfredi did not like the idea of portraying a 'well-known lady'. Letter of Manfredi to Algarotti (1738), in Algarotri, op. cit. (5), xi, 131. See also Arato, op. cit. (7), 138; and Michelessi, op. cit. (9), pp. xvi-xvii.
51. Algarotti was recommended to the Royal Society by Martin Folkes, Anders Celsius and Andrew Mitchell. He sat a session of the society on 1 April 1736 and was elected a member on 8 July. See Arato, op. cit. (7), 39. Hervey and Montagu were apparently bewitched by Algarotti's charm. Algarotti 'had powers of pleasing and used them' (L. Moore, Amphibious Thing: The Life of a Georgian Rake, London, 2000, 242). See R. Halsband, The Life of Lady Mary Wortley Montagu, Oxford, 1957; R. Halsband, Lord Hervey, Eighteenth Century Courtier, Oxford, 1973; and Lord Hervey's Memoirs (ed. R. Sedwick), London, 1848. On Algarotti's homosexual inclinations see also P. Toldo, 'L'Algarotti oltr'Alpe', Giornale storico della letteratura italiana (1918), 33, 25. Algarotti had planned to dedicate his book to the Emperor Charles VI but was dissuaded by his Bolognese friends. See letter of Zanotti to Algarotti (1737), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 184-5; and letter of Manfredi to Algarotti (1737), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 127. For further references on the then Milanese environment see Arato, op. cit. (7), 137-8.
52. Algarotti was recommended to the Royal Society by Martin Folkes, Anders Celsius and Andrew Mitchell. He sat a session of the society on 1 April 1736 and was elected a member on 8 July. See Arato, op. cit. (7), 39. Hervey and Montagu were apparently bewitched by Algarotti's charm. Algarotti 'had powers of pleasing and used them' (L. Moore, Amphibious Thing: The Life of a Georgian Rake, London, 2000, 242). See R. Halsband, The Life of Lady Mary Wortley Montagu, Oxford, 1957; R. Halsband, Lord Hervey, Eighteenth Century Courtier, Oxford, 1973; and Lord Hervey's Memoirs (ed. R. Sedwick), London, 1848. On Algarotti's homosexual inclinations see also P. Toldo, 'L'Algarotti oltr'Alpe', Giornale storico della letteratura italiana (1918), 33, 25. Algarotti had planned to dedicate his book to the Emperor Charles VI but was dissuaded by his Bolognese friends. See letter of Zanotti to Algarotti (1737), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 184-5; and letter of Manfredi to Algarotti (1737), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 127. For further references on the then Milanese environment see Arato, op. cit. (7), 137-8.
53. Algarotti was recommended to the Royal Society by Martin Folkes, Anders Celsius and Andrew Mitchell. He sat a session of the society on 1 April 1736 and was elected a member on 8 July. See Arato, op. cit. (7), 39. Hervey and Montagu were apparently bewitched by Algarotti's charm. Algarotti 'had powers of pleasing and used them' (L. Moore, Amphibious Thing: The Life of a Georgian Rake, London, 2000, 242). See R. Halsband, The Life of Lady Mary Wortley Montagu, Oxford, 1957; R. Halsband, Lord Hervey, Eighteenth Century Courtier, Oxford, 1973; and Lord Hervey's Memoirs (ed. R. Sedwick), London, 1848. On Algarotti's homosexual inclinations see also P. Toldo, 'L'Algarotti oltr'Alpe', Giornale storico della letteratura italiana (1918), 33, 25. Algarotti had planned to dedicate his book to the Emperor Charles VI but was dissuaded by his Bolognese friends. See letter of Zanotti to Algarotti (1737), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 184-5; and letter of Manfredi to Algarotti (1737), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 127. For further references on the then Milanese environment see Arato, op. cit. (7), 137-8.
54. Algarotti was recommended to the Royal Society by Martin Folkes, Anders Celsius and Andrew Mitchell. He sat a session of the society on 1 April 1736 and was elected a member on 8 July. See Arato, op. cit. (7), 39. Hervey and Montagu were apparently bewitched by Algarotti's charm. Algarotti 'had powers of pleasing and used them' (L. Moore, Amphibious Thing: The Life of a Georgian Rake, London, 2000, 242). See R. Halsband, The Life of Lady Mary Wortley Montagu, Oxford, 1957; R. Halsband, Lord Hervey, Eighteenth Century Courtier, Oxford, 1973; and Lord Hervey's Memoirs (ed. R. Sedwick), London, 1848. On Algarotti's homosexual inclinations see also P. Toldo, 'L'Algarotti oltr'Alpe', Giornale storico della letteratura italiana (1918), 33, 25. Algarotti had planned to dedicate his book to the Emperor Charles VI but was dissuaded by his Bolognese friends. See letter of Zanotti to Algarotti (1737), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 184-5; and letter of Manfredi to Algarotti (1737), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 127. For further references on the then Milanese environment see Arato, op. cit. (7), 137-8.
55. Algarotti was recommended to the Royal Society by Martin Folkes, Anders Celsius and Andrew Mitchell. He sat a session of the society on 1 April 1736 and was elected a member on 8 July. See Arato, op. cit. (7), 39. Hervey and Montagu were apparently bewitched by Algarotti's charm. Algarotti 'had powers of pleasing and used them' (L. Moore, Amphibious Thing: The Life of a Georgian Rake, London, 2000, 242). See R. Halsband, The Life of Lady Mary Wortley Montagu, Oxford, 1957; R. Halsband, Lord Hervey, Eighteenth Century Courtier, Oxford, 1973; and Lord Hervey's Memoirs (ed. R. Sedwick), London, 1848. On Algarotti's homosexual inclinations see also P. Toldo, 'L'Algarotti oltr'Alpe', Giornale storico della letteratura italiana (1918), 33, 25. Algarotti had planned to dedicate his book to the Emperor Charles VI but was dissuaded by his Bolognese friends. See letter of Zanotti to Algarotti (1737), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 184-5; and letter of Manfredi to Algarotti (1737), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 127. For further references on the then Milanese environment see Arato, op. cit. (7), 137-8.
56. Algarotti was recommended to the Royal Society by Martin Folkes, Anders Celsius and Andrew Mitchell. He sat a session of the society on 1 April 1736 and was elected a member on 8 July. See Arato, op. cit. (7), 39. Hervey and Montagu were apparently bewitched by Algarotti's charm. Algarotti 'had powers of pleasing and used them' (L. Moore, Amphibious Thing: The Life of a Georgian Rake, London, 2000, 242). See R. Halsband, The Life of Lady Mary Wortley Montagu, Oxford, 1957; R. Halsband, Lord Hervey, Eighteenth Century Courtier, Oxford, 1973; and Lord Hervey's Memoirs (ed. R. Sedwick), London, 1848. On Algarotti's homosexual inclinations see also P. Toldo, 'L'Algarotti oltr'Alpe', Giornale storico della letteratura italiana (1918), 33, 25. Algarotti had planned to dedicate his book to the Emperor Charles VI but was dissuaded by his Bolognese friends. See letter of Zanotti to Algarotti (1737), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 184-5; and letter of Manfredi to Algarotti (1737), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 127. For further references on the then Milanese environment see Arato, op. cit. (7), 137-8.
57. Algarotti was recommended to the Royal Society by Martin Folkes, Anders Celsius and Andrew Mitchell. He sat a session of the society on 1 April 1736 and was elected a member on 8 July. See Arato, op. cit. (7), 39. Hervey and Montagu were apparently bewitched by Algarotti's charm. Algarotti 'had powers of pleasing and used them' (L. Moore, Amphibious Thing: The Life of a Georgian Rake, London, 2000, 242). See R. Halsband, The Life of Lady Mary Wortley Montagu, Oxford, 1957; R. Halsband, Lord Hervey, Eighteenth Century Courtier, Oxford, 1973; and Lord Hervey's Memoirs (ed. R. Sedwick), London, 1848. On Algarotti's homosexual inclinations see also P. Toldo, 'L'Algarotti oltr'Alpe', Giornale storico della letteratura italiana (1918), 33, 25. Algarotti had planned to dedicate his book to the Emperor Charles VI but was dissuaded by his Bolognese friends. See letter of Zanotti to Algarotti (1737), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 184-5; and letter of Manfredi to Algarotti (1737), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 127. For further references on the then Milanese environment see Arato, op. cit. (7), 137-8.
58. Algarotti was recommended to the Royal Society by Martin Folkes, Anders Celsius and Andrew Mitchell. He sat a session of the society on 1 April 1736 and was elected a member on 8 July. See Arato, op. cit. (7), 39. Hervey and Montagu were apparently bewitched by Algarotti's charm. Algarotti 'had powers of pleasing and used them' (L. Moore, Amphibious Thing: The Life of a Georgian Rake, London, 2000, 242). See R. Halsband, The Life of Lady Mary Wortley Montagu, Oxford, 1957; R. Halsband, Lord Hervey, Eighteenth Century Courtier, Oxford, 1973; and Lord Hervey's Memoirs (ed. R. Sedwick), London, 1848. On Algarotti's homosexual inclinations see also P. Toldo, 'L'Algarotti oltr'Alpe', Giornale storico della letteratura italiana (1918), 33, 25. Algarotti had planned to dedicate his book to the Emperor Charles VI but was dissuaded by his Bolognese friends. See letter of Zanotti to Algarotti (1737), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 184-5; and letter of Manfredi to Algarotti (1737), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 127. For further references on the then Milanese environment see Arato, op. cit. (7), 137-8.
59. Algarotti was recommended to the Royal Society by Martin Folkes, Anders Celsius and Andrew Mitchell. He sat a session of the society on 1 April 1736 and was elected a member on 8 July. See Arato, op. cit. (7), 39. Hervey and Montagu were apparently bewitched by Algarotti's charm. Algarotti 'had powers of pleasing and used them' (L. Moore, Amphibious Thing: The Life of a Georgian Rake, London, 2000, 242). See R. Halsband, The Life of Lady Mary Wortley Montagu, Oxford, 1957; R. Halsband, Lord Hervey, Eighteenth Century Courtier, Oxford, 1973; and Lord Hervey's Memoirs (ed. R. Sedwick), London, 1848. On Algarotti's homosexual inclinations see also P. Toldo, 'L'Algarotti oltr'Alpe', Giornale storico della letteratura italiana (1918), 33, 25. Algarotti had planned to dedicate his book to the Emperor Charles VI but was dissuaded by his Bolognese friends. See letter of Zanotti to Algarotti (1737), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 184-5; and letter of Manfredi to Algarotti (1737), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 127. For further references on the then Milanese environment see Arato, op. cit. (7), 137-8.
60. Algarotti presented to his readers the experimental philosophy of Newton's Opticks as essentially related to Newton's work on calculus and to the mathematical natural philosophy of his Principia. On the popular influence of Newton's Opticks see M. H. Nicolson, Newton Demands the Muse: Newton's Opticks and the Eighteenth Century Poets, Princeton, NJ, 1946. The motto is taken from the opening lines of Virgil, Ecoglae, x: 'Extremum hunc, Arethusa, mihi concede laborem:/pauca meo Gallo, sed quae legal ipsa Lycoris,/carmina sunt dicenda; neget quis carmina Gallo?' (This last labour, Arethusa, grant to me: verses must be sung for my Gallus, few, yet such as Lycoris herself may read: who would deny verses to Gallus?). Lycoris was the courtesan loved by the poet Gallus.
61. Quotes from Algarotti, op. cit. (1), p. v, 277, 255, 262, 179, 180-1.
62. On the need for the marchioness to dissimulate her knowledge see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 300; on the lack of attention see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 5; on becoming a mathematician see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 79. On Bassi see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 6. Paula Findlen has identified two kinds of women natural philosophers portrayed in Newtonianism for Ladies; see P. Findlen, 'Becoming a scientist: gender and knowledge in eighteenth-century Italy', Science in Context (2003), 16, 59-88. On the presence of women at the University of Bologna see M. Cavazza, 'Dottrici e lettrici dell'Università di Bologna nel Settecento', Annali di storia delle università italiane (1997), 1, 109-26. On Bassi see P. Findlen, 'Science as a career in Enlightenment Italy: the strategies of Laura Bassi (1711-1778)', Isis (1993), 84, 441-69; G. Berti Logan, 'The desire to contribute: an eighteenth-century Italian woman of science', American Historical Review (1994), 99, 785-812; M. Cavazza, 'Laura Bassi e il suo gabinetto di fisica sperimentale: realtà e mito', Nuntius (1995), 10, 715-53; and B. Ceranski, Und sie fürchtet sich vor niemandem: Die Physikerin Laura Bassi (1711-1778), Frankfurt, 1996. On Agnesi see M. Mazzotti, 'Maria Gaetana Agnesi: mathematics and the making of Catholic Enlightenment', Isis (2001), 92, 657-83.
63. On the need for the marchioness to dissimulate her knowledge see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 300; on the lack of attention see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 5; on becoming a mathematician see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 79. On Bassi see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 6. Paula Findlen has identified two kinds of women natural philosophers portrayed in Newtonianism for Ladies; see P. Findlen, 'Becoming a scientist: gender and knowledge in eighteenth-century Italy', Science in Context (2003), 16, 59-88. On the presence of women at the University of Bologna see M. Cavazza, 'Dottrici e lettrici dell'Università di Bologna nel Settecento', Annali di storia delle università italiane (1997), 1, 109-26. On Bassi see P. Findlen, 'Science as a career in Enlightenment Italy: the strategies of Laura Bassi (1711-1778)', Isis (1993), 84, 441-69; G. Berti Logan, 'The desire to contribute: an eighteenth-century Italian woman of science', American Historical Review (1994), 99, 785-812; M. Cavazza, 'Laura Bassi e il suo gabinetto di fisica sperimentale: realtà e mito', Nuntius (1995), 10, 715-53; and B. Ceranski, Und sie fürchtet sich vor niemandem: Die Physikerin Laura Bassi (1711-1778), Frankfurt, 1996. On Agnesi see M. Mazzotti, 'Maria Gaetana Agnesi: mathematics and the making of Catholic Enlightenment', Isis (2001), 92, 657-83.
64. On the need for the marchioness to dissimulate her knowledge see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 300; on the lack of attention see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 5; on becoming a mathematician see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 79. On Bassi see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 6. Paula Findlen has identified two kinds of women natural philosophers portrayed in Newtonianism for Ladies; see P. Findlen, 'Becoming a scientist: gender and knowledge in eighteenth-century Italy', Science in Context (2003), 16, 59-88. On the presence of women at the University of Bologna see M. Cavazza, 'Dottrici e lettrici dell'Università di Bologna nel Settecento', Annali di storia delle università italiane (1997), 1, 109-26. On Bassi see P. Findlen, 'Science as a career in Enlightenment Italy: the strategies of Laura Bassi (1711-1778)', Isis (1993), 84, 441-69; G. Berti Logan, 'The desire to contribute: an eighteenth-century Italian woman of science', American Historical Review (1994), 99, 785-812; M. Cavazza, 'Laura Bassi e il suo gabinetto di fisica sperimentale: realtà e mito', Nuntius (1995), 10, 715-53; and B. Ceranski, Und sie fürchtet sich vor niemandem: Die Physikerin Laura Bassi (1711-1778), Frankfurt, 1996. On Agnesi see M. Mazzotti, 'Maria Gaetana Agnesi: mathematics and the making of Catholic Enlightenment', Isis (2001), 92, 657-83.
65. On the need for the marchioness to dissimulate her knowledge see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 300; on the lack of attention see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 5; on becoming a mathematician see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 79. On Bassi see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 6. Paula Findlen has identified two kinds of women natural philosophers portrayed in Newtonianism for Ladies; see P. Findlen, 'Becoming a scientist: gender and knowledge in eighteenth-century Italy', Science in Context (2003), 16, 59-88. On the presence of women at the University of Bologna see M. Cavazza, 'Dottrici e lettrici dell'Università di Bologna nel Settecento', Annali di storia delle università italiane (1997), 1, 109-26. On Bassi see P. Findlen, 'Science as a career in Enlightenment Italy: the strategies of Laura Bassi (1711-1778)', Isis (1993), 84, 441-69; G. Berti Logan, 'The desire to contribute: an eighteenth-century Italian woman of science', American Historical Review (1994), 99, 785-812; M. Cavazza, 'Laura Bassi e il suo gabinetto di fisica sperimentale: realtà e mito', Nuntius (1995), 10, 715-53; and B. Ceranski, Und sie fürchtet sich vor niemandem: Die Physikerin Laura Bassi (1711-1778), Frankfurt, 1996. On Agnesi see M. Mazzotti, 'Maria Gaetana Agnesi: mathematics and the making of Catholic Enlightenment', Isis (2001), 92, 657-83.
66. On the need for the marchioness to dissimulate her knowledge see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 300; on the lack of attention see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 5; on becoming a mathematician see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 79. On Bassi see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 6. Paula Findlen has identified two kinds of women natural philosophers portrayed in Newtonianism for Ladies; see P. Findlen, 'Becoming a scientist: gender and knowledge in eighteenth-century Italy', Science in Context (2003), 16, 59-88. On the presence of women at the University of Bologna see M. Cavazza, 'Dottrici e lettrici dell'Università di Bologna nel Settecento', Annali di storia delle università italiane (1997), 1, 109-26. On Bassi see P. Findlen, 'Science as a career in Enlightenment Italy: the strategies of Laura Bassi (1711-1778)', Isis (1993), 84, 441-69; G. Berti Logan, 'The desire to contribute: an eighteenth-century Italian woman of science', American Historical Review (1994), 99, 785-812; M. Cavazza, 'Laura Bassi e il suo gabinetto di fisica sperimentale: realtà e mito', Nuntius (1995), 10, 715-53; and B. Ceranski, Und sie fürchtet sich vor niemandem: Die Physikerin Laura Bassi (1711-1778), Frankfurt, 1996. On Agnesi see M. Mazzotti, 'Maria Gaetana Agnesi: mathematics and the making of Catholic Enlightenment', Isis (2001), 92, 657-83.
67. On the need for the marchioness to dissimulate her knowledge see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 300; on the lack of attention see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 5; on becoming a mathematician see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 79. On Bassi see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 6. Paula Findlen has identified two kinds of women natural philosophers portrayed in Newtonianism for Ladies; see P. Findlen, 'Becoming a scientist: gender and knowledge in eighteenth-century Italy', Science in Context (2003), 16, 59-88. On the presence of women at the University of Bologna see M. Cavazza, 'Dottrici e lettrici dell'Università di Bologna nel Settecento', Annali di storia delle università italiane (1997), 1, 109-26. On Bassi see P. Findlen, 'Science as a career in Enlightenment Italy: the strategies of Laura Bassi (1711-1778)', Isis (1993), 84, 441-69; G. Berti Logan, 'The desire to contribute: an eighteenth-century Italian woman of science', American Historical Review (1994), 99, 785-812; M. Cavazza, 'Laura Bassi e il suo gabinetto di fisica sperimentale: realtà e mito', Nuntius (1995), 10, 715-53; and B. Ceranski, Und sie fürchtet sich vor niemandem: Die Physikerin Laura Bassi (1711-1778), Frankfurt, 1996. On Agnesi see M. Mazzotti, 'Maria Gaetana Agnesi: mathematics and the making of Catholic Enlightenment', Isis (2001), 92, 657-83.
68. On the need for the marchioness to dissimulate her knowledge see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 300; on the lack of attention see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 5; on becoming a mathematician see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 79. On Bassi see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 6. Paula Findlen has identified two kinds of women natural philosophers portrayed in Newtonianism for Ladies; see P. Findlen, 'Becoming a scientist: gender and knowledge in eighteenth-century Italy', Science in Context (2003), 16, 59-88. On the presence of women at the University of Bologna see M. Cavazza, 'Dottrici e lettrici dell'Università di Bologna nel Settecento', Annali di storia delle università italiane (1997), 1, 109-26. On Bassi see P. Findlen, 'Science as a career in Enlightenment Italy: the strategies of Laura Bassi (1711-1778)', Isis (1993), 84, 441-69; G. Berti Logan, 'The desire to contribute: an eighteenth-century Italian woman of science', American Historical Review (1994), 99, 785-812; M. Cavazza, 'Laura Bassi e il suo gabinetto di fisica sperimentale: realtà e mito', Nuntius (1995), 10, 715-53; and B. Ceranski, Und sie fürchtet sich vor niemandem: Die Physikerin Laura Bassi (1711-1778), Frankfurt, 1996. On Agnesi see M. Mazzotti, 'Maria Gaetana Agnesi: mathematics and the making of Catholic Enlightenment', Isis (2001), 92, 657-83.
69. On the need for the marchioness to dissimulate her knowledge see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 300; on the lack of attention see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 5; on becoming a mathematician see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 79. On Bassi see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 6. Paula Findlen has identified two kinds of women natural philosophers portrayed in Newtonianism for Ladies; see P. Findlen, 'Becoming a scientist: gender and knowledge in eighteenth-century Italy', Science in Context (2003), 16, 59-88. On the presence of women at the University of Bologna see M. Cavazza, 'Dottrici e lettrici dell'Università di Bologna nel Settecento', Annali di storia delle università italiane (1997), 1, 109-26. On Bassi see P. Findlen, 'Science as a career in Enlightenment Italy: the strategies of Laura Bassi (1711-1778)', Isis (1993), 84, 441-69; G. Berti Logan, 'The desire to contribute: an eighteenth-century Italian woman of science', American Historical Review (1994), 99, 785-812; M. Cavazza, 'Laura Bassi e il suo gabinetto di fisica sperimentale: realtà e mito', Nuntius (1995), 10, 715-53; and B. Ceranski, Und sie fürchtet sich vor niemandem: Die Physikerin Laura Bassi (1711-1778), Frankfurt, 1996. On Agnesi see M. Mazzotti, 'Maria Gaetana Agnesi: mathematics and the making of Catholic Enlightenment', Isis (2001), 92, 657-83.
70. On the need for the marchioness to dissimulate her knowledge see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 300; on the lack of attention see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 5; on becoming a mathematician see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 79. On Bassi see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 6. Paula Findlen has identified two kinds of women natural philosophers portrayed in Newtonianism for Ladies; see P. Findlen, 'Becoming a scientist: gender and knowledge in eighteenth-century Italy', Science in Context (2003), 16, 59-88. On the presence of women at the University of Bologna see M. Cavazza, 'Dottrici e lettrici dell'Università di Bologna nel Settecento', Annali di storia delle università italiane (1997), 1, 109-26. On Bassi see P. Findlen, 'Science as a career in Enlightenment Italy: the strategies of Laura Bassi (1711-1778)', Isis (1993), 84, 441-69; G. Berti Logan, 'The desire to contribute: an eighteenth-century Italian woman of science', American Historical Review (1994), 99, 785-812; M. Cavazza, 'Laura Bassi e il suo gabinetto di fisica sperimentale: realtà e mito', Nuntius (1995), 10, 715-53; and B. Ceranski, Und sie fürchtet sich vor niemandem: Die Physikerin Laura Bassi (1711-1778), Frankfurt, 1996. On Agnesi see M. Mazzotti, 'Maria Gaetana Agnesi: mathematics and the making of Catholic Enlightenment', Isis (2001), 92, 657-83.
71. On the need for the marchioness to dissimulate her knowledge see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 300; on the lack of attention see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 5; on becoming a mathematician see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 79. On Bassi see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 6. Paula Findlen has identified two kinds of women natural philosophers portrayed in Newtonianism for Ladies; see P. Findlen, 'Becoming a scientist: gender and knowledge in eighteenth-century Italy', Science in Context (2003), 16, 59-88. On the presence of women at the University of Bologna see M. Cavazza, 'Dottrici e lettrici dell'Università di Bologna nel Settecento', Annali di storia delle università italiane (1997), 1, 109-26. On Bassi see P. Findlen, 'Science as a career in Enlightenment Italy: the strategies of Laura Bassi (1711-1778)', Isis (1993), 84, 441-69; G. Berti Logan, 'The desire to contribute: an eighteenth-century Italian woman of science', American Historical Review (1994), 99, 785-812; M. Cavazza, 'Laura Bassi e il suo gabinetto di fisica sperimentale: realtà e mito', Nuntius (1995), 10, 715-53; and B. Ceranski, Und sie fürchtet sich vor niemandem: Die Physikerin Laura Bassi (1711-1778), Frankfurt, 1996. On Agnesi see M. Mazzotti, 'Maria Gaetana Agnesi: mathematics and the making of Catholic Enlightenment', Isis (2001), 92, 657-83.
72. On the need for the marchioness to dissimulate her knowledge see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 300; on the lack of attention see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 5; on becoming a mathematician see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 79. On Bassi see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 6. Paula Findlen has identified two kinds of women natural philosophers portrayed in Newtonianism for Ladies; see P. Findlen, 'Becoming a scientist: gender and knowledge in eighteenth-century Italy', Science in Context (2003), 16, 59-88. On the presence of women at the University of Bologna see M. Cavazza, 'Dottrici e lettrici dell'Università di Bologna nel Settecento', Annali di storia delle università italiane (1997), 1, 109-26. On Bassi see P. Findlen, 'Science as a career in Enlightenment Italy: the strategies of Laura Bassi (1711-1778)', Isis (1993), 84, 441-69; G. Berti Logan, 'The desire to contribute: an eighteenth-century Italian woman of science', American Historical Review (1994), 99, 785-812; M. Cavazza, 'Laura Bassi e il suo gabinetto di fisica sperimentale: realtà e mito', Nuntius (1995), 10, 715-53; and B. Ceranski, Und sie fürchtet sich vor niemandem: Die Physikerin Laura Bassi (1711-1778), Frankfurt, 1996. On Agnesi see M. Mazzotti, 'Maria Gaetana Agnesi: mathematics and the making of Catholic Enlightenment', Isis (2001), 92, 657-83.
73. According to Michelessi, Algarotti aimed to take 'worthless novels' off the hands of women (Michelessi, op. cit. (9), p. xv). See also C. Lougee, Le Paradis des Femmes: Women, Salons, and Social Stratification in Seventeenth-Century France, Princeton, 1976; and Findlen, 'Becoming a scientist', op. cit. (17). On the 'new kind of pleasure' see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), p. x. That popular science could be the source of a new form of pleasure was a motif derived from Fontenelle. See also E. Harth, Cartesian Women: Versions and Subversions of Rational Discourse in the Old Regime, Ithaca, 1992. On the pleasurable doubts about perception see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 64; on opera: 31, 112; quotes: 77, 80.
74. According to Michelessi, Algarotti aimed to take 'worthless novels' off the hands of women (Michelessi, op. cit. (9), p. xv). See also C. Lougee, Le Paradis des Femmes: Women, Salons, and Social Stratification in Seventeenth-Century France, Princeton, 1976; and Findlen, 'Becoming a scientist', op. cit. (17). On the 'new kind of pleasure' see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), p. x. That popular science could be the source of a new form of pleasure was a motif derived from Fontenelle. See also E. Harth, Cartesian Women: Versions and Subversions of Rational Discourse in the Old Regime, Ithaca, 1992. On the pleasurable doubts about perception see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 64; on opera: 31, 112; quotes: 77, 80.
75. According to Michelessi, Algarotti aimed to take 'worthless novels' off the hands of women (Michelessi, op. cit. (9), p. xv). See also C. Lougee, Le Paradis des Femmes: Women, Salons, and Social Stratification in Seventeenth-Century France, Princeton, 1976; and Findlen, 'Becoming a scientist', op. cit. (17). On the 'new kind of pleasure' see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), p. x. That popular science could be the source of a new form of pleasure was a motif derived from Fontenelle. See also E. Harth, Cartesian Women: Versions and Subversions of Rational Discourse in the Old Regime, Ithaca, 1992. On the pleasurable doubts about perception see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 64; on opera: 31, 112; quotes: 77, 80.
76. According to Michelessi, Algarotti aimed to take 'worthless novels' off the hands of women (Michelessi, op. cit. (9), p. xv). See also C. Lougee, Le Paradis des Femmes: Women, Salons, and Social Stratification in Seventeenth-Century France, Princeton, 1976; and Findlen, 'Becoming a scientist', op. cit. (17). On the 'new kind of pleasure' see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), p. x. That popular science could be the source of a new form of pleasure was a motif derived from Fontenelle. See also E. Harth, Cartesian Women: Versions and Subversions of Rational Discourse in the Old Regime, Ithaca, 1992. On the pleasurable doubts about perception see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 64; on opera: 31, 112; quotes: 77, 80.
77. According to Michelessi, Algarotti aimed to take 'worthless novels' off the hands of women (Michelessi, op. cit. (9), p. xv). See also C. Lougee, Le Paradis des Femmes: Women, Salons, and Social Stratification in Seventeenth-Century France, Princeton, 1976; and Findlen, 'Becoming a scientist', op. cit. (17). On the 'new kind of pleasure' see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), p. x. That popular science could be the source of a new form of pleasure was a motif derived from Fontenelle. See also E. Harth, Cartesian Women: Versions and Subversions of Rational Discourse in the Old Regime, Ithaca, 1992. On the pleasurable doubts about perception see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 64; on opera: 31, 112; quotes: 77, 80.
78. According to Michelessi, Algarotti aimed to take 'worthless novels' off the hands of women (Michelessi, op. cit. (9), p. xv). See also C. Lougee, Le Paradis des Femmes: Women, Salons, and Social Stratification in Seventeenth-Century France, Princeton, 1976; and Findlen, 'Becoming a scientist', op. cit. (17). On the 'new kind of pleasure' see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), p. x. That popular science could be the source of a new form of pleasure was a motif derived from Fontenelle. See also E. Harth, Cartesian Women: Versions and Subversions of Rational Discourse in the Old Regime, Ithaca, 1992. On the pleasurable doubts about perception see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 64; on opera: 31, 112; quotes: 77, 80.
79. On genteel philosophical conversation see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 33, 218. The marchioness was indeed offended when the chevalier compared the Sun to one of her amber pastilles as they both emit particles (21-2). On Algarotti's ways of engaging the reader see also his own remarks in the opening letter to Fontenelle (pp. v-ix).
80. On the obscure language of Arcadian poets and bad philosophers see Michelessi, op. cit. (9), p. xxxii. See also Algarotti's satire against the baroque language of university philosophy: Sinopsi di una introduzione alla Nereidologia. Trattato filosofico, erudito e critico (MSS dated 1757), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), vi, 332-85; and the letter of Algarotti to Madame du Boccage (1759), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xvii, 7. On the ways in which one can refine one's own gusto see Michelessi, op. cit. (9), pp. lv-lvi (among Algarotti's sources on taste are David Hume and John Addison). On Algarotti trafficker of spirit see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), p. xi. On English-mania in Milan see A. Graf, L'anglomania e l'influsso inglese in Italia nel secolo XVIII, Turin, 1911, particularly 225-6 and 408-11. On the relation between consumerism and the popularization of natural philosophy see also R. Porter, S. Schaffer, J. Bennett and O. Brown, Science and Profit in 18th-Century London, Cambridge, 1985.
81. On the obscure language of Arcadian poets and bad philosophers see Michelessi, op. cit. (9), p. xxxii. See also Algarotti's satire against the baroque language of university philosophy: Sinopsi di una introduzione alla Nereidologia. Trattato filosofico, erudito e critico (MSS dated 1757), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), vi, 332-85; and the letter of Algarotti to Madame du Boccage (1759), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xvii, 7. On the ways in which one can refine one's own gusto see Michelessi, op. cit. (9), pp. lv-lvi (among Algarotti's sources on taste are David Hume and John Addison). On Algarotti trafficker of spirit see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), p. xi. On English-mania in Milan see A. Graf, L'anglomania e l'influsso inglese in Italia nel secolo XVIII, Turin, 1911, particularly 225-6 and 408-11. On the relation between consumerism and the popularization of natural philosophy see also R. Porter, S. Schaffer, J. Bennett and O. Brown, Science and Profit in 18th-Century London, Cambridge, 1985.
82. On the obscure language of Arcadian poets and bad philosophers see Michelessi, op. cit. (9), p. xxxii. See also Algarotti's satire against the baroque language of university philosophy: Sinopsi di una introduzione alla Nereidologia. Trattato filosofico, erudito e critico (MSS dated 1757), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), vi, 332-85; and the letter of Algarotti to Madame du Boccage (1759), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xvii, 7. On the ways in which one can refine one's own gusto see Michelessi, op. cit. (9), pp. lv-lvi (among Algarotti's sources on taste are David Hume and John Addison). On Algarotti trafficker of spirit see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), p. xi. On English-mania in Milan see A. Graf, L'anglomania e l'influsso inglese in Italia nel secolo XVIII, Turin, 1911, particularly 225-6 and 408-11. On the relation between consumerism and the popularization of natural philosophy see also R. Porter, S. Schaffer, J. Bennett and O. Brown, Science and Profit in 18th-Century London, Cambridge, 1985.
83. On the obscure language of Arcadian poets and bad philosophers see Michelessi, op. cit. (9), p. xxxii. See also Algarotti's satire against the baroque language of university philosophy: Sinopsi di una introduzione alla Nereidologia. Trattato filosofico, erudito e critico (MSS dated 1757), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), vi, 332-85; and the letter of Algarotti to Madame du Boccage (1759), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xvii, 7. On the ways in which one can refine one's own gusto see Michelessi, op. cit. (9), pp. lv-lvi (among Algarotti's sources on taste are David Hume and John Addison). On Algarotti trafficker of spirit see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), p. xi. On English-mania in Milan see A. Graf, L'anglomania e l'influsso inglese in Italia nel secolo XVIII, Turin, 1911, particularly 225-6 and 408-11. On the relation between consumerism and the popularization of natural philosophy see also R. Porter, S. Schaffer, J. Bennett and O. Brown, Science and Profit in 18th-Century London, Cambridge, 1985.
84. On the obscure language of Arcadian poets and bad philosophers see Michelessi, op. cit. (9), p. xxxii. See also Algarotti's satire against the baroque language of university philosophy: Sinopsi di una introduzione alla Nereidologia. Trattato filosofico, erudito e critico (MSS dated 1757), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), vi, 332-85; and the letter of Algarotti to Madame du Boccage (1759), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xvii, 7. On the ways in which one can refine one's own gusto see Michelessi, op. cit. (9), pp. lv-lvi (among Algarotti's sources on taste are David Hume and John Addison). On Algarotti trafficker of spirit see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), p. xi. On English-mania in Milan see A. Graf, L'anglomania e l'influsso inglese in Italia nel secolo XVIII, Turin, 1911, particularly 225-6 and 408-11. On the relation between consumerism and the popularization of natural philosophy see also R. Porter, S. Schaffer, J. Bennett and O. Brown, Science and Profit in 18th-Century London, Cambridge, 1985.
85. On the obscure language of Arcadian poets and bad philosophers see Michelessi, op. cit. (9), p. xxxii. See also Algarotti's satire against the baroque language of university philosophy: Sinopsi di una introduzione alla Nereidologia. Trattato filosofico, erudito e critico (MSS dated 1757), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), vi, 332-85; and the letter of Algarotti to Madame du Boccage (1759), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xvii, 7. On the ways in which one can refine one's own gusto see Michelessi, op. cit. (9), pp. lv-lvi (among Algarotti's sources on taste are David Hume and John Addison). On Algarotti trafficker of spirit see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), p. xi. On English-mania in Milan see A. Graf, L'anglomania e l'influsso inglese in Italia nel secolo XVIII, Turin, 1911, particularly 225-6 and 408-11. On the relation between consumerism and the popularization of natural philosophy see also R. Porter, S. Schaffer, J. Bennett and O. Brown, Science and Profit in 18th-Century London, Cambridge, 1985.
86. On the obscure language of Arcadian poets and bad philosophers see Michelessi, op. cit. (9), p. xxxii. See also Algarotti's satire against the baroque language of university philosophy: Sinopsi di una introduzione alla Nereidologia. Trattato filosofico, erudito e critico (MSS dated 1757), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), vi, 332-85; and the letter of Algarotti to Madame du Boccage (1759), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xvii, 7. On the ways in which one can refine one's own gusto see Michelessi, op. cit. (9), pp. lv-lvi (among Algarotti's sources on taste are David Hume and John Addison). On Algarotti trafficker of spirit see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), p. xi. On English-mania in Milan see A. Graf, L'anglomania e l'influsso inglese in Italia nel secolo XVIII, Turin, 1911, particularly 225-6 and 408-11. On the relation between consumerism and the popularization of natural philosophy see also R. Porter, S. Schaffer, J. Bennett and O. Brown, Science and Profit in 18th-Century London, Cambridge, 1985.
87. Instead, Voltaire found the label ' for the ladies' somehow diminishing and titled his own popularization of Newton's philosophy Elémens de la philosophie de Neuton, mis à la portee de tout le monde, Amsterdam, 1738. Algarotti showed 'how every reasonable mind capable of average attention but lacking deep mathematical knowledge can nonetheless be filled with philosophical ideas', Michelessi, op. cit. (9), p. xv. See also Algarotti's letter to Marcantonio Caldani in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), ix, 355. The last quote is from J. Ferguson, Astronomy Explained on Sir Isaac Newton's Principles, and Made Easy to Those Who Have Not Studied Mathematics, London, 1756.
88. Instead, Voltaire found the label ' for the ladies' somehow diminishing and titled his own popularization of Newton's philosophy Elémens de la philosophie de Neuton, mis à la portee de tout le monde, Amsterdam, 1738. Algarotti showed 'how every reasonable mind capable of average attention but lacking deep mathematical knowledge can nonetheless be filled with philosophical ideas', Michelessi, op. cit. (9), p. xv. See also Algarotti's letter to Marcantonio Caldani in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), ix, 355. The last quote is from J. Ferguson, Astronomy Explained on Sir Isaac Newton's Principles, and Made Easy to Those Who Have Not Studied Mathematics, London, 1756.
89. Instead, Voltaire found the label ' for the ladies' somehow diminishing and titled his own popularization of Newton's philosophy Elémens de la philosophie de Neuton, mis à la portee de tout le monde, Amsterdam, 1738. Algarotti showed 'how every reasonable mind capable of average attention but lacking deep mathematical knowledge can nonetheless be filled with philosophical ideas', Michelessi, op. cit. (9), p. xv. See also Algarotti's letter to Marcantonio Caldani in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), ix, 355. The last quote is from J. Ferguson, Astronomy Explained on Sir Isaac Newton's Principles, and Made Easy to Those Who Have Not Studied Mathematics, London, 1756.
90. See, for instance, B. Martin, The Young Gentleman and Lady's Philosophy, in a Continued Survey of the Works of Nature and Art. By the Way of Dialogue, 2 vols., London, 1759; J. Newbery, The Newtonian System of Philosophy (1761); J. Ferguson, The Young Gentleman and Lady's Astronomy, London, 1768. On these publications and their wider cultural and social meaning see David Kaiser, 'Consuming philosophy: genre, gender and gentility in eighteenth-century English popularization of Newtonianism', unpublished paper, 1996. On the connection between 'politeness' and 'philosophy' see also the preface to B. Martin, A Course of Lectures in Natural and Experimental Philosophy, Reading, 1743. On consumerism, gentility and culture see N. McKendrick, J. Brewer and J. H. Plumb, The Birth of a Consumer Society: The Commercialization of Eighteenth-Century England, Bloomington, 1982; J. Brewer and R. Porter (eds.), Consumption and the World of Goods, New York, 1993; A. Bermingham and J. Brewer (eds.), The Consumption of Culture, 1600-1800: Image, Object, Text, New York, 1996. See also P. Langford, A Polite and Commercial People: England 1727-1783, Oxford, 1989; and P. Earle, The Making of the English Middle Class: Business, Society, and Family Life in London, 1660-1730, Berkeley, 1989. On France see G. Sutton, Science for a Polite Society: Gender, Culture, and the Demonstration of Enlightenment, Boulder, 1995.
91. See, for instance, B. Martin, The Young Gentleman and Lady's Philosophy, in a Continued Survey of the Works of Nature and Art. By the Way of Dialogue, 2 vols., London, 1759; J. Newbery, The Newtonian System of Philosophy (1761); J. Ferguson, The Young Gentleman and Lady's Astronomy, London, 1768. On these publications and their wider cultural and social meaning see David Kaiser, 'Consuming philosophy: genre, gender and gentility in eighteenth-century English popularization of Newtonianism', unpublished paper, 1996. On the connection between 'politeness' and 'philosophy' see also the preface to B. Martin, A Course of Lectures in Natural and Experimental Philosophy, Reading, 1743. On consumerism, gentility and culture see N. McKendrick, J. Brewer and J. H. Plumb, The Birth of a Consumer Society: The Commercialization of Eighteenth-Century England, Bloomington, 1982; J. Brewer and R. Porter (eds.), Consumption and the World of Goods, New York, 1993; A. Bermingham and J. Brewer (eds.), The Consumption of Culture, 1600-1800: Image, Object, Text, New York, 1996. See also P. Langford, A Polite and Commercial People: England 1727-1783, Oxford, 1989; and P. Earle, The Making of the English Middle Class: Business, Society, and Family Life in London, 1660-1730, Berkeley, 1989. On France see G. Sutton, Science for a Polite Society: Gender, Culture, and the Demonstration of Enlightenment, Boulder, 1995.
92. See, for instance, B. Martin, The Young Gentleman and Lady's Philosophy, in a Continued Survey of the Works of Nature and Art. By the Way of Dialogue, 2 vols., London, 1759; J. Newbery, The Newtonian System of Philosophy (1761); J. Ferguson, The Young Gentleman and Lady's Astronomy, London, 1768. On these publications and their wider cultural and social meaning see David Kaiser, 'Consuming philosophy: genre, gender and gentility in eighteenth-century English popularization of Newtonianism', unpublished paper, 1996. On the connection between 'politeness' and 'philosophy' see also the preface to B. Martin, A Course of Lectures in Natural and Experimental Philosophy, Reading, 1743. On consumerism, gentility and culture see N. McKendrick, J. Brewer and J. H. Plumb, The Birth of a Consumer Society: The Commercialization of Eighteenth-Century England, Bloomington, 1982; J. Brewer and R. Porter (eds.), Consumption and the World of Goods, New York, 1993; A. Bermingham and J. Brewer (eds.), The Consumption of Culture, 1600-1800: Image, Object, Text, New York, 1996. See also P. Langford, A Polite and Commercial People: England 1727-1783, Oxford, 1989; and P. Earle, The Making of the English Middle Class: Business, Society, and Family Life in London, 1660-1730, Berkeley, 1989. On France see G. Sutton, Science for a Polite Society: Gender, Culture, and the Demonstration of Enlightenment, Boulder, 1995.
93. See, for instance, B. Martin, The Young Gentleman and Lady's Philosophy, in a Continued Survey of the Works of Nature and Art. By the Way of Dialogue, 2 vols., London, 1759; J. Newbery, The Newtonian System of Philosophy (1761); J. Ferguson, The Young Gentleman and Lady's Astronomy, London, 1768. On these publications and their wider cultural and social meaning see David Kaiser, 'Consuming philosophy: genre, gender and gentility in eighteenth-century English popularization of Newtonianism', unpublished paper, 1996. On the connection between 'politeness' and 'philosophy' see also the preface to B. Martin, A Course of Lectures in Natural and Experimental Philosophy, Reading, 1743. On consumerism, gentility and culture see N. McKendrick, J. Brewer and J. H. Plumb, The Birth of a Consumer Society: The Commercialization of Eighteenth-Century England, Bloomington, 1982; J. Brewer and R. Porter (eds.), Consumption and the World of Goods, New York, 1993; A. Bermingham and J. Brewer (eds.), The Consumption of Culture, 1600-1800: Image, Object, Text, New York, 1996. See also P. Langford, A Polite and Commercial People: England 1727-1783, Oxford, 1989; and P. Earle, The Making of the English Middle Class: Business, Society, and Family Life in London, 1660-1730, Berkeley, 1989. On France see G. Sutton, Science for a Polite Society: Gender, Culture, and the Demonstration of Enlightenment, Boulder, 1995.
94. See, for instance, B. Martin, The Young Gentleman and Lady's Philosophy, in a Continued Survey of the Works of Nature and Art. By the Way of Dialogue, 2 vols., London, 1759; J. Newbery, The Newtonian System of Philosophy (1761); J. Ferguson, The Young Gentleman and Lady's Astronomy, London, 1768. On these publications and their wider cultural and social meaning see David Kaiser, 'Consuming philosophy: genre, gender and gentility in eighteenth-century English popularization of Newtonianism', unpublished paper, 1996. On the connection between 'politeness' and 'philosophy' see also the preface to B. Martin, A Course of Lectures in Natural and Experimental Philosophy, Reading, 1743. On consumerism, gentility and culture see N. McKendrick, J. Brewer and J. H. Plumb, The Birth of a Consumer Society: The Commercialization of Eighteenth-Century England, Bloomington, 1982; J. Brewer and R. Porter (eds.), Consumption and the World of Goods, New York, 1993; A. Bermingham and J. Brewer (eds.), The Consumption of Culture, 1600-1800: Image, Object, Text, New York, 1996. See also P. Langford, A Polite and Commercial People: England 1727-1783, Oxford, 1989; and P. Earle, The Making of the English Middle Class: Business, Society, and Family Life in London, 1660-1730, Berkeley, 1989. On France see G. Sutton, Science for a Polite Society: Gender, Culture, and the Demonstration of Enlightenment, Boulder, 1995.
95. See, for instance, B. Martin, The Young Gentleman and Lady's Philosophy, in a Continued Survey of the Works of Nature and Art. By the Way of Dialogue, 2 vols., London, 1759; J. Newbery, The Newtonian System of Philosophy (1761); J. Ferguson, The Young Gentleman and Lady's Astronomy, London, 1768. On these publications and their wider cultural and social meaning see David Kaiser, 'Consuming philosophy: genre, gender and gentility in eighteenth-century English popularization of Newtonianism', unpublished paper, 1996. On the connection between 'politeness' and 'philosophy' see also the preface to B. Martin, A Course of Lectures in Natural and Experimental Philosophy, Reading, 1743. On consumerism, gentility and culture see N. McKendrick, J. Brewer and J. H. Plumb, The Birth of a Consumer Society: The Commercialization of Eighteenth-Century England, Bloomington, 1982; J. Brewer and R. Porter (eds.), Consumption and the World of Goods, New York, 1993; A. Bermingham and J. Brewer (eds.), The Consumption of Culture, 1600-1800: Image, Object, Text, New York, 1996. See also P. Langford, A Polite and Commercial People: England 1727-1783, Oxford, 1989; and P. Earle, The Making of the English Middle Class: Business, Society, and Family Life in London, 1660-1730, Berkeley, 1989. On France see G. Sutton, Science for a Polite Society: Gender, Culture, and the Demonstration of Enlightenment, Boulder, 1995.
96. See, for instance, B. Martin, The Young Gentleman and Lady's Philosophy, in a Continued Survey of the Works of Nature and Art. By the Way of Dialogue, 2 vols., London, 1759; J. Newbery, The Newtonian System of Philosophy (1761); J. Ferguson, The Young Gentleman and Lady's Astronomy, London, 1768. On these publications and their wider cultural and social meaning see David Kaiser, 'Consuming philosophy: genre, gender and gentility in eighteenth-century English popularization of Newtonianism', unpublished paper, 1996. On the connection between 'politeness' and 'philosophy' see also the preface to B. Martin, A Course of Lectures in Natural and Experimental Philosophy, Reading, 1743. On consumerism, gentility and culture see N. McKendrick, J. Brewer and J. H. Plumb, The Birth of a Consumer Society: The Commercialization of Eighteenth-Century England, Bloomington, 1982; J. Brewer and R. Porter (eds.), Consumption and the World of Goods, New York, 1993; A. Bermingham and J. Brewer (eds.), The Consumption of Culture, 1600-1800: Image, Object, Text, New York, 1996. See also P. Langford, A Polite and Commercial People: England 1727-1783, Oxford, 1989; and P. Earle, The Making of the English Middle Class: Business, Society, and Family Life in London, 1660-1730, Berkeley, 1989. On France see G. Sutton, Science for a Polite Society: Gender, Culture, and the Demonstration of Enlightenment, Boulder, 1995.
97. See, for instance, B. Martin, The Young Gentleman and Lady's Philosophy, in a Continued Survey of the Works of Nature and Art. By the Way of Dialogue, 2 vols., London, 1759; J. Newbery, The Newtonian System of Philosophy (1761); J. Ferguson, The Young Gentleman and Lady's Astronomy, London, 1768. On these publications and their wider cultural and social meaning see David Kaiser, 'Consuming philosophy: genre, gender and gentility in eighteenth-century English popularization of Newtonianism', unpublished paper, 1996. On the connection between 'politeness' and 'philosophy' see also the preface to B. Martin, A Course of Lectures in Natural and Experimental Philosophy, Reading, 1743. On consumerism, gentility and culture see N. McKendrick, J. Brewer and J. H. Plumb, The Birth of a Consumer Society: The Commercialization of Eighteenth-Century England, Bloomington, 1982; J. Brewer and R. Porter (eds.), Consumption and the World of Goods, New York, 1993; A. Bermingham and J. Brewer (eds.), The Consumption of Culture, 1600-1800: Image, Object, Text, New York, 1996. See also P. Langford, A Polite and Commercial People: England 1727-1783, Oxford, 1989; and P. Earle, The Making of the English Middle Class: Business, Society, and Family Life in London, 1660-1730, Berkeley, 1989. On France see G. Sutton, Science for a Polite Society: Gender, Culture, and the Demonstration of Enlightenment, Boulder, 1995.
98. See, for instance, B. Martin, The Young Gentleman and Lady's Philosophy, in a Continued Survey of the Works of Nature and Art. By the Way of Dialogue, 2 vols., London, 1759; J. Newbery, The Newtonian System of Philosophy (1761); J. Ferguson, The Young Gentleman and Lady's Astronomy, London, 1768. On these publications and their wider cultural and social meaning see David Kaiser, 'Consuming philosophy: genre, gender and gentility in eighteenth-century English popularization of Newtonianism', unpublished paper, 1996. On the connection between 'politeness' and 'philosophy' see also the preface to B. Martin, A Course of Lectures in Natural and Experimental Philosophy, Reading, 1743. On consumerism, gentility and culture see N. McKendrick, J. Brewer and J. H. Plumb, The Birth of a Consumer Society: The Commercialization of Eighteenth-Century England, Bloomington, 1982; J. Brewer and R. Porter (eds.), Consumption and the World of Goods, New York, 1993; A. Bermingham and J. Brewer (eds.), The Consumption of Culture, 1600-1800: Image, Object, Text, New York, 1996. See also P. Langford, A Polite and Commercial People: England 1727-1783, Oxford, 1989; and P. Earle, The Making of the English Middle Class: Business, Society, and Family Life in London, 1660-1730, Berkeley, 1989. On France see G. Sutton, Science for a Polite Society: Gender, Culture, and the Demonstration of Enlightenment, Boulder, 1995.
99. See, for instance, B. Martin, The Young Gentleman and Lady's Philosophy, in a Continued Survey of the Works of Nature and Art. By the Way of Dialogue, 2 vols., London, 1759; J. Newbery, The Newtonian System of Philosophy (1761); J. Ferguson, The Young Gentleman and Lady's Astronomy, London, 1768. On these publications and their wider cultural and social meaning see David Kaiser, 'Consuming philosophy: genre, gender and gentility in eighteenth-century English popularization of Newtonianism', unpublished paper, 1996. On the connection between 'politeness' and 'philosophy' see also the preface to B. Martin, A Course of Lectures in Natural and Experimental Philosophy, Reading, 1743. On consumerism, gentility and culture see N. McKendrick, J. Brewer and J. H. Plumb, The Birth of a Consumer Society: The Commercialization of Eighteenth-Century England, Bloomington, 1982; J. Brewer and R. Porter (eds.), Consumption and the World of Goods, New York, 1993; A. Bermingham and J. Brewer (eds.), The Consumption of Culture, 1600-1800: Image, Object, Text, New York, 1996. See also P. Langford, A Polite and Commercial People: England 1727-1783, Oxford, 1989; and P. Earle, The Making of the English Middle Class: Business, Society, and Family Life in London, 1660-1730, Berkeley, 1989. On France see G. Sutton, Science for a Polite Society: Gender, Culture, and the Demonstration of Enlightenment, Boulder, 1995.
100. See, for instance, B. Martin, The Young Gentleman and Lady's Philosophy, in a Continued Survey of the Works of Nature and Art. By the Way of Dialogue, 2 vols., London, 1759; J. Newbery, The Newtonian System of Philosophy (1761); J. Ferguson, The Young Gentleman and Lady's Astronomy, London, 1768. On these publications and their wider cultural and social meaning see David Kaiser, 'Consuming philosophy: genre, gender and gentility in eighteenth-century English popularization of Newtonianism', unpublished paper, 1996. On the connection between 'politeness' and 'philosophy' see also the preface to B. Martin, A Course of Lectures in Natural and Experimental Philosophy, Reading, 1743. On consumerism, gentility and culture see N. McKendrick, J. Brewer and J. H. Plumb, The Birth of a Consumer Society: The Commercialization of Eighteenth-Century England, Bloomington, 1982; J. Brewer and R. Porter (eds.), Consumption and the World of Goods, New York, 1993; A. Bermingham and J. Brewer (eds.), The Consumption of Culture, 1600-1800: Image, Object, Text, New York, 1996. See also P. Langford, A Polite and Commercial People: England 1727-1783, Oxford, 1989; and P. Earle, The Making of the English Middle Class: Business, Society, and Family Life in London, 1660-1730, Berkeley, 1989. On France see G. Sutton, Science for a Polite Society: Gender, Culture, and the Demonstration of Enlightenment, Boulder, 1995.
101. On Venetian gentlemen inviting Algarotti to replicate his experiments in their city see Michelessi, op. cit. (9), p. xi. Zanotti's early experiments were discussed in his letters to Leprotti (1724-8), cod. Y 107 sup., Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Milan (henceforth BAM). See also Zanotti's letter to Beccari dated 5 August 1723, in F. M. Zanotti, Opere, 9 vols., Bologna, 1802, ix. Algarotti replicated a variant of Experiment 2, Book 1, Part 1; and Experiment 1, Book 1, Part 2 of I. Newton, Opticks, or a Treatise of the Reflections, Refractions, Inflections and Colours of Light [1704], New York, 1952, 23-6 and 113-16. See F. Algarotti, Dissertatio de colorum immutabilitate eorumque diversa refrangibilitate (1746), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), ii, 366-88. Letter of Zanotti to Leprotti, dated 18 June 1728, cod. Y 107 sup., 84 r/v (BAM). On 30 June 1728 Algarotti read his Conclusiones de luce, et coloribus, divo Antonio Academiae inexpertorum patrono dicatae, Bologna, 1728, in mss. 1259 (BCT). The mathematician Domenico Vandelli brought the British-made prisms to Bologna. Commentarii de Bononiensi Scientiarum et Artium Instituto atque Academia (1731), 1, 200-1. In the spring of 1729 Algarotti was waiting for another four prisms to arrive from England, and asked to borrow those of Antonio Conti in Venice. Algarotti, op. cit. (5), x, 307. On the prisms used by Algarotti see various essays in Atti della Fondazione Giorgio Ronchi (1957), 12. On the social process of making the prisms transparent see S. Schaffer, 'Glass works: Newton's prisms and the uses of experiment', in The Uses of Experiment: Studies in the Natural Sciences (ed. D. Gooding, T. Pinch and S. Schaffer), Cambridge, 1989. On the role of theoretical assumptions in this kind of experiment see also A. Shapiro, 'The gradual acceptance of Newton's theory of light and color, 1672-1727', Perspectives on Science (1996), 4, 59-140.
102. On Venetian gentlemen inviting Algarotti to replicate his experiments in their city see Michelessi, op. cit. (9), p. xi. Zanotti's early experiments were discussed in his letters to Leprotti (1724-8), cod. Y 107 sup., Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Milan (henceforth BAM). See also Zanotti's letter to Beccari dated 5 August 1723, in F. M. Zanotti, Opere, 9 vols., Bologna, 1802, ix. Algarotti replicated a variant of Experiment 2, Book 1, Part 1; and Experiment 1, Book 1, Part 2 of I. Newton, Opticks, or a Treatise of the Reflections, Refractions, Inflections and Colours of Light [1704], New York, 1952, 23-6 and 113-16. See F. Algarotti, Dissertatio de colorum immutabilitate eorumque diversa refrangibilitate (1746), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), ii, 366-88. Letter of Zanotti to Leprotti, dated 18 June 1728, cod. Y 107 sup., 84 r/v (BAM). On 30 June 1728 Algarotti read his Conclusiones de luce, et coloribus, divo Antonio Academiae inexpertorum patrono dicatae, Bologna, 1728, in mss. 1259 (BCT). The mathematician Domenico Vandelli brought the British-made prisms to Bologna. Commentarii de Bononiensi Scientiarum et Artium Instituto atque Academia (1731), 1, 200-1. In the spring of 1729 Algarotti was waiting for another four prisms to arrive from England, and asked to borrow those of Antonio Conti in Venice. Algarotti, op. cit. (5), x, 307. On the prisms used by Algarotti see various essays in Atti della Fondazione Giorgio Ronchi (1957), 12. On the social process of making the prisms transparent see S. Schaffer, 'Glass works: Newton's prisms and the uses of experiment', in The Uses of Experiment: Studies in the Natural Sciences (ed. D. Gooding, T. Pinch and S. Schaffer), Cambridge, 1989. On the role of theoretical assumptions in this kind of experiment see also A. Shapiro, 'The gradual acceptance of Newton's theory of light and color, 1672-1727', Perspectives on Science (1996), 4, 59-140.
103. On Venetian gentlemen inviting Algarotti to replicate his experiments in their city see Michelessi, op. cit. (9), p. xi. Zanotti's early experiments were discussed in his letters to Leprotti (1724-8), cod. Y 107 sup., Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Milan (henceforth BAM). See also Zanotti's letter to Beccari dated 5 August 1723, in F. M. Zanotti, Opere, 9 vols., Bologna, 1802, ix. Algarotti replicated a variant of Experiment 2, Book 1, Part 1; and Experiment 1, Book 1, Part 2 of I. Newton, Opticks, or a Treatise of the Reflections, Refractions, Inflections and Colours of Light [1704], New York, 1952, 23-6 and 113-16. See F. Algarotti, Dissertatio de colorum immutabilitate eorumque diversa refrangibilitate (1746), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), ii, 366-88. Letter of Zanotti to Leprotti, dated 18 June 1728, cod. Y 107 sup., 84 r/v (BAM). On 30 June 1728 Algarotti read his Conclusiones de luce, et coloribus, divo Antonio Academiae inexpertorum patrono dicatae, Bologna, 1728, in mss. 1259 (BCT). The mathematician Domenico Vandelli brought the British-made prisms to Bologna. Commentarii de Bononiensi Scientiarum et Artium Instituto atque Academia (1731), 1, 200-1. In the spring of 1729 Algarotti was waiting for another four prisms to arrive from England, and asked to borrow those of Antonio Conti in Venice. Algarotti, op. cit. (5), x, 307. On the prisms used by Algarotti see various essays in Atti della Fondazione Giorgio Ronchi (1957), 12. On the social process of making the prisms transparent see S. Schaffer, 'Glass works: Newton's prisms and the uses of experiment', in The Uses of Experiment: Studies in the Natural Sciences (ed. D. Gooding, T. Pinch and S. Schaffer), Cambridge, 1989. On the role of theoretical assumptions in this kind of experiment see also A. Shapiro, 'The gradual acceptance of Newton's theory of light and color, 1672-1727', Perspectives on Science (1996), 4, 59-140.
104. On Venetian gentlemen inviting Algarotti to replicate his experiments in their city see Michelessi, op. cit. (9), p. xi. Zanotti's early experiments were discussed in his letters to Leprotti (1724-8), cod. Y 107 sup., Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Milan (henceforth BAM). See also Zanotti's letter to Beccari dated 5 August 1723, in F. M. Zanotti, Opere, 9 vols., Bologna, 1802, ix. Algarotti replicated a variant of Experiment 2, Book 1, Part 1; and Experiment 1, Book 1, Part 2 of I. Newton, Opticks, or a Treatise of the Reflections, Refractions, Inflections and Colours of Light [1704], New York, 1952, 23-6 and 113-16. See F. Algarotti, Dissertatio de colorum immutabilitate eorumque diversa refrangibilitate (1746), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), ii, 366-88. Letter of Zanotti to Leprotti, dated 18 June 1728, cod. Y 107 sup., 84 r/v (BAM). On 30 June 1728 Algarotti read his Conclusiones de luce, et coloribus, divo Antonio Academiae inexpertorum patrono dicatae, Bologna, 1728, in mss. 1259 (BCT). The mathematician Domenico Vandelli brought the British-made prisms to Bologna. Commentarii de Bononiensi Scientiarum et Artium Instituto atque Academia (1731), 1, 200-1. In the spring of 1729 Algarotti was waiting for another four prisms to arrive from England, and asked to borrow those of Antonio Conti in Venice. Algarotti, op. cit. (5), x, 307. On the prisms used by Algarotti see various essays in Atti della Fondazione Giorgio Ronchi (1957), 12. On the social process of making the prisms transparent see S. Schaffer, 'Glass works: Newton's prisms and the uses of experiment', in The Uses of Experiment: Studies in the Natural Sciences (ed. D. Gooding, T. Pinch and S. Schaffer), Cambridge, 1989. On the role of theoretical assumptions in this kind of experiment see also A. Shapiro, 'The gradual acceptance of Newton's theory of light and color, 1672-1727', Perspectives on Science (1996), 4, 59-140.
105. On Venetian gentlemen inviting Algarotti to replicate his experiments in their city see Michelessi, op. cit. (9), p. xi. Zanotti's early experiments were discussed in his letters to Leprotti (1724-8), cod. Y 107 sup., Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Milan (henceforth BAM). See also Zanotti's letter to Beccari dated 5 August 1723, in F. M. Zanotti, Opere, 9 vols., Bologna, 1802, ix. Algarotti replicated a variant of Experiment 2, Book 1, Part 1; and Experiment 1, Book 1, Part 2 of I. Newton, Opticks, or a Treatise of the Reflections, Refractions, Inflections and Colours of Light [1704], New York, 1952, 23-6 and 113-16. See F. Algarotti, Dissertatio de colorum immutabilitate eorumque diversa refrangibilitate (1746), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), ii, 366-88. Letter of Zanotti to Leprotti, dated 18 June 1728, cod. Y 107 sup., 84 r/v (BAM). On 30 June 1728 Algarotti read his Conclusiones de luce, et coloribus, divo Antonio Academiae inexpertorum patrono dicatae, Bologna, 1728, in mss. 1259 (BCT). The mathematician Domenico Vandelli brought the British-made prisms to Bologna. Commentarii de Bononiensi Scientiarum et Artium Instituto atque Academia (1731), 1, 200-1. In the spring of 1729 Algarotti was waiting for another four prisms to arrive from England, and asked to borrow those of Antonio Conti in Venice. Algarotti, op. cit. (5), x, 307. On the prisms used by Algarotti see various essays in Atti della Fondazione Giorgio Ronchi (1957), 12. On the social process of making the prisms transparent see S. Schaffer, 'Glass works: Newton's prisms and the uses of experiment', in The Uses of Experiment: Studies in the Natural Sciences (ed. D. Gooding, T. Pinch and S. Schaffer), Cambridge, 1989. On the role of theoretical assumptions in this kind of experiment see also A. Shapiro, 'The gradual acceptance of Newton's theory of light and color, 1672-1727', Perspectives on Science (1996), 4, 59-140.
106. On Venetian gentlemen inviting Algarotti to replicate his experiments in their city see Michelessi, op. cit. (9), p. xi. Zanotti's early experiments were discussed in his letters to Leprotti (1724-8), cod. Y 107 sup., Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Milan (henceforth BAM). See also Zanotti's letter to Beccari dated 5 August 1723, in F. M. Zanotti, Opere, 9 vols., Bologna, 1802, ix. Algarotti replicated a variant of Experiment 2, Book 1, Part 1; and Experiment 1, Book 1, Part 2 of I. Newton, Opticks, or a Treatise of the Reflections, Refractions, Inflections and Colours of Light [1704], New York, 1952, 23-6 and 113-16. See F. Algarotti, Dissertatio de colorum immutabilitate eorumque diversa refrangibilitate (1746), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), ii, 366-88. Letter of Zanotti to Leprotti, dated 18 June 1728, cod. Y 107 sup., 84 r/v (BAM). On 30 June 1728 Algarotti read his Conclusiones de luce, et coloribus, divo Antonio Academiae inexpertorum patrono dicatae, Bologna, 1728, in mss. 1259 (BCT). The mathematician Domenico Vandelli brought the British-made prisms to Bologna. Commentarii de Bononiensi Scientiarum et Artium Instituto atque Academia (1731), 1, 200-1. In the spring of 1729 Algarotti was waiting for another four prisms to arrive from England, and asked to borrow those of Antonio Conti in Venice. Algarotti, op. cit. (5), x, 307. On the prisms used by Algarotti see various essays in Atti della Fondazione Giorgio Ronchi (1957), 12. On the social process of making the prisms transparent see S. Schaffer, 'Glass works: Newton's prisms and the uses of experiment', in The Uses of Experiment: Studies in the Natural Sciences (ed. D. Gooding, T. Pinch and S. Schaffer), Cambridge, 1989. On the role of theoretical assumptions in this kind of experiment see also A. Shapiro, 'The gradual acceptance of Newton's theory of light and color, 1672-1727', Perspectives on Science (1996), 4, 59-140.
107. On Venetian gentlemen inviting Algarotti to replicate his experiments in their city see Michelessi, op. cit. (9), p. xi. Zanotti's early experiments were discussed in his letters to Leprotti (1724-8), cod. Y 107 sup., Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Milan (henceforth BAM). See also Zanotti's letter to Beccari dated 5 August 1723, in F. M. Zanotti, Opere, 9 vols., Bologna, 1802, ix. Algarotti replicated a variant of Experiment 2, Book 1, Part 1; and Experiment 1, Book 1, Part 2 of I. Newton, Opticks, or a Treatise of the Reflections, Refractions, Inflections and Colours of Light [1704], New York, 1952, 23-6 and 113-16. See F. Algarotti, Dissertatio de colorum immutabilitate eorumque diversa refrangibilitate (1746), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), ii, 366-88. Letter of Zanotti to Leprotti, dated 18 June 1728, cod. Y 107 sup., 84 r/v (BAM). On 30 June 1728 Algarotti read his Conclusiones de luce, et coloribus, divo Antonio Academiae inexpertorum patrono dicatae, Bologna, 1728, in mss. 1259 (BCT). The mathematician Domenico Vandelli brought the British-made prisms to Bologna. Commentarii de Bononiensi Scientiarum et Artium Instituto atque Academia (1731), 1, 200-1. In the spring of 1729 Algarotti was waiting for another four prisms to arrive from England, and asked to borrow those of Antonio Conti in Venice. Algarotti, op. cit. (5), x, 307. On the prisms used by Algarotti see various essays in Atti della Fondazione Giorgio Ronchi (1957), 12. On the social process of making the prisms transparent see S. Schaffer, 'Glass works: Newton's prisms and the uses of experiment', in The Uses of Experiment: Studies in the Natural Sciences (ed. D. Gooding, T. Pinch and S. Schaffer), Cambridge, 1989. On the role of theoretical assumptions in this kind of experiment see also A. Shapiro, 'The gradual acceptance of Newton's theory of light and color, 1672-1727', Perspectives on Science (1996), 4, 59-140.
108. On Venetian gentlemen inviting Algarotti to replicate his experiments in their city see Michelessi, op. cit. (9), p. xi. Zanotti's early experiments were discussed in his letters to Leprotti (1724-8), cod. Y 107 sup., Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Milan (henceforth BAM). See also Zanotti's letter to Beccari dated 5 August 1723, in F. M. Zanotti, Opere, 9 vols., Bologna, 1802, ix. Algarotti replicated a variant of Experiment 2, Book 1, Part 1; and Experiment 1, Book 1, Part 2 of I. Newton, Opticks, or a Treatise of the Reflections, Refractions, Inflections and Colours of Light [1704], New York, 1952, 23-6 and 113-16. See F. Algarotti, Dissertatio de colorum immutabilitate eorumque diversa refrangibilitate (1746), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), ii, 366-88. Letter of Zanotti to Leprotti, dated 18 June 1728, cod. Y 107 sup., 84 r/v (BAM). On 30 June 1728 Algarotti read his Conclusiones de luce, et coloribus, divo Antonio Academiae inexpertorum patrono dicatae, Bologna, 1728, in mss. 1259 (BCT). The mathematician Domenico Vandelli brought the British-made prisms to Bologna. Commentarii de Bononiensi Scientiarum et Artium Instituto atque Academia (1731), 1, 200-1. In the spring of 1729 Algarotti was waiting for another four prisms to arrive from England, and asked to borrow those of Antonio Conti in Venice. Algarotti, op. cit. (5), x, 307. On the prisms used by Algarotti see various essays in Atti della Fondazione Giorgio Ronchi (1957), 12. On the social process of making the prisms transparent see S. Schaffer, 'Glass works: Newton's prisms and the uses of experiment', in The Uses of Experiment: Studies in the Natural Sciences (ed. D. Gooding, T. Pinch and S. Schaffer), Cambridge, 1989. On the role of theoretical assumptions in this kind of experiment see also A. Shapiro, 'The gradual acceptance of Newton's theory of light and color, 1672-1727', Perspectives on Science (1996), 4, 59-140.
109. On Venetian gentlemen inviting Algarotti to replicate his experiments in their city see Michelessi, op. cit. (9), p. xi. Zanotti's early experiments were discussed in his letters to Leprotti (1724-8), cod. Y 107 sup., Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Milan (henceforth BAM). See also Zanotti's letter to Beccari dated 5 August 1723, in F. M. Zanotti, Opere, 9 vols., Bologna, 1802, ix. Algarotti replicated a variant of Experiment 2, Book 1, Part 1; and Experiment 1, Book 1, Part 2 of I. Newton, Opticks, or a Treatise of the Reflections, Refractions, Inflections and Colours of Light [1704], New York, 1952, 23-6 and 113-16. See F. Algarotti, Dissertatio de colorum immutabilitate eorumque diversa refrangibilitate (1746), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), ii, 366-88. Letter of Zanotti to Leprotti, dated 18 June 1728, cod. Y 107 sup., 84 r/v (BAM). On 30 June 1728 Algarotti read his Conclusiones de luce, et coloribus, divo Antonio Academiae inexpertorum patrono dicatae, Bologna, 1728, in mss. 1259 (BCT). The mathematician Domenico Vandelli brought the British-made prisms to Bologna. Commentarii de Bononiensi Scientiarum et Artium Instituto atque Academia (1731), 1, 200-1. In the spring of 1729 Algarotti was waiting for another four prisms to arrive from England, and asked to borrow those of Antonio Conti in Venice. Algarotti, op. cit. (5), x, 307. On the prisms used by Algarotti see various essays in Atti della Fondazione Giorgio Ronchi (1957), 12. On the social process of making the prisms transparent see S. Schaffer, 'Glass works: Newton's prisms and the uses of experiment', in The Uses of Experiment: Studies in the Natural Sciences (ed. D. Gooding, T. Pinch and S. Schaffer), Cambridge, 1989. On the role of theoretical assumptions in this kind of experiment see also A. Shapiro, 'The gradual acceptance of Newton's theory of light and color, 1672-1727', Perspectives on Science (1996), 4, 59-140.
110. On Venetian gentlemen inviting Algarotti to replicate his experiments in their city see Michelessi, op. cit. (9), p. xi. Zanotti's early experiments were discussed in his letters to Leprotti (1724-8), cod. Y 107 sup., Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Milan (henceforth BAM). See also Zanotti's letter to Beccari dated 5 August 1723, in F. M. Zanotti, Opere, 9 vols., Bologna, 1802, ix. Algarotti replicated a variant of Experiment 2, Book 1, Part 1; and Experiment 1, Book 1, Part 2 of I. Newton, Opticks, or a Treatise of the Reflections, Refractions, Inflections and Colours of Light [1704], New York, 1952, 23-6 and 113-16. See F. Algarotti, Dissertatio de colorum immutabilitate eorumque diversa refrangibilitate (1746), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), ii, 366-88. Letter of Zanotti to Leprotti, dated 18 June 1728, cod. Y 107 sup., 84 r/v (BAM). On 30 June 1728 Algarotti read his Conclusiones de luce, et coloribus, divo Antonio Academiae inexpertorum patrono dicatae, Bologna, 1728, in mss. 1259 (BCT). The mathematician Domenico Vandelli brought the British-made prisms to Bologna. Commentarii de Bononiensi Scientiarum et Artium Instituto atque Academia (1731), 1, 200-1. In the spring of 1729 Algarotti was waiting for another four prisms to arrive from England, and asked to borrow those of Antonio Conti in Venice. Algarotti, op. cit. (5), x, 307. On the prisms used by Algarotti see various essays in Atti della Fondazione Giorgio Ronchi (1957), 12. On the social process of making the prisms transparent see S. Schaffer, 'Glass works: Newton's prisms and the uses of experiment', in The Uses of Experiment: Studies in the Natural Sciences (ed. D. Gooding, T. Pinch and S. Schaffer), Cambridge, 1989. On the role of theoretical assumptions in this kind of experiment see also A. Shapiro, 'The gradual acceptance of Newton's theory of light and color, 1672-1727', Perspectives on Science (1996), 4, 59-140.
111. On the Catholic Church being keen on the new experimental sciences see V. Ferrone, The Intellectual Roots of the Italian Enlightenment: Newtonian Science, Religion, and Politics in the Early Eighteenth Century, New Jersey, 1995, 1-40. On the rupture between the Galileian and the Newtonian tradition in Italy, see the review to the Italian edition of Ferrone's Intellectual Roots by D. Generali and M. De Zan in Società e storia (1985), 30, 937-46.
112. On the Catholic Church being keen on the new experimental sciences see V. Ferrone, The Intellectual Roots of the Italian Enlightenment: Newtonian Science, Religion, and Politics in the Early Eighteenth Century, New Jersey, 1995, 1-40. On the rupture between the Galileian and the Newtonian tradition in Italy, see the review to the Italian edition of Ferrone's Intellectual Roots by D. Generali and M. De Zan in Società e storia (1985), 30, 937-46.
113. J. Desaguliers, 'An account of an optical experiment made before the Royal Society, on Thursday, Dec. 6th, and repeated on the 13th, 1722', Philosophical Transactions (1722-3), 32, 206-8. J. Desaguliers, 'Optical experiments made in the beginning of August 1728, before the president of the Royal Society and other gentlemen of several nations, upon occasion of Signior [sic] Rizzetti's Opticks, with an account of the said book', Philosophical Transactions (1727-8), 35, 596-629. The book in question was G. Rizzetti, De luminis affectionibus specimen physico mathematicum, Treviso and Venice, 1727. On Rizzetti's 'question of method' see Algarotti's letter to an anonymous recipient (n.d.), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), x, 336-7. See also Zanotti's letter to Leprotti (1728), cod. Y 107 sup., 91 r (BAM). On the impossibility of reasoning with Rizzerti see Algarotti's letter to Marcantonio Caldani (1759), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), x, 26-32. On Rizzetti's optical theory see F. Giudice, 'Giovanni Rizzetti, l'ottica newtoniana e la legge di rifrazione', Studi Settecenteschi (1998), 18, 45-63. The present interpretation clearly contrasts with the view of Rizzetti's anti-Newtonian battle as an isolated and historically irrelevant episode to be found in P. Casini, 'Newton in Italia, 1700-1740. Note di ricerca", in Newton e la coscienza europea, Bologna, 1983, 173-227, 202-7. On the ironic remarks about the British prisms as 'the only means to learn the science of colours', and the priority of the theoretical framework, see J. Riccati, De' principi e dei metodi della fisica, in idem, Opere, 4 vols., Lucca, 1761-5, ii, 485-6.
114. J. Desaguliers, 'An account of an optical experiment made before the Royal Society, on Thursday, Dec. 6th, and repeated on the 13th, 1722', Philosophical Transactions (1722-3), 32, 206-8. J. Desaguliers, 'Optical experiments made in the beginning of August 1728, before the president of the
115. J. Desaguliers, 'An account of an optical experiment made before the Royal Society, on Thursday, Dec. 6th, and repeated on the 13th, 1722', Philosophical Transactions (1722-3), 32, 206-8. J. Desaguliers, 'Optical experiments made in the beginning of August 1728, before the president of the Royal Society and other gentlemen of several nations, upon occasion of Signior [sic] Rizzetti's Opticks, with an account of the said book', Philosophical Transactions (1727-8), 35, 596-629. The book in question was G. Rizzetti, De luminis affectionibus specimen physico mathematicum, Treviso and Venice, 1727. On Rizzetti's 'question of method' see Algarotti's letter to an anonymous recipient (n.d.), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), x, 336-7. See also Zanotti's letter to Leprotti (1728), cod. Y 107 sup., 91 r (BAM). On the impossibility of reasoning with Rizzerti see Algarotti's letter to Marcantonio Caldani (1759), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), x, 26-32. On Rizzetti's optical theory see F. Giudice, 'Giovanni Rizzetti, l'ottica newtoniana e la legge di rifrazione', Studi Settecenteschi (1998), 18, 45-63. The present interpretation clearly contrasts with the view of Rizzetti's anti-Newtonian battle as an isolated and historically irrelevant episode to be found in P. Casini, 'Newton in Italia, 1700-1740. Note di ricerca", in Newton e la coscienza europea, Bologna, 1983, 173-227, 202-7. On the ironic remarks about the British prisms as 'the only means to learn the science of colours', and the priority of the theoretical framework, see J. Riccati, De' principi e dei metodi della fisica, in idem, Opere, 4 vols., Lucca, 1761-5, ii, 485-6.
116. J. Desaguliers, 'An account of an optical experiment made before the Royal Society, on Thursday, Dec. 6th, and repeated on the 13th, 1722', Philosophical Transactions (1722-3), 32, 206-8. J. Desaguliers, 'Optical experiments made in the beginning of August 1728, before the president of the Royal Society and other gentlemen of several nations, upon occasion of Signior [sic] Rizzetti's Opticks, with an account of the said book', Philosophical Transactions (1727-8), 35, 596-629. The book in question was G. Rizzetti, De luminis affectionibus specimen physico mathematicum, Treviso and Venice, 1727. On Rizzetti's 'question of method' see Algarotti's letter to an anonymous recipient (n.d.), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), x, 336-7. See also Zanotti's letter to Leprotti (1728), cod. Y 107 sup., 91 r (BAM). On the impossibility of reasoning with Rizzerti see Algarotti's letter to Marcantonio Caldani (1759), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), x, 26-32. On Rizzetti's optical theory see F. Giudice, 'Giovanni Rizzetti, l'ottica newtoniana e la legge di rifrazione', Studi Settecenteschi (1998), 18, 45-63. The present interpretation clearly contrasts with the view of Rizzetti's anti-Newtonian battle as an isolated and historically irrelevant episode to be found in P. Casini, 'Newton in Italia, 1700-1740. Note di ricerca", in Newton e la coscienza europea, Bologna, 1983, 173-227, 202-7. On the ironic remarks about the British prisms as 'the only means to learn the science of colours', and the priority of the theoretical framework, see J. Riccati, De' principi e dei metodi della fisica, in idem, Opere, 4 vols., Lucca, 1761-5, ii, 485-6.
117. J. Desaguliers, 'An account of an optical experiment made before the Royal Society, on Thursday, Dec. 6th, and repeated on the 13th, 1722', Philosophical Transactions (1722-3), 32, 206-8. J. Desaguliers, 'Optical experiments made in the beginning of August 1728, before the president of the Royal Society and other gentlemen of several nations, upon occasion of Signior [sic] Rizzetti's Opticks, with an account of the said book', Philosophical Transactions (1727-8), 35, 596-629. The book in question was G. Rizzetti, De luminis affectionibus specimen physico mathematicum, Treviso and Venice, 1727. On Rizzetti's 'question of method' see Algarotti's letter to an anonymous recipient (n.d.), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), x, 336-7. See also Zanotti's letter to Leprotti (1728), cod. Y 107 sup., 91 r (BAM). On the impossibility of reasoning with Rizzerti see Algarotti's letter to Marcantonio Caldani (1759), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), x, 26-32. On Rizzetti's optical theory see F. Giudice, 'Giovanni Rizzetti, l'ottica newtoniana e la legge di rifrazione', Studi Settecenteschi (1998), 18, 45-63. The present interpretation clearly contrasts with the view of Rizzetti's anti-Newtonian battle as an isolated and historically irrelevant episode to be found in P. Casini, 'Newton in Italia, 1700-1740. Note di ricerca", in Newton e la coscienza europea, Bologna, 1983, 173-227, 202-7. On the ironic remarks about the British prisms as 'the only means to learn the science of colours', and the priority of the theoretical framework, see J. Riccati, De' principi e dei metodi della fisica, in idem, Opere, 4 vols., Lucca, 1761-5, ii, 485-6.
118. J. Desaguliers, 'An account of an optical experiment made before the Royal Society, on Thursday, Dec. 6th, and repeated on the 13th, 1722', Philosophical Transactions (1722-3), 32, 206-8. J. Desaguliers, 'Optical experiments made in the beginning of August 1728, before the president of the Royal Society and other gentlemen of several nations, upon occasion of Signior [sic] Rizzetti's Opticks, with an account of the said book', Philosophical Transactions (1727-8), 35, 596-629. The book in question was G. Rizzetti, De luminis affectionibus specimen physico mathematicum, Treviso and Venice, 1727. On Rizzetti's 'question of method' see Algarotti's letter to an anonymous recipient (n.d.), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), x, 336-7. See also Zanotti's letter to Leprotti (1728), cod. Y 107 sup., 91 r (BAM). On the impossibility of reasoning with Rizzerti see Algarotti's letter to Marcantonio Caldani (1759), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), x, 26-32. On Rizzetti's optical theory see F. Giudice, 'Giovanni Rizzetti, l'ottica newtoniana e la legge di rifrazione', Studi Settecenteschi (1998), 18, 45-63. The present interpretation clearly contrasts with the view of Rizzetti's anti-Newtonian battle as an isolated and historically irrelevant episode to be found in P. Casini, 'Newton in Italia, 1700-1740. Note di ricerca", in Newton e la coscienza europea, Bologna, 1983, 173-227, 202-7. On the ironic remarks about the British prisms as 'the only means to learn the science of colours', and the priority of the theoretical framework, see J. Riccati, De' principi e dei metodi della fisica, in idem, Opere, 4 vols., Lucca, 1761-5, ii, 485-6.
119. J. Desaguliers, 'An account of an optical experiment made before the Royal Society, on Thursday, Dec. 6th, and repeated on the 13th, 1722', Philosophical Transactions (1722-3), 32, 206-8. J. Desaguliers, 'Optical experiments made in the beginning of August 1728, before the president of the Royal Society and other gentlemen of several nations, upon occasion of Signior [sic] Rizzetti's Opticks, with an account of the said book', Philosophical Transactions (1727-8), 35, 596-629. The book in question was G. Rizzetti, De luminis affectionibus specimen physico mathematicum, Treviso and Venice, 1727. On Rizzetti's 'question of method' see Algarotti's letter to an anonymous recipient (n.d.), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), x, 336-7. See also Zanotti's letter to Leprotti (1728), cod. Y 107 sup., 91 r (BAM). On the impossibility of reasoning with Rizzerti see Algarotti's letter to Marcantonio Caldani (1759), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), x, 26-32. On Rizzetti's optical theory see F. Giudice, 'Giovanni Rizzetti, l'ottica newtoniana e la legge di rifrazione', Studi Settecenteschi (1998), 18, 45-63. The present interpretation clearly contrasts with the view of Rizzetti's anti-Newtonian battle as an isolated and historically irrelevant episode to be found in P. Casini, 'Newton in Italia, 1700-1740. Note di ricerca", in Newton e la coscienza europea, Bologna, 1983, 173-227, 202-7. On the ironic remarks about the British prisms as 'the only means to learn the science of colours', and the priority of the theoretical framework, see J. Riccati, De' principi e dei metodi della fisica, in idem, Opere, 4 vols., Lucca, 1761-5, ii, 485-6.
120. J. Desaguliers, 'An account of an optical experiment made before the Royal Society, on Thursday, Dec. 6th, and repeated on the 13th, 1722', Philosophical Transactions (1722-3), 32, 206-8. J. Desaguliers, 'Optical experiments made in the beginning of August 1728, before the president of the Royal Society and other gentlemen of several nations, upon occasion of Signior [sic] Rizzetti's Opticks, with an account of the said book', Philosophical Transactions (1727-8), 35, 596-629. The book in question was G. Rizzetti, De luminis affectionibus specimen physico mathematicum, Treviso and Venice, 1727. On Rizzetti's 'question of method' see Algarotti's letter to an anonymous recipient (n.d.), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), x, 336-7. See also Zanotti's letter to Leprotti (1728), cod. Y 107 sup., 91 r (BAM). On the impossibility of reasoning with Rizzerti see Algarotti's letter to Marcantonio Caldani (1759), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), x, 26-32. On Rizzetti's optical theory see F. Giudice, 'Giovanni Rizzetti, l'ottica newtoniana e la legge di rifrazione', Studi Settecenteschi (1998), 18, 45-63. The present interpretation clearly contrasts with the view of Rizzetti's anti-Newtonian battle as an isolated and historically irrelevant episode to be found in P. Casini, 'Newton in Italia, 1700-1740. Note di ricerca", in Newton e la coscienza europea, Bologna, 1983, 173-227, 202-7. On the ironic remarks about the British prisms as 'the only means to learn the science of colours', and the priority of the theoretical framework, see J. Riccati, De' principi e dei metodi della fisica, in idem, Opere, 4 vols., Lucca, 1761-5, ii, 485-6.
121. On the relations between mathematics, natural philosophy and theology in Riccati see his Saggio intorno al sistema dell'universo, in Riccati, Opere, op. cit. (25), i, 4-432. See also his Dell'analogia fra i suoni ed i colori, e del vero modo di filosofare in Fisica (1736), in Opere, op. cit. (25), iii, 479-500; and two letters in defence of Rizzetti (1728), in Opere, op. cit. (25), iv, 109-22. See also M. L. Soppelsa, 'Jacopo Riccati e l'Illuminismo filosofico e scientifico veneto', in I Riccati e la cultura della Marca nel Settecento europeo (ed. G. Piaia and M. L. Soppelsa), Florence, 1992, 27-73. On Muratorian culture and the practice of sciences see Mazzotti, op. cit. (17). Among Muratori's most influential works were Delle riflessioni sopra il buon gusto nelle Scienze e nelle Arti di Lamindo Pritanio, Venice, 1708; De ingeniorum moderatione in religionis negotio, Paris, 1714; Della forza dell'intendimento umano, o sia il pirronismo confutato, Venice, 1745. On Muratori see A. Vecchi, L'opera religiosa del Muratori, Modena, 1956; E. Zlabinger, Lodovico Antonio Muratori und Österreich, Innsbruck, 1970; and C. Continisio, Il governo delle passioni. Prudenza, giustizia e carità nel pensiero politico di Lodovico Antonio Muratori, Florence, 1999. Former interpretations of early eighteenth-century Venetian culture have emphasized its radical components while overlooking important religious currents such as the Muratorian. See Ferrone, op. cit. (24), 89-121; and J. Israel, Radical Enlightenment: Philosophy and the Making of Modernity, 1650-1750, Oxford, 2001, 677-83.
122. On the relations between mathematics, natural philosophy and theology in Riccati see his Saggio intorno al sistema dell'universo, in Riccati, Opere, op. cit. (25), i, 4-432. See also his Dell'analogia fra i suoni ed i colori, e del vero modo di filosofare in Fisica (1736), in Opere, op. cit. (25), iii, 479-500; and two letters in defence of Rizzetti (1728), in Opere, op. cit. (25), iv, 109-22. See also M. L. Soppelsa, 'Jacopo Riccati e l'Illuminismo filosofico e scientifico veneto', in I Riccati e la cultura della Marca nel Settecento europeo (ed. G. Piaia and M. L. Soppelsa), Florence, 1992, 27-73. On Muratorian culture and the practice of sciences see Mazzotti, op. cit. (17). Among Muratori's most influential works were Delle riflessioni sopra il buon gusto nelle Scienze e nelle Arti di Lamindo Pritanio, Venice, 1708; De ingeniorum moderatione in religionis negotio, Paris, 1714; Della forza dell'intendimento umano, o sia il pirronismo confutato, Venice, 1745. On Muratori see A. Vecchi, L'opera religiosa del Muratori, Modena, 1956; E. Zlabinger, Lodovico Antonio Muratori und Österreich, Innsbruck, 1970; and C. Continisio, Il governo delle passioni. Prudenza, giustizia e carità nel pensiero politico di Lodovico Antonio Muratori, Florence, 1999. Former interpretations of early eighteenth-century Venetian culture have emphasized its radical components while overlooking important religious currents such as the Muratorian. See Ferrone, op. cit. (24), 89-121; and J. Israel, Radical Enlightenment: Philosophy and the Making of Modernity, 1650-1750, Oxford, 2001, 677-83.
123. On the relations between mathematics, natural philosophy and theology in Riccati see his Saggio intorno al sistema dell'universo, in Riccati, Opere, op. cit. (25), i, 4-432. See also his Dell'analogia fra i suoni ed i colori, e del vero modo di filosofare in Fisica (1736), in Opere, op. cit. (25), iii, 479-500; and two letters in defence of Rizzetti (1728), in Opere, op. cit. (25), iv, 109-22. See also M. L. Soppelsa, 'Jacopo Riccati e l'Illuminismo filosofico e scientifico veneto', in I Riccati e la cultura della Marca nel Settecento europeo (ed. G. Piaia and M. L. Soppelsa), Florence, 1992, 27-73. On Muratorian culture and the practice of sciences see Mazzotti, op. cit. (17). Among Muratori's most influential works were Delle riflessioni sopra il buon gusto nelle Scienze e nelle Arti di Lamindo Pritanio, Venice, 1708; De ingeniorum moderatione in religionis negotio, Paris, 1714; Della forza dell'intendimento umano, o sia il pirronismo confutato, Venice, 1745. On Muratori see A. Vecchi, L'opera religiosa del Muratori, Modena, 1956; E. Zlabinger, Lodovico Antonio Muratori und Österreich, Innsbruck, 1970; and C. Continisio, Il governo delle passioni. Prudenza, giustizia e carità nel pensiero politico di Lodovico Antonio Muratori, Florence, 1999. Former interpretations of early eighteenth-century Venetian culture have emphasized its radical components while overlooking important religious currents such as the Muratorian. See Ferrone, op. cit. (24), 89-121; and J. Israel, Radical Enlightenment: Philosophy and the Making of Modernity, 1650-1750, Oxford, 2001, 677-83.
124. On the relations between mathematics, natural philosophy and theology in Riccati see his Saggio intorno al sistema dell'universo, in Riccati, Opere, op. cit. (25), i, 4-432. See also his Dell'analogia fra i suoni ed i colori, e del vero modo di filosofare in Fisica (1736), in Opere, op. cit. (25), iii, 479-500; and two letters in defence of Rizzetti (1728), in Opere, op. cit. (25), iv, 109-22. See also M. L. Soppelsa, 'Jacopo Riccati e l'Illuminismo filosofico e scientifico veneto', in I Riccati e la cultura della Marca nel Settecento europeo (ed. G. Piaia and M. L. Soppelsa), Florence, 1992, 27-73. On Muratorian culture and the practice of sciences see Mazzotti, op. cit. (17). Among Muratori's most influential works were Delle riflessioni sopra il buon gusto nelle Scienze e nelle Arti di Lamindo Pritanio, Venice, 1708; De ingeniorum moderatione in religionis negotio, Paris, 1714; Della forza dell'intendimento umano, o sia il pirronismo confutato, Venice, 1745. On Muratori see A. Vecchi, L'opera religiosa del Muratori, Modena, 1956; E. Zlabinger, Lodovico Antonio Muratori und Österreich, Innsbruck, 1970; and C. Continisio, Il governo delle passioni. Prudenza, giustizia e carità nel pensiero politico di Lodovico Antonio Muratori, Florence, 1999. Former interpretations of early eighteenth-century Venetian culture have emphasized its radical components while overlooking important religious currents such as the Muratorian. See Ferrone, op. cit. (24), 89-121; and J. Israel, Radical Enlightenment: Philosophy and the Making of Modernity, 1650-1750, Oxford, 2001, 677-83.
125. On the relations between mathematics, natural philosophy and theology in Riccati see his Saggio intorno al sistema dell'universo, in Riccati, Opere, op. cit. (25), i, 4-432. See also his Dell'analogia fra i suoni ed i colori, e del vero modo di filosofare in Fisica (1736), in Opere, op. cit. (25), iii, 479-500; and two letters in defence of Rizzetti (1728), in Opere, op. cit. (25), iv, 109-22. See also M. L. Soppelsa, 'Jacopo Riccati e l'Illuminismo filosofico e scientifico veneto', in I Riccati e la cultura della Marca nel Settecento europeo (ed. G. Piaia and M. L. Soppelsa), Florence, 1992, 27-73. On Muratorian culture and the practice of sciences see Mazzotti, op. cit. (17). Among Muratori's most influential works were Delle riflessioni sopra il buon gusto nelle Scienze e nelle Arti di Lamindo Pritanio, Venice, 1708; De ingeniorum moderatione in religionis negotio, Paris, 1714; Della forza dell'intendimento umano, o sia il pirronismo confutato, Venice, 1745. On Muratori see A. Vecchi, L'opera religiosa del Muratori, Modena, 1956; E. Zlabinger, Lodovico Antonio Muratori und Österreich, Innsbruck, 1970; and C. Continisio, Il governo delle passioni. Prudenza, giustizia e carità nel pensiero politico di Lodovico Antonio Muratori, Florence, 1999. Former interpretations of early eighteenth-century Venetian culture have emphasized its radical components while overlooking important religious currents such as the Muratorian. See Ferrone, op. cit. (24), 89-121; and J. Israel, Radical Enlightenment: Philosophy and the Making of Modernity, 1650-1750, Oxford, 2001, 677-83.
126. On the relations between mathematics, natural philosophy and theology in Riccati see his Saggio intorno al sistema dell'universo, in Riccati, Opere, op. cit. (25), i, 4-432. See also his Dell'analogia fra i suoni ed i colori, e del vero modo di filosofare in Fisica (1736), in Opere, op. cit. (25), iii, 479-500; and two letters in defence of Rizzetti (1728), in Opere, op. cit. (25), iv, 109-22. See also M. L. Soppelsa, 'Jacopo Riccati e l'Illuminismo filosofico e scientifico veneto', in I Riccati e la cultura della Marca nel Settecento europeo (ed. G. Piaia and M. L. Soppelsa), Florence, 1992, 27-73. On Muratorian culture and the practice of sciences see Mazzotti, op. cit. (17). Among Muratori's most influential works were Delle riflessioni sopra il buon gusto nelle Scienze e nelle Arti di Lamindo Pritanio, Venice, 1708; De ingeniorum moderatione in religionis negotio, Paris, 1714; Della forza dell'intendimento umano, o sia il pirronismo confutato, Venice, 1745. On Muratori see A. Vecchi, L'opera religiosa del Muratori, Modena, 1956; E. Zlabinger, Lodovico Antonio Muratori und Österreich, Innsbruck, 1970; and C. Continisio, Il governo delle passioni. Prudenza, giustizia e carità nel pensiero politico di Lodovico Antonio Muratori, Florence, 1999. Former interpretations of early eighteenth-century Venetian culture have emphasized its radical components while overlooking important religious currents such as the Muratorian. See Ferrone, op. cit. (24), 89-121; and J. Israel, Radical Enlightenment: Philosophy and the Making of Modernity, 1650-1750, Oxford, 2001, 677-83.
127. On the relations between mathematics, natural philosophy and theology in Riccati see his Saggio intorno al sistema dell'universo, in Riccati, Opere, op. cit. (25), i, 4-432. See also his Dell'analogia fra i suoni ed i colori, e del vero modo di filosofare in Fisica (1736), in Opere, op. cit. (25), iii, 479-500; and two letters in defence of Rizzetti (1728), in Opere, op. cit. (25), iv, 109-22. See also M. L. Soppelsa, 'Jacopo Riccati e l'Illuminismo filosofico e scientifico veneto', in I Riccati e la cultura della Marca nel Settecento europeo (ed. G. Piaia and M. L. Soppelsa), Florence, 1992, 27-73. On Muratorian culture and the practice of sciences see Mazzotti, op. cit. (17). Among Muratori's most influential works were Delle riflessioni sopra il buon gusto nelle Scienze e nelle Arti di Lamindo Pritanio, Venice, 1708; De ingeniorum moderatione in religionis negotio, Paris, 1714; Della forza dell'intendimento umano, o sia il pirronismo confutato, Venice, 1745. On Muratori see A. Vecchi, L'opera religiosa del Muratori, Modena, 1956; E. Zlabinger, Lodovico Antonio Muratori und Österreich, Innsbruck, 1970; and C. Continisio, Il governo delle passioni. Prudenza, giustizia e carità nel pensiero politico di Lodovico Antonio Muratori, Florence, 1999. Former interpretations of early eighteenth-century Venetian culture have emphasized its radical components while overlooking important religious currents such as the Muratorian. See Ferrone, op. cit. (24), 89-121; and J. Israel, Radical Enlightenment: Philosophy and the Making of Modernity, 1650-1750, Oxford, 2001, 677-83.
128. On the relations between mathematics, natural philosophy and theology in Riccati see his Saggio intorno al sistema dell'universo, in Riccati, Opere, op. cit. (25), i, 4-432. See also his Dell'analogia fra i suoni ed i colori, e del vero modo di filosofare in Fisica (1736), in Opere, op. cit. (25), iii, 479-500; and two letters in defence of Rizzetti (1728), in Opere, op. cit. (25), iv, 109-22. See also M. L. Soppelsa, 'Jacopo Riccati e l'Illuminismo filosofico e scientifico veneto', in I Riccati e la cultura della Marca nel Settecento europeo (ed. G. Piaia and M. L. Soppelsa), Florence, 1992, 27-73. On Muratorian culture and the practice of sciences see Mazzotti, op. cit. (17). Among Muratori's most influential works were Delle riflessioni sopra il buon gusto nelle Scienze e nelle Arti di Lamindo Pritanio, Venice, 1708; De ingeniorum moderatione in religionis negotio, Paris, 1714; Della forza dell'intendimento umano, o sia il pirronismo confutato, Venice, 1745. On Muratori see A. Vecchi, L'opera religiosa del Muratori, Modena, 1956; E. Zlabinger, Lodovico Antonio Muratori und Österreich, Innsbruck, 1970; and C. Continisio, Il governo delle passioni. Prudenza, giustizia e carità nel pensiero politico di Lodovico Antonio Muratori, Florence, 1999. Former interpretations of early eighteenth-century Venetian culture have emphasized its radical components while overlooking important religious currents such as the Muratorian. See Ferrone, op. cit. (24), 89-121; and J. Israel, Radical Enlightenment: Philosophy and the Making of Modernity, 1650-1750, Oxford, 2001, 677-83.
129. On the relations between mathematics, natural philosophy and theology in Riccati see his Saggio intorno al sistema dell'universo, in Riccati, Opere, op. cit. (25), i, 4-432. See also his Dell'analogia fra i suoni ed i colori, e del vero modo di filosofare in Fisica (1736), in Opere, op. cit. (25), iii, 479-500; and two letters in defence of Rizzetti (1728), in Opere, op. cit. (25), iv, 109-22. See also M. L. Soppelsa, 'Jacopo Riccati e l'Illuminismo filosofico e scientifico veneto', in I Riccati e la cultura della Marca nel Settecento europeo (ed. G. Piaia and M. L. Soppelsa), Florence, 1992, 27-73. On Muratorian culture and the practice of sciences see Mazzotti, op. cit. (17). Among Muratori's most influential works were Delle riflessioni sopra il buon gusto nelle Scienze e nelle Arti di Lamindo Pritanio, Venice, 1708; De ingeniorum moderatione in religionis negotio, Paris, 1714; Della forza dell'intendimento umano, o sia il pirronismo confutato, Venice, 1745. On Muratori see A. Vecchi, L'opera religiosa del Muratori, Modena, 1956; E. Zlabinger, Lodovico Antonio Muratori und Österreich, Innsbruck, 1970; and C. Continisio, Il governo delle passioni. Prudenza, giustizia e carità nel pensiero politico di Lodovico Antonio Muratori, Florence, 1999. Former interpretations of early eighteenth-century Venetian culture have emphasized its radical components while overlooking important religious currents such as the Muratorian. See Ferrone, op. cit. (24), 89-121; and J. Israel, Radical Enlightenment: Philosophy and the Making of Modernity, 1650-1750, Oxford, 2001, 677-83.
130. On the relations between mathematics, natural philosophy and theology in Riccati see his Saggio intorno al sistema dell'universo, in Riccati, Opere, op. cit. (25), i, 4-432. See also his Dell'analogia fra i suoni ed i colori, e del vero modo di filosofare in Fisica (1736), in Opere, op. cit. (25), iii, 479-500; and two letters in defence of Rizzetti (1728), in Opere, op. cit. (25), iv, 109-22. See also M. L. Soppelsa, 'Jacopo Riccati e l'Illuminismo filosofico e scientifico veneto', in I Riccati e la cultura della Marca nel Settecento europeo (ed. G. Piaia and M. L. Soppelsa), Florence, 1992, 27-73. On Muratorian culture and the practice of sciences see Mazzotti, op. cit. (17). Among Muratori's most influential works were Delle riflessioni sopra il buon gusto nelle Scienze e nelle Arti di Lamindo Pritanio, Venice, 1708; De ingeniorum moderatione in religionis negotio, Paris, 1714; Della forza dell'intendimento umano, o sia il pirronismo confutato, Venice, 1745. On Muratori see A. Vecchi, L'opera religiosa del Muratori, Modena, 1956; E. Zlabinger, Lodovico Antonio Muratori und Österreich, Innsbruck, 1970; and C. Continisio, Il governo delle passioni. Prudenza, giustizia e carità nel pensiero politico di Lodovico Antonio Muratori, Florence, 1999. Former interpretations of early eighteenth-century Venetian culture have emphasized its radical components while overlooking important religious currents such as the Muratorian. See Ferrone, op. cit. (24), 89-121; and J. Israel, Radical Enlightenment: Philosophy and the Making of Modernity, 1650-1750, Oxford, 2001, 677-83.
131. On the relations between mathematics, natural philosophy and theology in Riccati see his Saggio intorno al sistema dell'universo, in Riccati, Opere, op. cit. (25), i, 4-432. See also his Dell'analogia fra i suoni ed i colori, e del vero modo di filosofare in Fisica (1736), in Opere, op. cit. (25), iii, 479-500; and two letters in defence of Rizzetti (1728), in Opere, op. cit. (25), iv, 109-22. See also M. L. Soppelsa, 'Jacopo Riccati e l'Illuminismo filosofico e scientifico veneto', in I Riccati e la cultura della Marca nel Settecento europeo (ed. G. Piaia and M. L. Soppelsa), Florence, 1992, 27-73. On Muratorian culture and the practice of sciences see Mazzotti, op. cit. (17). Among Muratori's most influential works were Delle riflessioni sopra il buon gusto nelle Scienze e nelle Arti di Lamindo Pritanio, Venice, 1708; De ingeniorum moderatione in religionis negotio, Paris, 1714; Della forza dell'intendimento umano, o sia il pirronismo confutato, Venice, 1745. On Muratori see A. Vecchi, L'opera religiosa del Muratori, Modena, 1956; E. Zlabinger, Lodovico Antonio Muratori und Österreich, Innsbruck, 1970; and C. Continisio, Il governo delle passioni. Prudenza, giustizia e carità nel pensiero politico di Lodovico Antonio Muratori, Florence, 1999. Former interpretations of early eighteenth-century Venetian culture have emphasized its radical components while overlooking important religious currents such as the Muratorian. See Ferrone, op. cit. (24), 89-121; and J. Israel, Radical Enlightenment: Philosophy and the Making of Modernity, 1650-1750, Oxford, 2001, 677-83.
132. On the relations between mathematics, natural philosophy and theology in Riccati see his Saggio intorno al sistema dell'universo, in Riccati, Opere, op. cit. (25), i, 4-432. See also his Dell'analogia fra i suoni ed i colori, e del vero modo di filosofare in Fisica (1736), in Opere, op. cit. (25), iii, 479-500; and two letters in defence of Rizzetti (1728), in Opere, op. cit. (25), iv, 109-22. See also M. L. Soppelsa, 'Jacopo Riccati e l'Illuminismo filosofico e scientifico veneto', in I Riccati e la cultura della Marca nel Settecento europeo (ed. G. Piaia and M. L. Soppelsa), Florence, 1992, 27-73. On Muratorian culture and the practice of sciences see Mazzotti, op. cit. (17). Among Muratori's most influential works were Delle riflessioni sopra il buon gusto nelle Scienze e nelle Arti di Lamindo Pritanio, Venice, 1708; De ingeniorum moderatione in religionis negotio, Paris, 1714; Della forza dell'intendimento umano, o sia il pirronismo confutato, Venice, 1745. On Muratori see A. Vecchi, L'opera religiosa del Muratori, Modena, 1956; E. Zlabinger, Lodovico Antonio Muratori und Österreich, Innsbruck, 1970; and C. Continisio, Il governo delle passioni. Prudenza, giustizia e carità nel pensiero politico di Lodovico Antonio Muratori, Florence, 1999. Former interpretations of early eighteenth-century Venetian culture have emphasized its radical components while overlooking important religious currents such as the Muratorian. See Ferrone, op. cit. (24), 89-121; and J. Israel, Radical Enlightenment: Philosophy and the Making of Modernity, 1650-1750, Oxford, 2001, 677-83.
133. On the relations between mathematics, natural philosophy and theology in Riccati see his Saggio intorno al sistema dell'universo, in Riccati, Opere, op. cit. (25), i, 4-432. See also his Dell'analogia fra i suoni ed i colori, e del vero modo di filosofare in Fisica (1736), in Opere, op. cit. (25), iii, 479-500; and two letters in defence of Rizzetti (1728), in Opere, op. cit. (25), iv, 109-22. See also M. L. Soppelsa, 'Jacopo Riccati e l'Illuminismo filosofico e scientifico veneto', in I Riccati e la cultura della Marca nel Settecento europeo (ed. G. Piaia and M. L. Soppelsa), Florence, 1992, 27-73. On Muratorian culture and the practice of sciences see Mazzotti, op. cit. (17). Among Muratori's most influential works were Delle riflessioni sopra il buon gusto nelle Scienze e nelle Arti di Lamindo Pritanio, Venice, 1708; De ingeniorum moderatione in religionis negotio, Paris, 1714; Della forza dell'intendimento umano, o sia il pirronismo confutato, Venice, 1745. On Muratori see A. Vecchi, L'opera religiosa del Muratori, Modena, 1956; E. Zlabinger, Lodovico Antonio Muratori und Österreich, Innsbruck, 1970; and C. Continisio, Il governo delle passioni. Prudenza, giustizia e carità nel pensiero politico di Lodovico Antonio Muratori, Florence, 1999. Former interpretations of early eighteenth-century Venetian culture have emphasized its radical components while overlooking important religious currents such as the Muratorian. See Ferrone, op. cit. (24), 89-121; and J. Israel, Radical Enlightenment: Philosophy and the Making of Modernity, 1650-1750, Oxford, 2001, 677-83.
134. Algarotti officially reported on his successful experiments on 7 April 1729. See Registro degli Atti dal 1723 al 1804, Archivio della Antica Accademia delle Scienze di Bologna. See also A. Angelini (ed.), Anatomie accademiche. Vol. 3: L'Istituto delle Scienze e l'Accademia, Bologna, 1993, 326. Rizzetti's memoir was 'De corporum collisionibus, et inde orta motuum comunicatione ad Franciscum M. Zanottum Epistola', Commentarii de Bononiensi Scientiarum et Artium Instituto aique Academia (1731), 1, 497-514. See also Zanotti's comments (213-32). Reference to Algarotti's experiments was made in F. Zanotti, 'De lapide bononiensi', Commentarii de Bononiensi Scientiarum et Artium Instituto atque Academia (1731), 1, 181-205. On the manuscript that was never sent see Manfredi's letters in the appendix of Saggio delle Transazioni Filosofiche della Società Regia dall'anno 1720 fino a tutto l'anno 1730, 5 vols., Naples, 1734. See also Manfredi's letter to Algarotti (1729), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 38-9. The last quote is from a letter of Algarotti to Zanotti (1732), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 386.
135. Algarotti officially reported on his successful experiments on 7 April 1729. See Registro degli Atti dal 1723 al 1804, Archivio della Antica Accademia delle Scienze di Bologna. See also A. Angelini (ed.), Anatomie accademiche. Vol. 3: L'Istituto delle Scienze e l'Accademia, Bologna, 1993, 326. Rizzetti's memoir was 'De corporum collisionibus, et inde orta motuum comunicatione ad Franciscum M. Zanottum Epistola', Commentarii de Bononiensi Scientiarum et Artium Instituto aique Academia (1731), 1, 497-514. See also Zanotti's comments (213-32). Reference to Algarotti's experiments was made in F. Zanotti, 'De lapide bononiensi', Commentarii de Bononiensi Scientiarum et Artium Instituto atque Academia (1731), 1, 181-205. On the manuscript that was never sent see Manfredi's letters in the appendix of Saggio delle Transazioni Filosofiche della Società Regia dall'anno 1720 fino a tutto l'anno 1730, 5 vols., Naples, 1734. See also Manfredi's letter to Algarotti (1729), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 38-9. The last quote is from a letter of Algarotti to Zanotti (1732), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 386.
136. Algarotti officially reported on his successful experiments on 7 April 1729. See Registro degli Atti dal 1723 al 1804, Archivio della Antica Accademia delle Scienze di Bologna. See also A. Angelini (ed.), Anatomie accademiche. Vol. 3: L'Istituto delle Scienze e l'Accademia, Bologna, 1993, 326. Rizzetti's memoir was 'De corporum collisionibus, et inde orta motuum comunicatione ad Franciscum M. Zanottum Epistola', Commentarii de Bononiensi Scientiarum et Artium Instituto aique Academia (1731), 1, 497-514. See also Zanotti's comments (213-32). Reference to Algarotti's experiments was made in F. Zanotti, 'De lapide bononiensi', Commentarii de Bononiensi Scientiarum et Artium Instituto atque Academia (1731), 1, 181-205. On the manuscript that was never sent see Manfredi's letters in the appendix of Saggio delle Transazioni Filosofiche della Società Regia dall'anno 1720 fino a tutto l'anno 1730, 5 vols., Naples, 1734. See also Manfredi's letter to Algarotti (1729), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 38-9. The last quote is from a letter of Algarotti to Zanotti (1732), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 386.
137. Algarotti officially reported on his successful experiments on 7 April 1729. See Registro degli Atti dal 1723 al 1804, Archivio della Antica Accademia delle Scienze di Bologna. See also A. Angelini (ed.), Anatomie accademiche. Vol. 3: L'Istituto delle Scienze e l'Accademia, Bologna, 1993, 326. Rizzetti's memoir was 'De corporum collisionibus, et inde orta motuum comunicatione ad Franciscum M. Zanottum Epistola', Commentarii de Bononiensi Scientiarum et Artium Instituto aique Academia (1731), 1, 497-514. See also Zanotti's comments (213-32). Reference to Algarotti's experiments was made in F. Zanotti, 'De lapide bononiensi', Commentarii de Bononiensi Scientiarum et Artium Instituto atque Academia (1731), 1, 181-205. On the manuscript that was never sent see Manfredi's letters in the appendix of Saggio delle Transazioni Filosofiche della Società Regia dall'anno 1720 fino a tutto l'anno 1730, 5 vols., Naples, 1734. See also Manfredi's letter to Algarotti (1729), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 38-9. The last quote is from a letter of Algarotti to Zanotti (1732), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 386.
138. Algarotti officially reported on his successful experiments on 7 April 1729. See Registro degli Atti dal 1723 al 1804, Archivio della Antica Accademia delle Scienze di Bologna. See also A. Angelini (ed.), Anatomie accademiche. Vol. 3: L'Istituto delle Scienze e l'Accademia, Bologna, 1993, 326. Rizzetti's memoir was 'De corporum collisionibus, et inde orta motuum comunicatione ad Franciscum M. Zanottum Epistola', Commentarii de Bononiensi Scientiarum et Artium Instituto aique Academia (1731), 1, 497-514. See also Zanotti's comments (213-32). Reference to Algarotti's experiments was made in F. Zanotti, 'De lapide bononiensi', Commentarii de Bononiensi Scientiarum et Artium Instituto atque Academia (1731), 1, 181-205. On the manuscript that was never sent see Manfredi's letters in the appendix of Saggio delle Transazioni Filosofiche della Società Regia dall'anno 1720 fino a tutto l'anno 1730, 5 vols., Naples, 1734. See also Manfredi's letter to Algarotti (1729), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 38-9. The last quote is from a letter of Algarotti to Zanotti (1732), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 386.
139. Algarotti officially reported on his successful experiments on 7 April 1729. See Registro degli Atti dal 1723 al 1804, Archivio della Antica Accademia delle Scienze di Bologna. See also A. Angelini (ed.), Anatomie accademiche. Vol. 3: L'Istituto delle Scienze e l'Accademia, Bologna, 1993, 326. Rizzetti's memoir was 'De corporum collisionibus, et inde orta motuum comunicatione ad Franciscum M. Zanottum Epistola', Commentarii de Bononiensi Scientiarum et Artium Instituto aique Academia (1731), 1, 497-514. See also Zanotti's comments (213-32). Reference to Algarotti's experiments was made in F. Zanotti, 'De lapide bononiensi', Commentarii de Bononiensi Scientiarum et Artium Instituto atque Academia (1731), 1, 181-205. On the manuscript that was never sent see Manfredi's letters in the appendix of Saggio delle Transazioni Filosofiche della Società Regia dall'anno 1720 fino a tutto l'anno 1730, 5 vols., Naples, 1734. See also Manfredi's letter to Algarotti (1729), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 38-9. The last quote is from a letter of Algarotti to Zanotti (1732), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 386.
140. Algarotti officially reported on his successful experiments on 7 April 1729. See Registro degli Atti dal 1723 al 1804, Archivio della Antica Accademia delle Scienze di Bologna. See also A. Angelini (ed.), Anatomie accademiche. Vol. 3: L'Istituto delle Scienze e l'Accademia, Bologna, 1993, 326. Rizzetti's memoir was 'De corporum collisionibus, et inde orta motuum comunicatione ad Franciscum M. Zanottum Epistola', Commentarii de Bononiensi Scientiarum et Artium Instituto aique Academia (1731), 1, 497-514. See also Zanotti's comments (213-32). Reference to Algarotti's experiments was made in F. Zanotti, 'De lapide bononiensi', Commentarii de Bononiensi Scientiarum et Artium Instituto atque Academia (1731), 1, 181-205. On the manuscript that was never sent see Manfredi's letters in the appendix of Saggio delle Transazioni Filosofiche della Società Regia dall'anno 1720 fino a tutto l'anno 1730, 5 vols., Naples, 1734. See also Manfredi's letter to Algarotti (1729), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 38-9. The last quote is from a letter of Algarotti to Zanotti (1732), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 386.
141. Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 178. The name of Mariotte is suggested in F. Algarotti, Dialoghi sopra l'ottica neutoniana (ed. E. Bonora), Turin, 1977. An eighteenth-century reader had correctly identified Rizzetti on a copy of the first edition of Newtonianism for Ladies now at the Burndy Library of the Dibner Institute, MIT, Boston.
142. Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 178. The name of Mariotte is suggested in F. Algarotti, Dialoghi sopra l'ottica neutoniana (ed. E. Bonora), Turin, 1977. An eighteenth-century reader had correctly identified Rizzetti on a copy of the first edition of Newtonianism for Ladies now at the Burndy Library of the Dibner Institute, MIT, Boston.
143. Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 178. The name of Mariotte is suggested in F. Algarotti, Dialoghi sopra l'ottica neutoniana (ed. E. Bonora), Turin, 1977. An eighteenth-century reader had correctly identified Rizzetti on a copy of the first edition of Newtonianism for Ladies now at the Burndy Library of the Dibner Institute, MIT, Boston.
144. On the chevalier and the marchioness as citizens of the world see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 175-6. 'Amiable and universal man' was the way in which Voltaire addressed Algarotti. Michelessi, op. cit. (9), p. cxi. On Algarotti's 'universal spirit' see also the letter of Eustachio Zanotti to Algarotti (1740) in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 348.
145. On the chevalier and the marchioness as citizens of the world see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 175-6. 'Amiable and universal man' was the way in which Voltaire addressed Algarotti. Michelessi, op. cit. (9), p. cxi. On Algarotti's 'universal spirit' see also the letter of Eustachio Zanotti to Algarotti (1740) in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 348.
146. On the chevalier and the marchioness as citizens of the world see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 175-6. 'Amiable and universal man' was the way in which Voltaire addressed Algarotti. Michelessi, op. cit. (9), p. cxi. On Algarotti's 'universal spirit' see also the letter of Eustachio Zanotti to Algarotti (1740) in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 348.
147. Index librorum prohibitorum, Rome, 1744, 379. Algarotti's relations with Mons. Leprotti in Rome were already quite strained in 1734, judging from a letter he wrote to Eustachio Zanotti. Algarotti, op. cit. (5), x, 299.
148. Index librorum prohibitorum, Rome, 1744, 379. Algarotti's relations with Mons. Leprotti in Rome were already quite strained in 1734, judging from a letter he wrote to Eustachio Zanotti. Algarotti, op. cit. (5), x, 299.
149. This line of interpretation has been suggested by Mauro De Zan, 'La messa all'Indice del Newtonianesimo per le dame di Francesco Algarotti', in Scienza e letteratura nella cultura italiana del Settecento (ed. R. Cremante and W. Tega), Bologna, 1984, 133-47. On heliocentrism as the main problem see Ferrone, op. cit. (24), 13. On the changing attitude of the Curia see De Zan, 'La messa all'Indice', 139-40. The first version of the Newtonianism had two editions in 1737 and two in 1739. The most significant modifications are to be found in the following editions: Il Neutonianesimo ovvero dialoghi sopra la luce, i colori, e l'attrazione, Naples [i.e. Venice], 1746 (note that the letter 'w' is replaced by a 'u', a concession to linguistic purism); Dialoghi sopra la luce, i colori, e l'attrazione, Berlin, 1750; and Dialoghi sopra la luce, i colori, e l'attrazione, Naples [i.e. Venice], 1752. While preparing the 1746 version, Algarotti received from Leprotti a list of modifications required by the Holy Office. Father Orsi, Secretary of the Congregation, was pleased with this version and the pontiff gave his approval to the publication. See letters of Zanotti to Algarotti (1746-7) in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 244-51. Father Orsi was even more pleased with the 1750 version. See the letter of Flaminio Scarselli to Algarotti (1751), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xiii, 211. See also De Zan, 'La messa all'Indice' and Arato, op. cit. (7).
150. This line of interpretation has been suggested by Mauro De Zan, 'La messa all'Indice del Newtonianesimo per le dame di Francesco Algarotti', in Scienza e letteratura nella cultura italiana del Settecento (ed. R. Cremante and W. Tega), Bologna, 1984, 133-47. On heliocentrism as the main problem see Ferrone, op. cit. (24), 13. On the changing attitude of the Curia see De Zan, 'La messa all'Indice', 139-40. The first version of the Newtonianism had two editions in 1737 and two in 1739. The most significant modifications are to be found in the following editions: Il Neutonianesimo ovvero dialoghi sopra la luce, i colori, e l'attrazione, Naples [i.e. Venice], 1746 (note that the letter 'w' is replaced by a 'u', a concession to linguistic purism); Dialoghi sopra la luce, i colori, e l'attrazione, Berlin, 1750; and Dialoghi sopra la luce, i colori, e l'attrazione, Naples [i.e. Venice], 1752. While preparing the 1746 version, Algarotti received from Leprotti a list of modifications required by the Holy Office. Father Orsi, Secretary of the Congregation, was pleased with this version and the pontiff gave his approval to the publication. See letters of Zanotti to Algarotti (1746-7) in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 244-51. Father Orsi was even more pleased with the 1750 version. See the letter of Flaminio Scarselli to Algarotti (1751), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xiii, 211. See also De Zan, 'La messa all'Indice' and Arato, op. cit. (7).
151. This line of interpretation has been suggested by Mauro De Zan, 'La messa all'Indice del Newtonianesimo per le dame di Francesco Algarotti', in Scienza e letteratura nella cultura italiana del Settecento (ed. R. Cremante and W. Tega), Bologna, 1984, 133-47. On heliocentrism as the main problem see Ferrone, op. cit. (24), 13. On the changing attitude of the Curia see De Zan, 'La messa all'Indice', 139-40. The first version of the Newtonianism had two editions in 1737 and two in 1739. The most significant modifications are to be found in the following editions: Il Neutonianesimo ovvero dialoghi sopra la luce, i colori, e l'attrazione, Naples [i.e. Venice], 1746 (note that the letter 'w' is replaced by a 'u', a concession to linguistic purism); Dialoghi sopra la luce, i colori, e l'attrazione, Berlin, 1750; and Dialoghi sopra la luce, i colori, e l'attrazione, Naples [i.e. Venice], 1752. While preparing the 1746 version, Algarotti received from Leprotti a list of modifications required by the Holy Office. Father Orsi, Secretary of the Congregation, was pleased with this version and the pontiff gave his approval to the publication. See letters of Zanotti to Algarotti (1746-7) in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 244-51. Father Orsi was even more pleased with the 1750 version. See the letter of Flaminio Scarselli to Algarotti (1751), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xiii, 211. See also De Zan, 'La messa all'Indice' and Arato, op. cit. (7).
152. This line of interpretation has been suggested by Mauro De Zan, 'La messa all'Indice del Newtonianesimo per le dame di Francesco Algarotti', in Scienza e letteratura nella cultura italiana del Settecento (ed. R. Cremante and W. Tega), Bologna, 1984, 133-47. On heliocentrism as the main problem see Ferrone, op. cit. (24), 13. On the changing attitude of the Curia see De Zan, 'La messa all'Indice', 139-40. The first version of the Newtonianism had two editions in 1737 and two in 1739. The most significant modifications are to be found in the following editions: Il Neutonianesimo ovvero dialoghi sopra la luce, i colori, e l'attrazione, Naples [i.e. Venice], 1746 (note that the letter 'w' is replaced by a 'u', a concession to linguistic purism); Dialoghi sopra la luce, i colori, e l'attrazione, Berlin, 1750; and Dialoghi sopra la luce, i colori, e l'attrazione, Naples [i.e. Venice], 1752. While preparing the 1746 version, Algarotti received from Leprotti a list of modifications required by the Holy Office. Father Orsi, Secretary of the Congregation, was pleased with this version and the pontiff gave his approval to the publication. See letters of Zanotti to Algarotti (1746-7) in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 244-51. Father Orsi was even more pleased with the 1750 version. See the letter of Flaminio Scarselli to Algarotti (1751), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xiii, 211. See also De Zan, 'La messa all'Indice' and Arato, op. cit. (7).
153. This line of interpretation has been suggested by Mauro De Zan, 'La messa all'Indice del Newtonianesimo per le dame di Francesco Algarotti', in Scienza e letteratura nella cultura italiana del Settecento (ed. R. Cremante and W. Tega), Bologna, 1984, 133-47. On heliocentrism as the main problem see Ferrone, op. cit. (24), 13. On the changing attitude of the Curia see De Zan, 'La messa all'Indice', 139-40. The first version of the Newtonianism had two editions in 1737 and two in 1739. The most significant modifications are to be found in the following editions: Il Neutonianesimo ovvero dialoghi sopra la luce, i colori, e l'attrazione, Naples [i.e. Venice], 1746 (note that the letter 'w' is replaced by a 'u', a concession to linguistic purism); Dialoghi sopra la luce, i colori, e l'attrazione, Berlin, 1750; and Dialoghi sopra la luce, i colori, e l'attrazione, Naples [i.e. Venice], 1752. While preparing the 1746 version, Algarotti received from Leprotti a list of modifications required by the Holy Office. Father Orsi, Secretary of the Congregation, was pleased with this version and the pontiff gave his approval to the publication. See letters of Zanotti to Algarotti (1746-7) in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 244-51. Father Orsi was even more pleased with the 1750 version. See the letter of Flaminio Scarselli to Algarotti (1751), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xiii, 211. See also De Zan, 'La messa all'Indice' and Arato, op. cit. (7).
154. This line of interpretation has been suggested by Mauro De Zan, 'La messa all'Indice del Newtonianesimo per le dame di Francesco Algarotti', in Scienza e letteratura nella cultura italiana del Settecento (ed. R. Cremante and W. Tega), Bologna, 1984, 133-47. On heliocentrism as the main problem see Ferrone, op. cit. (24), 13. On the changing attitude of the Curia see De Zan, 'La messa all'Indice', 139-40. The first version of the Newtonianism had two editions in 1737 and two in 1739. The most significant modifications are to be found in the following editions: Il Neutonianesimo ovvero dialoghi sopra la luce, i colori, e l'attrazione, Naples [i.e. Venice], 1746 (note that the letter 'w' is replaced by a 'u', a concession to linguistic purism); Dialoghi sopra la luce, i colori, e l'attrazione, Berlin, 1750; and Dialoghi sopra la luce, i colori, e l'attrazione, Naples [i.e. Venice], 1752. While preparing the 1746 version, Algarotti received from Leprotti a list of modifications required by the Holy Office. Father Orsi, Secretary of the Congregation, was pleased with this version and the pontiff gave his approval to the publication. See letters of Zanotti to Algarotti (1746-7) in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 244-51. Father Orsi was even more pleased with the 1750 version. See the letter of Flaminio Scarselli to Algarotti (1751), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xiii, 211. See also De Zan, 'La messa all'Indice' and Arato, op. cit. (7).
155. This line of interpretation has been suggested by Mauro De Zan, 'La messa all'Indice del Newtonianesimo per le dame di Francesco Algarotti', in Scienza e letteratura nella cultura italiana del Settecento (ed. R. Cremante and W. Tega), Bologna, 1984, 133-47. On heliocentrism as the main problem see Ferrone, op. cit. (24), 13. On the changing attitude of the Curia see De Zan, 'La messa all'Indice', 139-40. The first version of the Newtonianism had two editions in 1737 and two in 1739. The most significant modifications are to be found in the following editions: Il Neutonianesimo ovvero dialoghi sopra la luce, i colori, e l'attrazione, Naples [i.e. Venice], 1746 (note that the letter 'w' is replaced by a 'u', a concession to linguistic purism); Dialoghi sopra la luce, i colori, e l'attrazione, Berlin, 1750; and Dialoghi sopra la luce, i colori, e l'attrazione, Naples [i.e. Venice], 1752. While preparing the 1746 version, Algarotti received from Leprotti a list of modifications required by the Holy Office. Father Orsi, Secretary of the Congregation, was pleased with this version and the pontiff gave his approval to the publication. See letters of Zanotti to Algarotti (1746-7) in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 244-51. Father Orsi was even more pleased with the 1750 version. See the letter of Flaminio Scarselli to Algarotti (1751), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xiii, 211. See also De Zan, 'La messa all'Indice' and Arato, op. cit. (7).
156. This line of interpretation has been suggested by Mauro De Zan, 'La messa all'Indice del Newtonianesimo per le dame di Francesco Algarotti', in Scienza e letteratura nella cultura italiana del Settecento (ed. R. Cremante and W. Tega), Bologna, 1984, 133-47. On heliocentrism as the main problem see Ferrone, op. cit. (24), 13. On the changing attitude of the Curia see De Zan, 'La messa all'Indice', 139-40. The first version of the Newtonianism had two editions in 1737 and two in 1739. The most significant modifications are to be found in the following editions: Il Neutonianesimo ovvero dialoghi sopra la luce, i colori, e l'attrazione, Naples [i.e. Venice], 1746 (note that the letter 'w' is replaced by a 'u', a concession to linguistic purism); Dialoghi sopra la luce, i colori, e l'attrazione, Berlin, 1750; and Dialoghi sopra la luce, i colori, e l'attrazione, Naples [i.e. Venice], 1752. While preparing the 1746 version, Algarotti received from Leprotti a list of modifications required by the Holy Office. Father Orsi, Secretary of the Congregation, was pleased with this version and the pontiff gave his approval to the publication. See letters of Zanotti to Algarotti (1746-7) in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 244-51. Father Orsi was even more pleased with the 1750 version. See the letter of Flaminio Scarselli to Algarotti (1751), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xiii, 211. See also De Zan, 'La messa all'Indice' and Arato, op. cit. (7).
157. This line of interpretation has been suggested by Mauro De Zan, 'La messa all'Indice del Newtonianesimo per le dame di Francesco Algarotti', in Scienza e letteratura nella cultura italiana del Settecento (ed. R. Cremante and W. Tega), Bologna, 1984, 133-47. On heliocentrism as the main problem see Ferrone, op. cit. (24), 13. On the changing attitude of the Curia see De Zan, 'La messa all'Indice', 139-40. The first version of the Newtonianism had two editions in 1737 and two in 1739. The most significant modifications are to be found in the following editions: Il Neutonianesimo ovvero dialoghi sopra la luce, i colori, e l'attrazione, Naples [i.e. Venice], 1746 (note that the letter 'w' is replaced by a 'u', a concession to linguistic purism); Dialoghi sopra la luce, i colori, e l'attrazione, Berlin, 1750; and Dialoghi sopra la luce, i colori, e l'attrazione, Naples [i.e. Venice], 1752. While preparing the 1746 version, Algarotti received from Leprotti a list of modifications required by the Holy Office. Father Orsi, Secretary of the Congregation, was pleased with this version and the pontiff gave his approval to the publication. See letters of Zanotti to Algarotti (1746-7) in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 244-51. Father Orsi was even more pleased with the 1750 version. See the letter of Flaminio Scarselli to Algarotti (1751), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xiii, 211. See also De Zan, 'La messa all'Indice' and Arato, op. cit. (7).
158. This line of interpretation has been suggested by Mauro De Zan, 'La messa all'Indice del Newtonianesimo per le dame di Francesco Algarotti', in Scienza e letteratura nella cultura italiana del Settecento (ed. R. Cremante and W. Tega), Bologna, 1984, 133-47. On heliocentrism as the main problem see Ferrone, op. cit. (24), 13. On the changing attitude of the Curia see De Zan, 'La messa all'Indice', 139-40. The first version of the Newtonianism had two editions in 1737 and two in 1739. The most significant modifications are to be found in the following editions: Il Neutonianesimo ovvero dialoghi sopra la luce, i colori, e l'attrazione, Naples [i.e. Venice], 1746 (note that the letter 'w' is replaced by a 'u', a concession to linguistic purism); Dialoghi sopra la luce, i colori, e l'attrazione, Berlin, 1750; and Dialoghi sopra la luce, i colori, e l'attrazione, Naples [i.e. Venice], 1752. While preparing the 1746 version, Algarotti received from Leprotti a list of modifications required by the Holy Office. Father Orsi, Secretary of the Congregation, was pleased with this version and the pontiff gave his approval to the publication. See letters of Zanotti to Algarotti (1746-7) in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 244-51. Father Orsi was even more pleased with the 1750 version. See the letter of Flaminio Scarselli to Algarotti (1751), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xiii, 211. See also De Zan, 'La messa all'Indice' and Arato, op. cit. (7).
159. This line of interpretation has been suggested by Mauro De Zan, 'La messa all'Indice del Newtonianesimo per le dame di Francesco Algarotti', in Scienza e letteratura nella cultura italiana del Settecento (ed. R. Cremante and W. Tega), Bologna, 1984, 133-47. On heliocentrism as the main problem see Ferrone, op. cit. (24), 13. On the changing attitude of the Curia see De Zan, 'La messa all'Indice', 139-40. The first version of the Newtonianism had two editions in 1737 and two in 1739. The most significant modifications are to be found in the following editions: Il Neutonianesimo ovvero dialoghi sopra la luce, i colori, e l'attrazione, Naples [i.e. Venice], 1746 (note that the letter 'w' is replaced by a 'u', a concession to linguistic purism); Dialoghi sopra la luce, i colori, e l'attrazione, Berlin, 1750; and Dialoghi sopra la luce, i colori, e l'attrazione, Naples [i.e. Venice], 1752. While preparing the 1746 version, Algarotti received from Leprotti a list of modifications required by the Holy Office. Father Orsi, Secretary of the Congregation, was pleased with this version and the pontiff gave his approval to the publication. See letters of Zanotti to Algarotti (1746-7) in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 244-51. Father Orsi was even more pleased with the 1750 version. See the letter of Flaminio Scarselli to Algarotti (1751), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xiii, 211. See also De Zan, 'La messa all'Indice' and Arato, op. cit. (7).
160. On spermatozoa see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 109. On Algarotri's books as dangerous for youth because morally corrupted see its review in Novelle della repubblica letteraria (1738), 15, 115-16. Voltaire's quote is from his letter to Thiérot (1735) cited in Yates, op. cit. (9), 50.
161. On spermatozoa see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 109. On Algarotri's books as dangerous for youth because morally corrupted see its review in Novelle della repubblica letteraria (1738), 15, 115-16. Voltaire's quote is from his letter to Thiérot (1735) cited in Yates, op. cit. (9), 50.
162. On spermatozoa see Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 109. On Algarotri's books as dangerous for youth because morally corrupted see its review in Novelle della repubblica letteraria (1738), 15, 115-16. Voltaire's quote is from his letter to Thiérot (1735) cited in Yates, op. cit. (9), 50.
163. For attacks against Locke see G. S. Gerdil, L'Immortalité de l'âme démontrée contre Locke et défense du P. Malebranche contre ce philosophe, 2 vols., Turin, 1747-8; letters of Muratori to Domenico Brichieri Colombi (1742) quoted in Graf, op. cit. (20), 378-9; V. Moniglia, Dissertazione contra i materialisti e altri increduli, Padua, 1750. On the British debate see N. Wood, The Politics of Locke's Philosophy: A Social Study of An Essay Concerning Human Understanding, Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1983, 54. On the reception and uses of Locke's epistemological and religious scepticism see also J. Yolton, Locke and the Way of Ideas, Bristol, 1996; and idem, Locke and French Materialism, Oxford, 1991. The letter of Davia to Manfredi is in Collezione Autografi, p. xxiii, Biblioteca Comunale dell' Archiginnasio, Bologna (henceforth BCAB). Zanotti's manuscript is F. M. Zanotti, Notae ad Lockium and Cose singolari, in Note spettanti a Filosofia morale, Fisica, Metafisica et altre spettanti alla Retorica e alla Poetica di Fr. M. Zanotti, Canterzani mss, 4177, caps. 51, n. 1, Biblioteca Universitaria, Bologna. The manuscript has been transcribed and translated by M. de Zan in Rivista Critica di Storia della Filosofia (1983) 38, 471-96, who also comments on Davia's 1722 letter. On Davia see G. Brizzi, sub voce, p. xxxiii, DBI, 127-30.
164. For attacks against Locke see G. S. Gerdil, L'Immortalité de l'âme démontrée contre Locke et défense du P. Malebranche contre ce philosophe, 2 vols., Turin, 1747-8; letters of Muratori to Domenico Brichieri Colombi (1742) quoted in Graf, op. cit. (20), 378-9; V. Moniglia, Dissertazione contra i materialisti e altri increduli, Padua, 1750. On the British debate see N. Wood, The Politics of Locke's Philosophy: A Social
165. For attacks against Locke see G. S. Gerdil, L'Immortalité de l'âme démontrée contre Locke et défense du P. Malebranche contre ce philosophe, 2 vols., Turin, 1747-8; letters of Muratori to Domenico Brichieri Colombi (1742) quoted in Graf, op. cit. (20), 378-9; V. Moniglia, Dissertazione contra i materialisti e altri increduli, Padua, 1750. On the British debate see N. Wood, The Politics of Locke's Philosophy: A Social Study of An Essay Concerning Human Understanding, Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1983, 54. On the reception and uses of Locke's epistemological and religious scepticism see also J. Yolton, Locke and the Way of Ideas, Bristol, 1996; and idem, Locke and French Materialism, Oxford, 1991. The letter of Davia to Manfredi is in Collezione Autografi, p. xxiii, Biblioteca Comunale dell' Archiginnasio, Bologna (henceforth BCAB). Zanotti's manuscript is F. M. Zanotti, Notae ad Lockium and Cose singolari, in Note spettanti a Filosofia morale, Fisica, Metafisica et altre spettanti alla Retorica e alla Poetica di Fr. M. Zanotti, Canterzani mss, 4177, caps. 51, n. 1, Biblioteca Universitaria, Bologna. The manuscript has been transcribed and translated by M. de Zan in Rivista Critica di Storia della Filosofia (1983) 38, 471-96, who also comments on Davia's 1722 letter. On Davia see G. Brizzi, sub voce, p. xxxiii, DBI, 127-30.
166. For attacks against Locke see G. S. Gerdil, L'Immortalité de l'âme démontrée contre Locke et défense du P. Malebranche contre ce philosophe, 2 vols., Turin, 1747-8; letters of Muratori to Domenico Brichieri Colombi (1742) quoted in Graf, op. cit. (20), 378-9; V. Moniglia, Dissertazione contra i materialisti e altri increduli, Padua, 1750. On the British debate see N. Wood, The Politics of Locke's Philosophy: A Social Study of An Essay Concerning Human Understanding, Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1983, 54. On the reception and uses of Locke's epistemological and religious scepticism see also J. Yolton, Locke and the Way of Ideas, Bristol, 1996; and idem, Locke and French Materialism, Oxford, 1991. The letter of Davia to Manfredi is in Collezione Autografi, p. xxiii, Biblioteca Comunale dell' Archiginnasio, Bologna (henceforth BCAB). Zanotti's manuscript is F. M. Zanotti, Notae ad Lockium and Cose singolari, in Note spettanti a Filosofia morale, Fisica, Metafisica et altre spettanti alla Retorica e alla Poetica di Fr. M. Zanotti, Canterzani mss, 4177, caps. 51, n. 1, Biblioteca Universitaria, Bologna. The manuscript has been transcribed and translated by M. de Zan in Rivista Critica di Storia della Filosofia (1983) 38, 471-96, who also comments on Davia's 1722 letter. On Davia see G. Brizzi, sub voce, p. xxxiii, DBI, 127-30.
167. For attacks against Locke see G. S. Gerdil, L'Immortalité de l'âme démontrée contre Locke et défense du P. Malebranche contre ce philosophe, 2 vols., Turin, 1747-8; letters of Muratori to Domenico Brichieri Colombi (1742) quoted in Graf, op. cit. (20), 378-9; V. Moniglia, Dissertazione contra i materialisti e altri increduli, Padua, 1750. On the British debate see N. Wood, The Politics of Locke's Philosophy: A Social Study of An Essay Concerning Human Understanding, Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1983, 54. On the reception and uses of Locke's epistemological and religious scepticism see also J. Yolton, Locke and the Way of Ideas, Bristol, 1996; and idem, Locke and French Materialism, Oxford, 1991. The letter of Davia to Manfredi is in Collezione Autografi, p. xxiii, Biblioteca Comunale dell' Archiginnasio, Bologna (henceforth BCAB). Zanotti's manuscript is F. M. Zanotti, Notae ad Lockium and Cose singolari, in Note spettanti a Filosofia morale, Fisica, Metafisica et altre spettanti alla Retorica e alla Poetica di Fr. M. Zanotti, Canterzani mss, 4177, caps. 51, n. 1, Biblioteca Universitaria, Bologna. The manuscript has been transcribed and translated by M. de Zan in Rivista Critica di Storia della Filosofia (1983) 38, 471-96, who also comments on Davia's 1722 letter. On Davia see G. Brizzi, sub voce, p. xxxiii, DBI, 127-30.
168. For attacks against Locke see G. S. Gerdil, L'Immortalité de l'âme démontrée contre Locke et défense du P. Malebranche contre ce philosophe, 2 vols., Turin, 1747-8; letters of Muratori to Domenico Brichieri Colombi (1742) quoted in Graf, op. cit. (20), 378-9; V. Moniglia, Dissertazione contra i materialisti e altri increduli, Padua, 1750. On the British debate see N. Wood, The Politics of Locke's Philosophy: A Social Study of An Essay Concerning Human Understanding, Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1983, 54. On the reception and uses of Locke's epistemological and religious scepticism see also J. Yolton, Locke and the Way of Ideas, Bristol, 1996; and idem, Locke and French Materialism, Oxford, 1991. The letter of Davia to Manfredi is in Collezione Autografi, p. xxiii, Biblioteca Comunale dell' Archiginnasio, Bologna (henceforth BCAB). Zanotti's manuscript is F. M. Zanotti, Notae ad Lockium and Cose singolari, in Note spettanti a Filosofia morale, Fisica, Metafisica et altre spettanti alla Retorica e alla Poetica di Fr. M. Zanotti, Canterzani mss, 4177, caps. 51, n. 1, Biblioteca Universitaria, Bologna. The manuscript has been transcribed and translated by M. de Zan in Rivista Critica di Storia della Filosofia (1983) 38, 471-96, who also comments on Davia's 1722 letter. On Davia see G. Brizzi, sub voce, p. xxxiii, DBI, 127-30.
169. For attacks against Locke see G. S. Gerdil, L'Immortalité de l'âme démontrée contre Locke et défense du P. Malebranche contre ce philosophe, 2 vols., Turin, 1747-8; letters of Muratori to Domenico Brichieri Colombi (1742) quoted in Graf, op. cit. (20), 378-9; V. Moniglia, Dissertazione contra i materialisti e altri increduli, Padua, 1750. On the British debate see N. Wood, The Politics of Locke's Philosophy: A Social Study of An Essay Concerning Human Understanding, Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1983, 54. On the reception and uses of Locke's epistemological and religious scepticism see also J. Yolton, Locke and the Way of Ideas, Bristol, 1996; and idem, Locke and French Materialism, Oxford, 1991. The letter of Davia to Manfredi is in Collezione Autografi, p. xxiii, Biblioteca Comunale dell' Archiginnasio, Bologna (henceforth BCAB). Zanotti's manuscript is F. M. Zanotti, Notae ad Lockium and Cose singolari, in Note spettanti a Filosofia morale, Fisica, Metafisica et altre spettanti alla Retorica e alla Poetica di Fr. M. Zanotti, Canterzani mss, 4177, caps. 51, n. 1, Biblioteca Universitaria, Bologna. The manuscript has been transcribed and translated by M. de Zan in Rivista Critica di Storia della Filosofia (1983) 38, 471-96, who also comments on Davia's 1722 letter. On Davia see G. Brizzi, sub voce, p. xxxiii, DBI, 127-30.
170. For attacks against Locke see G. S. Gerdil, L'Immortalité de l'âme démontrée contre Locke et défense du P. Malebranche contre ce philosophe, 2 vols., Turin, 1747-8; letters of Muratori to Domenico Brichieri Colombi (1742) quoted in Graf, op. cit. (20), 378-9; V. Moniglia, Dissertazione contra i materialisti e altri increduli, Padua, 1750. On the British debate see N. Wood, The Politics of Locke's Philosophy: A Social Study of An Essay Concerning Human Understanding, Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1983, 54. On the reception and uses of Locke's epistemological and religious scepticism see also J. Yolton, Locke and the Way of Ideas, Bristol, 1996; and idem, Locke and French Materialism, Oxford, 1991. The letter of Davia to Manfredi is in Collezione Autografi, p. xxiii, Biblioteca Comunale dell' Archiginnasio, Bologna (henceforth BCAB). Zanotti's manuscript is F. M. Zanotti, Notae ad Lockium and Cose singolari, in Note spettanti a Filosofia morale, Fisica, Metafisica et altre spettanti alla Retorica e alla Poetica di Fr. M. Zanotti, Canterzani mss, 4177, caps. 51, n. 1, Biblioteca Universitaria, Bologna. The manuscript has been transcribed and translated by M. de Zan in Rivista Critica di Storia della Filosofia (1983) 38, 471-96, who also comments on Davia's 1722 letter. On Davia see G. Brizzi, sub voce, p. xxxiii, DBI, 127-30.
171. For attacks against Locke see G. S. Gerdil, L'Immortalité de l'âme démontrée contre Locke et défense du P. Malebranche contre ce philosophe, 2 vols., Turin, 1747-8; letters of Muratori to Domenico Brichieri Colombi (1742) quoted in Graf, op. cit. (20), 378-9; V. Moniglia, Dissertazione contra i materialisti e altri increduli, Padua, 1750. On the British debate see N. Wood, The Politics of Locke's Philosophy: A Social Study of An Essay Concerning Human Understanding, Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1983, 54. On the reception and uses of Locke's epistemological and religious scepticism see also J. Yolton, Locke and the Way of Ideas, Bristol, 1996; and idem, Locke and French Materialism, Oxford, 1991. The letter of Davia to Manfredi is in Collezione Autografi, p. xxiii, Biblioteca Comunale dell' Archiginnasio, Bologna (henceforth BCAB). Zanotti's manuscript is F. M. Zanotti, Notae ad Lockium and Cose singolari, in Note spettanti a Filosofia morale, Fisica, Metafisica et altre spettanti alla Retorica e alla Poetica di Fr. M. Zanotti, Canterzani mss, 4177, caps. 51, n. 1, Biblioteca Universitaria, Bologna. The manuscript has been transcribed and translated by M. de Zan in Rivista Critica di Storia della Filosofia (1983) 38, 471-96, who also comments on Davia's 1722 letter. On Davia see G. Brizzi, sub voce, p. xxxiii, DBI, 127-30.
172. For attacks against Locke see G. S. Gerdil, L'Immortalité de l'âme démontrée contre Locke et défense du P. Malebranche contre ce philosophe, 2 vols., Turin, 1747-8; letters of Muratori to Domenico Brichieri Colombi (1742) quoted in Graf, op. cit. (20), 378-9; V. Moniglia, Dissertazione contra i materialisti e altri increduli, Padua, 1750. On the British debate see N. Wood, The Politics of Locke's Philosophy: A Social Study of An Essay Concerning Human Understanding, Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1983, 54. On the reception and uses of Locke's epistemological and religious scepticism see also J. Yolton, Locke and the Way of Ideas, Bristol, 1996; and idem, Locke and French Materialism, Oxford, 1991. The letter of Davia to Manfredi is in Collezione Autografi, p. xxiii, Biblioteca Comunale dell' Archiginnasio, Bologna (henceforth BCAB). Zanotti's manuscript is F. M. Zanotti, Notae ad Lockium and Cose singolari, in Note spettanti a Filosofia morale, Fisica, Metafisica et altre spettanti alla Retorica e alla Poetica di Fr. M. Zanotti, Canterzani mss, 4177, caps. 51, n. 1, Biblioteca Universitaria, Bologna. The manuscript has been transcribed and translated by M. de Zan in Rivista Critica di Storia della Filosofia (1983) 38, 471-96, who also comments on Davia's 1722 letter. On Davia see G. Brizzi, sub voce, p. xxxiii, DBI, 127-30.
173. As early as 1729 Manfredi would invite Algarotti to be more cautious in 'those matters about which one does not want to talk and even less write'. He would also use the expression 'your English [authors]'. Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 39-40, 48. In the early 1730s Algarotti was reading and appreciating authors like Pietro Giannone and Giordano Bruno. See letter of Algarotti to Zanotti (1732), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 66; and letter of Sebastiano Antoni to Algarotti dated 30 December 1731, in Epistolario Moschini, Biblioteca del Museo Correr, Venice. In 1733 Zanotti reported that Algarotti was doing well in integral calculus and mechanics but was affected by a slow Lockean fever (una certa febbre lenta di Lochismo) and a strong attraction for libertine authors. Letters familiari d'alcuni bolognesi del nostro secolo, Bologna, 1744, ii, 101-2. William Molyneux was the author of Dioptrica Nova: A Treatise of Dioplricks (1692). See J. Simms, William Molyneux of Dublin, 1656-1698 (ed. P. Kelly), Blackrock, 1982. The 'problem of Molyneux' dealt with the issue of whether 'the experience derived from one field of sense perception is a sufficient basis on which to construct another field of perception that is of qualitatively different content and of specifically different structure' (E. Cassirer, The Philosophy of the Enlightenment, Princeton, NJ, [1932] 1968, 108). The problem first appeared in print in Some Familiar Letters between Mr. Locke and Several of his Friends, London, 1708, 37-8. It had the following form: would a person born blind, on recovering the use of his eyes, be able to name correctly a cube and a sphere on the basis of his previous tactile experience with these objects? See also J. Locke, An Essay Concerning Human Understanding, Amherst, N.Y., [1693] 1995, 93-4. On the significance of Molyneux's question see also J. Davis, 'The Molyneux problem', Journal of the History of Ideas (1960), 21, 392-408; A. Bernabei, 'Il cieco di Molyneux: un problema della percezione visiva nella Francia illuminista, 1737-1754', Rivista Critica di Storia della Filosofia (1975), 30, 132-66; and M. Degenaar, Molyneux's Problem: Three Centuries of Discussion on the Perception of Forms, Dordrecht, 1996. Note that Algarotti was extremely displeased when the letter containing the reference to his Lockean fever was published in 1744, just as he was preparing his revised edition of Newtonianism for Ladies. The passage caused a great sensation in Bologna. See the letters between Algarotti and Zanotti (1745), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 211-21.
174. As early as 1729 Manfredi would invite Algarotti to be more cautious in 'those matters about which one does not want to talk and even less write'. He would also use the expression 'your English [authors]'. Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 39-40, 48. In the early 1730s Algarotti was reading and appreciating authors like Pietro Giannone and Giordano Bruno. See letter of Algarotti to Zanotti (1732), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 66; and letter of Sebastiano Antoni to Algarotti dated 30 December 1731, in Epistolario Moschini, Biblioteca del Museo Correr, Venice. In 1733 Zanotti reported that Algarotti was doing well in integral calculus and mechanics but was affected by a slow Lockean fever (una certa febbre lenta di Lochismo) and a strong attraction for libertine authors. Letters familiari d'alcuni bolognesi del nostro secolo, Bologna, 1744, ii, 101-2. William Molyneux was the author of Dioptrica Nova: A Treatise of Dioplricks (1692). See J. Simms, William Molyneux of Dublin, 1656-1698 (ed. P. Kelly), Blackrock, 1982. The 'problem of Molyneux' dealt with the issue of whether 'the experience derived from one field of sense perception is a sufficient basis on which to construct another field of perception that is of qualitatively different content and of specifically different structure' (E. Cassirer, The Philosophy of the Enlightenment, Princeton, NJ, [1932] 1968, 108). The problem first appeared in print in Some Familiar Letters between Mr. Locke and Several of his Friends, London, 1708, 37-8. It had the following form: would a person born blind, on recovering the use of his eyes, be able to name correctly a cube and a sphere on the basis of his previous tactile experience with these objects? See also J. Locke, An Essay Concerning Human Understanding, Amherst, N.Y., [1693] 1995, 93-4. On the significance of Molyneux's question see also J. Davis, 'The Molyneux problem', Journal of the History of Ideas (1960), 21, 392-408; A. Bernabei, 'Il cieco di Molyneux: un problema della percezione visiva nella Francia illuminista, 1737-1754', Rivista Critica di Storia della Filosofia (1975), 30, 132-66; and M. Degenaar, Molyneux's Problem: Three Centuries of Discussion on the Perception of Forms, Dordrecht, 1996. Note that Algarotti was extremely displeased when the letter containing the reference to his Lockean fever was published in 1744, just as he was preparing his revised edition of Newtonianism for Ladies. The passage caused a great sensation in Bologna. See the letters between Algarotti and Zanotti (1745), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 211-21.
175. As early as 1729 Manfredi would invite Algarotti to be more cautious in 'those matters about which one does not want to talk and even less write'. He would also use the expression 'your English [authors]'. Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 39-40, 48. In the early 1730s Algarotti was reading and appreciating authors like Pietro Giannone and Giordano Bruno. See letter of Algarotti to Zanotti (1732), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 66; and letter of Sebastiano Antoni to Algarotti dated 30 December 1731, in Epistolario Moschini, Biblioteca del Museo Correr, Venice. In 1733 Zanotti reported that Algarotti was doing well in integral calculus and mechanics but was affected by a slow Lockean fever (una certa febbre lenta di Lochismo) and a strong attraction for libertine authors. Letters familiari d'alcuni bolognesi del nostro secolo, Bologna, 1744, ii, 101-2. William Molyneux was the author of Dioptrica Nova: A Treatise of Dioplricks (1692). See J. Simms, William Molyneux of Dublin, 1656-1698 (ed. P. Kelly), Blackrock, 1982. The 'problem of Molyneux' dealt with the issue of whether 'the experience derived from one field of sense perception is a sufficient basis on which to construct another field of perception that is of qualitatively different content and of specifically different structure' (E. Cassirer, The Philosophy of the Enlightenment, Princeton, NJ, [1932] 1968, 108). The problem first appeared in print in Some Familiar Letters between Mr. Locke and Several of his Friends, London, 1708, 37-8. It had the following form: would a person born blind, on recovering the use of his eyes, be able to name correctly a cube and a sphere on the basis of his previous tactile experience with these objects? See also J. Locke, An Essay Concerning Human Understanding, Amherst, N.Y., [1693] 1995, 93-4. On the significance of Molyneux's question see also J. Davis, 'The Molyneux problem', Journal of the History of Ideas (1960), 21, 392-408; A. Bernabei, 'Il cieco di Molyneux: un problema della percezione visiva nella Francia illuminista, 1737-1754', Rivista Critica di Storia della Filosofia (1975), 30, 132-66; and M. Degenaar, Molyneux's Problem: Three Centuries of Discussion on the Perception of Forms, Dordrecht, 1996. Note that Algarotti was extremely displeased when the letter containing the reference to his Lockean fever was published in 1744, just as he was preparing his revised edition of Newtonianism for Ladies. The passage caused a great sensation in Bologna. See the letters between Algarotti and Zanotti (1745), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 211-21.
176. As early as 1729 Manfredi would invite Algarotti to be more cautious in 'those matters about which one does not want to talk and even less write'. He would also use the expression 'your English [authors]'. Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 39-40, 48. In the early 1730s Algarotti was reading and appreciating authors like Pietro Giannone and Giordano Bruno. See letter of Algarotti to Zanotti (1732), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 66; and letter of Sebastiano Antoni to Algarotti dated 30 December 1731, in Epistolario Moschini, Biblioteca del Museo Correr, Venice. In 1733 Zanotti reported that Algarotti was doing well in integral calculus and mechanics but was affected by a slow Lockean fever (una certa febbre lenta di Lochismo) and a strong attraction for libertine authors. Letters familiari d'alcuni bolognesi del nostro secolo, Bologna, 1744, ii, 101-2. William Molyneux was the author of Dioptrica Nova: A Treatise of Dioplricks (1692). See J. Simms, William Molyneux of Dublin, 1656-1698 (ed. P. Kelly), Blackrock, 1982. The 'problem of Molyneux' dealt with the issue of whether 'the experience derived from one field of sense perception is a sufficient basis on which to construct another field of perception that is of qualitatively different content and of specifically different structure' (E. Cassirer, The Philosophy of the Enlightenment, Princeton, NJ, [1932] 1968, 108). The problem first appeared in print in Some Familiar Letters between Mr. Locke and Several of his Friends, London, 1708, 37-8. It had the following form: would a person born blind, on recovering the use of his eyes, be able to name correctly a cube and a sphere on the basis of his previous tactile experience with these objects? See also J. Locke, An Essay Concerning Human Understanding, Amherst, N.Y., [1693] 1995, 93-4. On the significance of Molyneux's question see also J. Davis, 'The Molyneux problem', Journal of the History of Ideas (1960), 21, 392-408; A. Bernabei, 'Il cieco di Molyneux: un problema della percezione visiva nella Francia illuminista, 1737-1754', Rivista Critica di Storia della Filosofia (1975), 30, 132-66; and M. Degenaar, Molyneux's Problem: Three Centuries of Discussion on the Perception of Forms, Dordrecht, 1996. Note that Algarotti was extremely displeased when the letter containing the reference to his Lockean fever was published in 1744, just as he was preparing his revised edition of Newtonianism for Ladies. The passage caused a great sensation in Bologna. See the letters between Algarotti and Zanotti (1745), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 211-21.
177. As early as 1729 Manfredi would invite Algarotti to be more cautious in 'those matters about which one does not want to talk and even less write'. He would also use the expression 'your English [authors]'. Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 39-40, 48. In the early 1730s Algarotti was reading and appreciating authors like Pietro Giannone and Giordano Bruno. See letter of Algarotti to Zanotti (1732), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 66; and letter of Sebastiano Antoni to Algarotti dated 30 December 1731, in Epistolario Moschini, Biblioteca del Museo Correr, Venice. In 1733 Zanotti reported that Algarotti was doing well in integral calculus and mechanics but was affected by a slow Lockean fever (una certa febbre lenta di Lochismo) and a strong attraction for libertine authors. Letters familiari d'alcuni bolognesi del nostro secolo, Bologna, 1744, ii, 101-2. William Molyneux was the author of Dioptrica Nova: A Treatise of Dioplricks (1692). See J. Simms, William Molyneux of Dublin, 1656-1698 (ed. P. Kelly), Blackrock, 1982. The 'problem of Molyneux' dealt with the issue of whether 'the experience derived from one field of sense perception is a sufficient basis on which to construct another field of perception that is of qualitatively different content and of specifically different structure' (E. Cassirer, The Philosophy of the Enlightenment, Princeton, NJ, [1932] 1968, 108). The problem first appeared in print in Some Familiar Letters between Mr. Locke and Several of his Friends, London, 1708, 37-8. It had the following form: would a person born blind, on recovering the use of his eyes, be able to name correctly a cube and a sphere on the basis of his previous tactile experience with these objects? See also J. Locke, An Essay Concerning Human Understanding, Amherst, N.Y., [1693] 1995, 93-4. On the significance of Molyneux's question see also J. Davis, 'The Molyneux problem', Journal of the History of Ideas (1960), 21, 392-408; A. Bernabei, 'Il cieco di Molyneux: un problema della percezione visiva nella Francia illuminista, 1737-1754', Rivista Critica di Storia della Filosofia (1975), 30, 132-66; and M. Degenaar, Molyneux's Problem: Three Centuries of Discussion on the Perception of Forms, Dordrecht, 1996. Note that Algarotti was extremely displeased when the letter containing the reference to his Lockean fever was published in 1744, just as he was preparing his revised edition of Newtonianism for Ladies. The passage caused a great sensation in Bologna. See the letters between Algarotti and Zanotti (1745), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 211-21.
178. As early as 1729 Manfredi would invite Algarotti to be more cautious in 'those matters about which one does not want to talk and even less write'. He would also use the expression 'your English [authors]'. Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 39-40, 48. In the early 1730s Algarotti was reading and appreciating authors like Pietro Giannone and Giordano Bruno. See letter of Algarotti to Zanotti (1732), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 66; and letter of Sebastiano Antoni to Algarotti dated 30 December 1731, in Epistolario Moschini, Biblioteca del Museo Correr, Venice. In 1733 Zanotti reported that Algarotti was doing well in integral calculus and mechanics but was affected by a slow Lockean fever (una certa febbre lenta di Lochismo) and a strong attraction for libertine authors. Letters familiari d'alcuni bolognesi del nostro secolo, Bologna, 1744, ii, 101-2. William Molyneux was the author of Dioptrica Nova: A Treatise of Dioplricks (1692). See J. Simms, William Molyneux of Dublin, 1656-1698 (ed. P. Kelly), Blackrock, 1982. The 'problem of Molyneux' dealt with the issue of whether 'the experience derived from one field of sense perception is a sufficient basis on which to construct another field of perception that is of qualitatively different content and of specifically different structure' (E. Cassirer, The Philosophy of the Enlightenment, Princeton, NJ, [1932] 1968, 108). The problem first appeared in print in Some Familiar Letters between Mr. Locke and Several of his Friends, London, 1708, 37-8. It had the following form: would a person born blind, on recovering the use of his eyes, be able to name correctly a cube and a sphere on the basis of his previous tactile experience with these objects? See also J. Locke, An Essay Concerning Human Understanding, Amherst, N.Y., [1693] 1995, 93-4. On the significance of Molyneux's question see also J. Davis, 'The Molyneux problem', Journal of the History of Ideas (1960), 21, 392-408; A. Bernabei, 'Il cieco di Molyneux: un problema della percezione visiva nella Francia illuminista, 1737-1754', Rivista Critica di Storia della Filosofia (1975), 30, 132-66; and M. Degenaar, Molyneux's Problem: Three Centuries of Discussion on the Perception of Forms, Dordrecht, 1996. Note that Algarotti was extremely displeased when the letter containing the reference to his Lockean fever was published in 1744, just as he was preparing his revised edition of Newtonianism for Ladies. The passage caused a great sensation in Bologna. See the letters between Algarotti and Zanotti (1745), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 211-21.
179. As early as 1729 Manfredi would invite Algarotti to be more cautious in 'those matters about which one does not want to talk and even less write'. He would also use the expression 'your English [authors]'. Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 39-40, 48. In the early 1730s Algarotti was reading and appreciating authors like Pietro Giannone and Giordano Bruno. See letter of Algarotti to Zanotti (1732), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 66; and letter of Sebastiano Antoni to Algarotti dated 30 December 1731, in Epistolario Moschini, Biblioteca del Museo Correr, Venice. In 1733 Zanotti reported that Algarotti was doing well in integral calculus and mechanics but was affected by a slow Lockean fever (una certa febbre lenta di Lochismo) and a strong attraction for libertine authors. Letters familiari d'alcuni bolognesi del nostro secolo, Bologna, 1744, ii, 101-2. William Molyneux was the author of Dioptrica Nova: A Treatise of Dioplricks (1692). See J. Simms, William Molyneux of Dublin, 1656-1698 (ed. P. Kelly), Blackrock, 1982. The 'problem of Molyneux' dealt with the issue of whether 'the experience derived from one field of sense perception is a sufficient basis on which to construct another field of perception that is of qualitatively different content and of specifically different structure' (E. Cassirer, The Philosophy of the Enlightenment, Princeton, NJ, [1932] 1968, 108). The problem first appeared in print in Some Familiar Letters between Mr. Locke and Several of his Friends, London, 1708, 37-8. It had the following form: would a person born blind, on recovering the use of his eyes, be able to name correctly a cube and a sphere on the basis of his previous tactile experience with these objects? See also J. Locke, An Essay Concerning Human Understanding, Amherst, N.Y., [1693] 1995, 93-4. On the significance of Molyneux's question see also J. Davis, 'The Molyneux problem', Journal of the History of Ideas (1960), 21, 392-408; A. Bernabei, 'Il cieco di Molyneux: un problema della percezione visiva nella Francia illuminista, 1737-1754', Rivista Critica di Storia della Filosofia (1975), 30, 132-66; and M. Degenaar, Molyneux's Problem: Three Centuries of Discussion on the Perception of Forms, Dordrecht, 1996. Note that Algarotti was extremely displeased when the letter containing the reference to his Lockean fever was published in 1744, just as he was preparing his revised edition of Newtonianism for Ladies. The passage caused a great sensation in Bologna. See the letters between Algarotti and Zanotti (1745), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 211-21.
180. As early as 1729 Manfredi would invite Algarotti to be more cautious in 'those matters about which one does not want to talk and even less write'. He would also use the expression 'your English [authors]'. Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 39-40, 48. In the early 1730s Algarotti was reading and appreciating authors like Pietro Giannone and Giordano Bruno. See letter of Algarotti to Zanotti (1732), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 66; and letter of Sebastiano Antoni to Algarotti dated 30 December 1731, in Epistolario Moschini, Biblioteca del Museo Correr, Venice. In 1733 Zanotti reported that Algarotti was doing well in integral calculus and mechanics but was affected by a slow Lockean fever (una certa febbre lenta di Lochismo) and a strong attraction for libertine authors. Letters familiari d'alcuni bolognesi del nostro secolo, Bologna, 1744, ii, 101-2. William Molyneux was the author of Dioptrica Nova: A Treatise of Dioplricks (1692). See J. Simms, William Molyneux of Dublin, 1656-1698 (ed. P. Kelly), Blackrock, 1982. The 'problem of Molyneux' dealt with the issue of whether 'the experience derived from one field of sense perception is a sufficient basis on which to construct another field of perception that is of qualitatively different content and of specifically different structure' (E. Cassirer, The Philosophy of the Enlightenment, Princeton, NJ, [1932] 1968, 108). The problem first appeared in print in Some Familiar Letters between Mr. Locke and Several of his Friends, London, 1708, 37-8. It had the following form: would a person born blind, on recovering the use of his eyes, be able to name correctly a cube and a sphere on the basis of his previous tactile experience with these objects? See also J. Locke, An Essay Concerning Human Understanding, Amherst, N.Y., [1693] 1995, 93-4. On the significance of Molyneux's question see also J. Davis, 'The Molyneux problem', Journal of the History of Ideas (1960), 21, 392-408; A. Bernabei, 'Il cieco di Molyneux: un problema della percezione visiva nella Francia illuminista, 1737-1754', Rivista Critica di Storia della Filosofia (1975), 30, 132-66; and M. Degenaar, Molyneux's Problem: Three Centuries of Discussion on the Perception of Forms, Dordrecht, 1996. Note that Algarotti was extremely displeased when the letter containing the reference to his Lockean fever was published in 1744, just as he was preparing his revised edition of Newtonianism for Ladies. The passage caused a great sensation in Bologna. See the letters between Algarotti and Zanotti (1745), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 211-21.
181. As early as 1729 Manfredi would invite Algarotti to be more cautious in 'those matters about which one does not want to talk and even less write'. He would also use the expression 'your English [authors]'. Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 39-40, 48. In the early 1730s Algarotti was reading and appreciating authors like Pietro Giannone and Giordano Bruno. See letter of Algarotti to Zanotti (1732), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 66; and letter of Sebastiano Antoni to Algarotti dated 30 December 1731, in Epistolario Moschini, Biblioteca del Museo Correr, Venice. In 1733 Zanotti reported that Algarotti was doing well in integral calculus and mechanics but was affected by a slow Lockean fever (una certa febbre lenta di Lochismo) and a strong attraction for libertine authors. Letters familiari d'alcuni bolognesi del nostro secolo, Bologna, 1744, ii, 101-2. William Molyneux was the author of Dioptrica Nova: A Treatise of Dioplricks (1692). See J. Simms, William Molyneux of Dublin, 1656-1698 (ed. P. Kelly), Blackrock, 1982. The 'problem of Molyneux' dealt with the issue of whether 'the experience derived from one field of sense perception is a sufficient basis on which to construct another field of perception that is of qualitatively different content and of specifically different structure' (E. Cassirer, The Philosophy of the Enlightenment, Princeton, NJ, [1932] 1968, 108). The problem first appeared in print in Some Familiar Letters between Mr. Locke and Several of his Friends, London, 1708, 37-8. It had the following form: would a person born blind, on recovering the use of his eyes, be able to name correctly a cube and a sphere on the basis of his previous tactile experience with these objects? See also J. Locke, An Essay Concerning Human Understanding, Amherst, N.Y., [1693] 1995, 93-4. On the significance of Molyneux's question see also J. Davis, 'The Molyneux problem', Journal of the History of Ideas (1960), 21, 392-408; A. Bernabei, 'Il cieco di Molyneux: un problema della percezione visiva nella Francia illuminista, 1737-1754', Rivista Critica di Storia della Filosofia (1975), 30, 132-66; and M. Degenaar, Molyneux's Problem: Three Centuries of Discussion on the Perception of Forms, Dordrecht, 1996. Note that Algarotti was extremely displeased when the letter containing the reference to his Lockean fever was published in 1744, just as he was preparing his revised edition of Newtonianism for Ladies. The passage caused a great sensation in Bologna. See the letters between Algarotti and Zanotti (1745), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 211-21.
182. As early as 1729 Manfredi would invite Algarotti to be more cautious in 'those matters about which one does not want to talk and even less write'. He would also use the expression 'your English [authors]'. Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 39-40, 48. In the early 1730s Algarotti was reading and appreciating authors like Pietro Giannone and Giordano Bruno. See letter of Algarotti to Zanotti (1732), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 66; and letter of Sebastiano Antoni to Algarotti dated 30 December 1731, in Epistolario Moschini, Biblioteca del Museo Correr, Venice. In 1733 Zanotti reported that Algarotti was doing well in integral calculus and mechanics but was affected by a slow Lockean fever (una certa febbre lenta di Lochismo) and a strong attraction for libertine authors. Letters familiari d'alcuni bolognesi del nostro secolo, Bologna, 1744, ii, 101-2. William Molyneux was the author of Dioptrica Nova: A Treatise of Dioplricks (1692). See J. Simms, William Molyneux of Dublin, 1656-1698 (ed. P. Kelly), Blackrock, 1982. The 'problem of Molyneux' dealt with the issue of whether 'the experience derived from one field of sense perception is a sufficient basis on which to construct another field of perception that is of qualitatively different content and of specifically different structure' (E. Cassirer, The Philosophy of the Enlightenment, Princeton, NJ, [1932] 1968, 108). The problem first appeared in print in Some Familiar Letters between Mr. Locke and Several of his Friends, London, 1708, 37-8. It had the following form: would a person born blind, on recovering the use of his eyes, be able to name correctly a cube and a sphere on the basis of his previous tactile experience with these objects? See also J. Locke, An Essay Concerning Human Understanding, Amherst, N.Y., [1693] 1995, 93-4. On the significance of Molyneux's question see also J. Davis, 'The Molyneux problem', Journal of the History of Ideas (1960), 21, 392-408; A. Bernabei, 'Il cieco di Molyneux: un problema della percezione visiva nella Francia illuminista, 1737-1754', Rivista Critica di Storia della Filosofia (1975), 30, 132-66; and M. Degenaar, Molyneux's Problem: Three Centuries of Discussion on the Perception of Forms, Dordrecht, 1996. Note that Algarotti was extremely displeased when the letter containing the reference to his Lockean fever was published in 1744, just as he was preparing his revised edition of Newtonianism for Ladies. The passage caused a great sensation in Bologna. See the letters between Algarotti and Zanotti (1745), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 211-21.
183. As early as 1729 Manfredi would invite Algarotti to be more cautious in 'those matters about which one does not want to talk and even less write'. He would also use the expression 'your English [authors]'. Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 39-40, 48. In the early 1730s Algarotti was reading and appreciating authors like Pietro Giannone and Giordano Bruno. See letter of Algarotti to Zanotti (1732), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 66; and letter of Sebastiano Antoni to Algarotti dated 30 December 1731, in Epistolario Moschini, Biblioteca del Museo Correr, Venice. In 1733 Zanotti reported that Algarotti was doing well in integral calculus and mechanics but was affected by a slow Lockean fever (una certa febbre lenta di Lochismo) and a strong attraction for libertine authors. Letters familiari d'alcuni bolognesi del nostro secolo, Bologna, 1744, ii, 101-2. William Molyneux was the author of Dioptrica Nova: A Treatise of Dioplricks (1692). See J. Simms, William Molyneux of Dublin, 1656-1698 (ed. P. Kelly), Blackrock, 1982. The 'problem of Molyneux' dealt with the issue of whether 'the experience derived from one field of sense perception is a sufficient basis on which to construct another field of perception that is of qualitatively different content and of specifically different structure' (E. Cassirer, The Philosophy of the Enlightenment, Princeton, NJ, [1932] 1968, 108). The problem first appeared in print in Some Familiar Letters between Mr. Locke and Several of his Friends, London, 1708, 37-8. It had the following form: would a person born blind, on recovering the use of his eyes, be able to name correctly a cube and a sphere on the basis of his previous tactile experience with these objects? See also J. Locke, An Essay Concerning Human Understanding, Amherst, N.Y., [1693] 1995, 93-4. On the significance of Molyneux's question see also J. Davis, 'The Molyneux problem', Journal of the History of Ideas (1960), 21, 392-408; A. Bernabei, 'Il cieco di Molyneux: un problema della percezione visiva nella Francia illuminista, 1737-1754', Rivista Critica di Storia della Filosofia (1975), 30, 132-66; and M. Degenaar, Molyneux's Problem: Three Centuries of Discussion on the Perception of Forms, Dordrecht, 1996. Note that Algarotti was extremely displeased when the letter containing the reference to his Lockean fever was published in 1744, just as he was preparing his revised edition of Newtonianism for Ladies. The passage caused a great sensation in Bologna. See the letters between Algarotti and Zanotti (1745), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 211-21.
184. As early as 1729 Manfredi would invite Algarotti to be more cautious in 'those matters about which one does not want to talk and even less write'. He would also use the expression 'your English [authors]'. Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 39-40, 48. In the early 1730s Algarotti was reading and appreciating authors like Pietro Giannone and Giordano Bruno. See letter of Algarotti to Zanotti (1732), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 66; and letter of Sebastiano Antoni to Algarotti dated 30 December 1731, in Epistolario Moschini, Biblioteca del Museo Correr, Venice. In 1733 Zanotti reported that Algarotti was doing well in integral calculus and mechanics but was affected by a slow Lockean fever (una certa febbre lenta di Lochismo) and a strong attraction for libertine authors. Letters familiari d'alcuni bolognesi del nostro secolo, Bologna, 1744, ii, 101-2. William Molyneux was the author of Dioptrica Nova: A Treatise of Dioplricks (1692). See J. Simms, William Molyneux of Dublin, 1656-1698 (ed. P. Kelly), Blackrock, 1982. The 'problem of Molyneux' dealt with the issue of whether 'the experience derived from one field of sense perception is a sufficient basis on which to construct another field of perception that is of qualitatively different content and of specifically different structure' (E. Cassirer, The Philosophy of the Enlightenment, Princeton, NJ, [1932] 1968, 108). The problem first appeared in print in Some Familiar Letters between Mr. Locke and Several of his Friends, London, 1708, 37-8. It had the following form: would a person born blind, on recovering the use of his eyes, be able to name correctly a cube and a sphere on the basis of his previous tactile experience with these objects? See also J. Locke, An Essay Concerning Human Understanding, Amherst, N.Y., [1693] 1995, 93-4. On the significance of Molyneux's question see also J. Davis, 'The Molyneux problem', Journal of the History of Ideas (1960), 21, 392-408; A. Bernabei, 'Il cieco di Molyneux: un problema della percezione visiva nella Francia illuminista, 1737-1754', Rivista Critica di Storia della Filosofia (1975), 30, 132-66; and M. Degenaar, Molyneux's Problem: Three Centuries of Discussion on the Perception of Forms, Dordrecht, 1996. Note that Algarotti was extremely displeased when the letter containing the reference to his Lockean fever was published in 1744, just as he was preparing his revised edition of Newtonianism for Ladies. The passage caused a great sensation in Bologna. See the letters between Algarotti and Zanotti (1745), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 211-21.
185. As early as 1729 Manfredi would invite Algarotti to be more cautious in 'those matters about which one does not want to talk and even less write'. He would also use the expression 'your English [authors]'. Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 39-40, 48. In the early 1730s Algarotti was reading and appreciating authors like Pietro Giannone and Giordano Bruno. See letter of Algarotti to Zanotti (1732), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 66; and letter of Sebastiano Antoni to Algarotti dated 30 December 1731, in Epistolario Moschini, Biblioteca del Museo Correr, Venice. In 1733 Zanotti reported that Algarotti was doing well in integral calculus and mechanics but was affected by a slow Lockean fever (una certa febbre lenta di Lochismo) and a strong attraction for libertine authors. Letters familiari d'alcuni bolognesi del nostro secolo, Bologna, 1744, ii, 101-2. William Molyneux was the author of Dioptrica Nova: A Treatise of Dioplricks (1692). See J. Simms, William Molyneux of Dublin, 1656-1698 (ed. P. Kelly), Blackrock, 1982. The 'problem of Molyneux' dealt with the issue of whether 'the experience derived from one field of sense perception is a sufficient basis on which to construct another field of perception that is of qualitatively different content and of specifically different structure' (E. Cassirer, The Philosophy of the Enlightenment, Princeton, NJ, [1932] 1968, 108). The problem first appeared in print in Some Familiar Letters between Mr. Locke and Several of his Friends, London, 1708, 37-8. It had the following form: would a person born blind, on recovering the use of his eyes, be able to name correctly a cube and a sphere on the basis of his previous tactile experience with these objects? See also J. Locke, An Essay Concerning Human Understanding, Amherst, N.Y., [1693] 1995, 93-4. On the significance of Molyneux's question see also J. Davis, 'The Molyneux problem', Journal of the History of Ideas (1960), 21, 392-408; A. Bernabei, 'Il cieco di Molyneux: un problema della percezione visiva nella Francia illuminista, 1737-1754', Rivista Critica di Storia della Filosofia (1975), 30, 132-66; and M. Degenaar, Molyneux's Problem: Three Centuries of Discussion on the Perception of Forms, Dordrecht, 1996. Note that Algarotti was extremely displeased when the letter containing the reference to his Lockean fever was published in 1744, just as he was preparing his revised edition of Newtonianism for Ladies. The passage caused a great sensation in Bologna. See the letters between Algarotti and Zanotti (1745), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 211-21.
186. F. Algarotti, Caritea, in cui si spiega come da noi si veggano diritti gli oggetti che nell' occhio si dipingono capovolti, e come solo si vegga un oggetto non ostante che negli occhi se ne dipinga due immagini, in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), ii, 347-65. Algarotti's friend and first biographer Michelessi claimed indeed that Caritea was 'a compendium of the entire book [Newtonianism for Ladies]'. Michelessi, op. cit. (9), p. xiii. W. Chesselden, 'An account of some observations made by a young gentleman, who was born blind, or lost his sight so early, that he had no remembrance of ever having seen, and was couch'd between 13 and 14 years of age', Philosophical Transactions (1727-8), 35, 447-50. The arguments of conversion and unawareness are made in B. Basile, 'Un dialogo scientifico di Algarotti: Caritea', Filologia e Critica (1984), 9, 254-73. But see instead the relevant passages in Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 93-107.
187. F. Algarotti, Caritea, in cui si spiega come da noi si veggano diritti gli oggetti che nell' occhio si dipingono capovolti, e come solo si vegga un oggetto non ostante che negli occhi se ne dipinga due immagini, in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), ii, 347-65. Algarotti's friend and first biographer Michelessi claimed indeed that Caritea was 'a compendium of the entire book [Newtonianism for Ladies]'. Michelessi, op. cit. (9), p. xiii. W. Chesselden, 'An account of some observations made by a young gentleman, who was born blind, or lost his sight so early, that he had no remembrance of ever having seen, and was couch'd between 13 and 14 years of age', Philosophical Transactions (1727-8), 35, 447-50. The arguments of conversion and unawareness are made in B. Basile, 'Un dialogo scientifico di Algarotti: Caritea', Filologia e Critica (1984), 9, 254-73. But see instead the relevant passages in Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 93-107.
188. F. Algarotti, Caritea, in cui si spiega come da noi si veggano diritti gli oggetti che nell' occhio si dipingono capovolti, e come solo si vegga un oggetto non ostante che negli occhi se ne dipinga due immagini, in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), ii, 347-65. Algarotti's friend and first biographer Michelessi claimed indeed that Caritea was 'a compendium of the entire book [Newtonianism for Ladies]'. Michelessi, op. cit. (9), p. xiii. W. Chesselden, 'An account of some observations made by a young gentleman, who was born blind, or lost his sight so early, that he had no remembrance of ever having seen, and was couch'd between 13 and 14 years of age', Philosophical Transactions (1727-8), 35, 447-50. The arguments of conversion and unawareness are made in B. Basile, 'Un dialogo scientifico di Algarotti: Caritea', Filologia e Critica (1984), 9, 254-73. But see instead the relevant passages in Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 93-107.
189. F. Algarotti, Caritea, in cui si spiega come da noi si veggano diritti gli oggetti che nell' occhio si dipingono capovolti, e come solo si vegga un oggetto non ostante che negli occhi se ne dipinga due immagini, in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), ii, 347-65. Algarotti's friend and first biographer Michelessi claimed indeed that Caritea was 'a compendium of the entire book [Newtonianism for Ladies]'. Michelessi, op. cit. (9), p. xiii. W. Chesselden, 'An account of some observations made by a young gentleman, who was born blind, or lost his sight so early, that he had no remembrance of ever having seen, and was couch'd between 13 and 14 years of age', Philosophical Transactions (1727-8), 35, 447-50. The arguments of conversion and unawareness are made in B. Basile, 'Un dialogo scientifico di Algarotti: Caritea', Filologia e Critica (1984), 9, 254-73. But see instead the relevant passages in Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 93-107.
190. F. Algarotti, Caritea, in cui si spiega come da noi si veggano diritti gli oggetti che nell' occhio si dipingono capovolti, e come solo si vegga un oggetto non ostante che negli occhi se ne dipinga due immagini, in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), ii, 347-65. Algarotti's friend and first biographer Michelessi claimed indeed that Caritea was 'a compendium of the entire book [Newtonianism for Ladies]'. Michelessi, op. cit. (9), p. xiii. W. Chesselden, 'An account of some observations made by a young gentleman, who was born blind, or lost his sight so early, that he had no remembrance of ever having seen, and was couch'd between 13 and 14 years of age', Philosophical Transactions (1727-8), 35, 447-50. The arguments of conversion and unawareness are made in B. Basile, 'Un dialogo scientifico di Algarotti: Caritea', Filologia e Critica (1984), 9, 254-73. But see instead the relevant passages in Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 93-107.
191. F. Algarotti, Caritea, in cui si spiega come da noi si veggano diritti gli oggetti che nell' occhio si dipingono capovolti, e come solo si vegga un oggetto non ostante che negli occhi se ne dipinga due immagini, in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), ii, 347-65. Algarotti's friend and first biographer Michelessi claimed indeed that Caritea was 'a compendium of the entire book [Newtonianism for Ladies]'. Michelessi, op. cit. (9), p. xiii. W. Chesselden, 'An account of some observations made by a young gentleman, who was born blind, or lost his sight so early, that he had no remembrance of ever having seen, and was couch'd between 13 and 14 years of age', Philosophical Transactions (1727-8), 35, 447-50. The arguments of conversion and unawareness are made in B. Basile, 'Un dialogo scientifico di Algarotti: Caritea', Filologia e Critica (1984), 9, 254-73. But see instead the relevant passages in Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 93-107.
192. F. Algarotti, Caritea, in cui si spiega come da noi si veggano diritti gli oggetti che nell' occhio si dipingono capovolti, e come solo si vegga un oggetto non ostante che negli occhi se ne dipinga due immagini, in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), ii, 347-65. Algarotti's friend and first biographer Michelessi claimed indeed that Caritea was 'a compendium of the entire book [Newtonianism for Ladies]'. Michelessi, op. cit. (9), p. xiii. W. Chesselden, 'An account of some observations made by a young gentleman, who was born blind, or lost his sight so early, that he had no remembrance of ever having seen, and was couch'd between 13 and 14 years of age', Philosophical Transactions (1727-8), 35, 447-50. The arguments of conversion and unawareness are made in B. Basile, 'Un dialogo scientifico di Algarotti: Caritea', Filologia e Critica (1984), 9, 254-73. But see instead the relevant passages in Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 93-107.
193. 'Il secolo delle cose e dell'universal cultura venga una volta anco per noi, e il sapere non ad irruvidir l'animo, a nutrir d'alcuni pochi la mente, o a patire sopra una vecchia e disusuata frase, ma a pulir serva, se possibile, e ad abbellir la società'. Algarotti, op. cit. (1), p. xi.
194. 'Il secolo delle cose e dell'universal cultura venga una volta anco per noi, e il sapere non ad irruvidir l'animo, a nutrir d'alcuni pochi la mente, o a patire sopra una vecchia e disusuata frase, ma a pulir serva, se possibile, e ad abbellir la società'. Algarotti, op. cit. (1), p. xi.
195. Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 153; and Graf, op. cit. (20), 140-55. See also Algarotti's letter to an anonymous recipient (1752) on the connection between a free government, culture and wealth, in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), ix, 214-15. Knowing calculus, Locke and the law of gravitation is not enough, Algarotti remarked. One also needs to know the Act of Navigation, the excellence of the English government, its laws, Swift, Pope and the proper way of manuring the land. Letter to Antonio Zanon (1763), in Algarotti, op. cir. (5), x, 165-8. There is a vast literature on the relation between Newtonian science and contemporary economic and technological development, which goes back to the pioneering works of Boris Hessen and Robert K. Merton: B. Hessen, 'The social and economic roots of Newton's Principia', in Science at the Crossroads (ed. N. Bukharin), London, 1931, 1-62; and R. Merton, Science, Technology, and Society in Seventeenth-Century England, New York, [1938] 1970, 228-8. See also S. Schaffer, 'Newton at the crossroads', Radical Philosophy (1984), 37, 23-8. For more recent studies see I. Inkster, 'The public lecture as an instrument of science education for adults: the case of Great Britain, c. 1750-1850', Paedagogica Historica (1981), 20, 80-107; L. Stewart, 'The selling of Newton: science and technology in early eighteenth-century England', Journal of British Studies (1986), 25, 178-92; idem, The Rise of Public Science: Rhetoric, Technology, and Natural Philosophy in Newtonian Britain, 1660-1750, Cambridge, 1992; M. Jacob, 'Scientific culture in the early English Enlightenment: mechanisms, industry, and gentlemanly facts', in Anticipations of the Enlightenment in England, France, and Germany (ed. A. Kors and P. Korshin), Philadelphia, 1987, 134-64; .M. Jacob, Newton and the Culture of Newtonianism, Atlantic Highlands, NJ, 1995.
196. Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 153; and Graf, op. cit. (20), 140-55. See also Algarotti's letter to an anonymous recipient (1752) on the connection between a free government, culture and wealth, in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), ix, 214-15. Knowing calculus, Locke and the law of gravitation is not enough, Algarotti remarked. One also needs to know the Act of Navigation, the excellence of the English government, its laws, Swift, Pope and the proper way of manuring the land. Letter to Antonio Zanon (1763), in Algarotti, op. cir. (5), x, 165-8. There is a vast literature on the relation between Newtonian science and contemporary economic and technological development, which goes back to the pioneering works of Boris Hessen and Robert K. Merton: B. Hessen, 'The social and economic roots of Newton's Principia', in Science at the Crossroads (ed. N. Bukharin), London, 1931, 1-62; and R. Merton, Science, Technology, and Society in Seventeenth-Century England, New York, [1938] 1970, 228-8. See also S. Schaffer, 'Newton at the crossroads', Radical Philosophy (1984), 37, 23-8. For more recent studies see I. Inkster, 'The public lecture as an instrument of science education for adults: the case of Great Britain, c. 1750-1850', Paedagogica Historica (1981), 20, 80-107; L. Stewart, 'The selling of Newton: science and technology in early eighteenth-century England', Journal of British Studies (1986), 25, 178-92; idem, The Rise of Public Science: Rhetoric, Technology, and Natural Philosophy in Newtonian Britain, 1660-1750, Cambridge, 1992; M. Jacob, 'Scientific culture in the early English Enlightenment: mechanisms, industry, and gentlemanly facts', in Anticipations of the Enlightenment in England, France, and Germany (ed. A. Kors and P. Korshin), Philadelphia, 1987, 134-64; .M. Jacob, Newton and the Culture of Newtonianism, Atlantic Highlands, NJ, 1995.
197. Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 153; and Graf, op. cit. (20), 140-55. See also Algarotti's letter to an anonymous recipient (1752) on the connection between a free government, culture and wealth, in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), ix, 214-15. Knowing calculus, Locke and the law of gravitation is not enough, Algarotti remarked. One also needs to know the Act of Navigation, the excellence of the English government, its laws, Swift, Pope and the proper way of manuring the land. Letter to Antonio Zanon (1763), in Algarotti, op. cir. (5), x, 165-8. There is a vast literature on the relation between Newtonian science and contemporary economic and technological development, which goes back to the pioneering works of Boris Hessen and Robert K. Merton: B. Hessen, 'The social and economic roots of Newton's Principia', in Science at the Crossroads (ed. N. Bukharin), London, 1931, 1-62; and R. Merton, Science, Technology, and Society in Seventeenth-Century England, New York, [1938] 1970, 228-8. See also S. Schaffer, 'Newton at the crossroads', Radical Philosophy (1984), 37, 23-8. For more recent studies see I. Inkster, 'The public lecture as an instrument of science education for adults: the case of Great Britain, c. 1750-1850', Paedagogica Historica (1981), 20, 80-107; L. Stewart, 'The selling of Newton: science and technology in early eighteenth-century England', Journal of British Studies (1986), 25, 178-92; idem, The Rise of Public Science: Rhetoric, Technology, and Natural Philosophy in Newtonian Britain, 1660-1750, Cambridge, 1992; M. Jacob, 'Scientific culture in the early English Enlightenment: mechanisms, industry, and gentlemanly facts', in Anticipations of the Enlightenment in England, France, and Germany (ed. A. Kors and P. Korshin), Philadelphia, 1987, 134-64; .M. Jacob, Newton and the Culture of Newtonianism, Atlantic Highlands, NJ, 1995.
198. Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 153; and Graf, op. cit. (20), 140-55. See also Algarotti's letter to an anonymous recipient (1752) on the connection between a free government, culture and wealth, in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), ix, 214-15. Knowing calculus, Locke and the law of gravitation is not enough, Algarotti remarked. One also needs to know the Act of Navigation, the excellence of the English government, its laws, Swift, Pope and the proper way of manuring the land. Letter to Antonio Zanon (1763), in Algarotti, op. cir. (5), x, 165-8. There is a vast literature on the relation between Newtonian science and contemporary economic and technological development, which goes back to the pioneering works of Boris Hessen and Robert K. Merton: B. Hessen, 'The social and economic roots of Newton's Principia', in Science at the Crossroads (ed. N. Bukharin), London, 1931, 1-62; and R. Merton, Science, Technology, and Society in Seventeenth-Century England, New York, [1938] 1970, 228-8. See also S. Schaffer, 'Newton at the crossroads', Radical Philosophy (1984), 37, 23-8. For more recent studies see I. Inkster, 'The public lecture as an instrument of science education for adults: the case of Great Britain, c. 1750-1850', Paedagogica Historica (1981), 20, 80-107; L. Stewart, 'The selling of Newton: science and technology in early eighteenth-century England', Journal of British Studies (1986), 25, 178-92; idem, The Rise of Public Science: Rhetoric, Technology, and Natural Philosophy in Newtonian Britain, 1660-1750, Cambridge, 1992; M. Jacob, 'Scientific culture in the early English Enlightenment: mechanisms, industry, and gentlemanly facts', in Anticipations of the Enlightenment in England, France, and Germany (ed. A. Kors and P. Korshin), Philadelphia, 1987, 134-64; .M. Jacob, Newton and the Culture of Newtonianism, Atlantic Highlands, NJ, 1995.
199. Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 153; and Graf, op. cit. (20), 140-55. See also Algarotti's letter to an anonymous recipient (1752) on the connection between a free government, culture and wealth, in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), ix, 214-15. Knowing calculus, Locke and the law of gravitation is not enough, Algarotti remarked. One also needs to know the Act of Navigation, the excellence of the English government, its laws, Swift, Pope and the proper way of manuring the
200. Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 153; and Graf, op. cit. (20), 140-55. See also Algarotti's letter to an anonymous recipient (1752) on the connection between a free government, culture and wealth, in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), ix, 214-15. Knowing calculus, Locke and the law of gravitation is not enough, Algarotti remarked. One also needs to know the Act of Navigation, the excellence of the English government, its laws, Swift, Pope and the proper way of manuring the land. Letter to Antonio Zanon (1763), in Algarotti, op. cir. (5), x, 165-8. There is a vast literature on the relation between Newtonian science and contemporary economic and technological development, which goes back to the pioneering works of Boris Hessen and Robert K. Merton: B. Hessen, 'The social and economic roots of Newton's Principia', in Science at the Crossroads (ed. N. Bukharin), London, 1931, 1-62; and R. Merton, Science, Technology, and Society in Seventeenth-Century England, New York, [1938] 1970, 228-8. See also S. Schaffer, 'Newton at the crossroads', Radical Philosophy (1984), 37, 23-8. For more recent studies see I. Inkster, 'The public lecture as an instrument of science education for adults: the case of Great Britain, c. 1750-1850', Paedagogica Historica (1981), 20, 80-107; L. Stewart, 'The selling of Newton: science and technology in early eighteenth-century England', Journal of British Studies (1986), 25, 178-92; idem, The Rise of Public Science: Rhetoric, Technology, and Natural Philosophy in Newtonian Britain, 1660-1750, Cambridge, 1992; M. Jacob, 'Scientific culture in the early English Enlightenment: mechanisms, industry, and gentlemanly facts', in Anticipations of the Enlightenment in England, France, and Germany (ed. A. Kors and P. Korshin), Philadelphia, 1987, 134-64; .M. Jacob, Newton and the Culture of Newtonianism, Atlantic Highlands, NJ, 1995.
201. Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 153; and Graf, op. cit. (20), 140-55. See also Algarotti's letter to an anonymous recipient (1752) on the connection between a free government, culture and wealth, in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), ix, 214-15. Knowing calculus, Locke and the law of gravitation is not enough, Algarotti remarked. One also needs to know the Act of Navigation, the excellence of the English government, its laws, Swift, Pope and the proper way of manuring the land. Letter to Antonio Zanon (1763), in Algarotti, op. cir. (5), x, 165-8. There is a vast literature on the relation between Newtonian science and contemporary economic and technological development, which goes back to the pioneering works of Boris Hessen and Robert K. Merton: B. Hessen, 'The social and economic roots of Newton's Principia', in Science at the Crossroads (ed. N. Bukharin), London, 1931, 1-62; and R. Merton, Science, Technology, and Society in Seventeenth-Century England, New York, [1938] 1970, 228-8. See also S. Schaffer, 'Newton at the crossroads', Radical Philosophy (1984), 37, 23-8. For more recent studies see I. Inkster, 'The public lecture as an instrument of science education for adults: the case of Great Britain, c. 1750-1850', Paedagogica Historica (1981), 20, 80-107; L. Stewart, 'The selling of Newton: science and technology in early eighteenth-century England', Journal of British Studies (1986), 25, 178-92; idem, The Rise of Public Science: Rhetoric, Technology, and Natural Philosophy in Newtonian Britain, 1660-1750, Cambridge, 1992; M. Jacob, 'Scientific culture in the early English Enlightenment: mechanisms, industry, and gentlemanly facts', in Anticipations of the Enlightenment in England, France, and Germany (ed. A. Kors and P. Korshin), Philadelphia, 1987, 134-64; .M. Jacob, Newton and the Culture of Newtonianism, Atlantic Highlands, NJ, 1995.
202. Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 153; and Graf, op. cit. (20), 140-55. See also Algarotti's letter to an anonymous recipient (1752) on the connection between a free government, culture and wealth, in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), ix, 214-15. Knowing calculus, Locke and the law of gravitation is not enough, Algarotti remarked. One also needs to know the Act of Navigation, the excellence of the English government, its laws, Swift, Pope and the proper way of manuring the land. Letter to Antonio Zanon (1763), in Algarotti, op. cir. (5), x, 165-8. There is a vast literature on the relation between Newtonian science and contemporary economic and technological development, which goes back to the pioneering works of Boris Hessen and Robert K. Merton: B. Hessen, 'The social and economic roots of Newton's Principia', in Science at the Crossroads (ed. N. Bukharin), London, 1931, 1-62; and R. Merton, Science, Technology, and Society in Seventeenth-Century England, New York, [1938] 1970, 228-8. See also S. Schaffer, 'Newton at the crossroads', Radical Philosophy (1984), 37, 23-8. For more recent studies see I. Inkster, 'The public lecture as an instrument of science education for adults: the case of Great Britain, c. 1750-1850', Paedagogica Historica (1981), 20, 80-107; L. Stewart, 'The selling of Newton: science and technology in early eighteenth-century England', Journal of British Studies (1986), 25, 178-92; idem, The Rise of Public Science: Rhetoric, Technology, and Natural Philosophy in Newtonian Britain, 1660-1750, Cambridge, 1992; M. Jacob, 'Scientific culture in the early English Enlightenment: mechanisms, industry, and gentlemanly facts', in Anticipations of the Enlightenment in England, France, and Germany (ed. A. Kors and P. Korshin), Philadelphia, 1987, 134-64; .M. Jacob, Newton and the Culture of Newtonianism, Atlantic Highlands, NJ, 1995.
203. Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 153; and Graf, op. cit. (20), 140-55. See also Algarotti's letter to an anonymous recipient (1752) on the connection between a free government, culture and wealth, in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), ix, 214-15. Knowing calculus, Locke and the law of gravitation is not enough, Algarotti remarked. One also needs to know the Act of Navigation, the excellence of the English government, its laws, Swift, Pope and the proper way of manuring the land. Letter to Antonio Zanon (1763), in Algarotti, op. cir. (5), x, 165-8. There is a vast literature on the relation between Newtonian science and contemporary economic and technological development, which goes back to the pioneering works of Boris Hessen and Robert K. Merton: B. Hessen, 'The social and economic roots of Newton's Principia', in Science at the Crossroads (ed. N. Bukharin), London, 1931, 1-62; and R. Merton, Science, Technology, and Society in Seventeenth-Century England, New York, [1938] 1970, 228-8. See also S. Schaffer, 'Newton at the crossroads', Radical Philosophy (1984), 37, 23-8. For more recent studies see I. Inkster, 'The public lecture as an instrument of science education for adults: the case of Great Britain, c. 1750-1850', Paedagogica Historica (1981), 20, 80-107; L. Stewart, 'The selling of Newton: science and technology in early eighteenth-century England', Journal of British Studies (1986), 25, 178-92; idem, The Rise of Public Science: Rhetoric, Technology, and Natural Philosophy in Newtonian Britain, 1660-1750, Cambridge, 1992; M. Jacob, 'Scientific culture in the early English Enlightenment: mechanisms, industry, and gentlemanly facts', in Anticipations of the Enlightenment in England, France, and Germany (ed. A. Kors and P. Korshin), Philadelphia, 1987, 134-64; .M. Jacob, Newton and the Culture of Newtonianism, Atlantic Highlands, NJ, 1995.
204. Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 153; and Graf, op. cit. (20), 140-55. See also Algarotti's letter to an anonymous recipient (1752) on the connection between a free government, culture and wealth, in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), ix, 214-15. Knowing calculus, Locke and the law of gravitation is not enough, Algarotti remarked. One also needs to know the Act of Navigation, the excellence of the English government, its laws, Swift, Pope and the proper way of manuring the land. Letter to Antonio Zanon (1763), in Algarotti, op. cir. (5), x, 165-8. There is a vast literature on the relation between Newtonian science and contemporary economic and technological development, which goes back to the pioneering works of Boris Hessen and Robert K. Merton: B. Hessen, 'The social and economic roots of Newton's Principia', in Science at the Crossroads (ed. N. Bukharin), London, 1931, 1-62; and R. Merton, Science, Technology, and Society in Seventeenth-Century England, New York, [1938] 1970, 228-8. See also S. Schaffer, 'Newton at the crossroads', Radical Philosophy (1984), 37, 23-8. For more recent studies see I. Inkster, 'The public lecture as an instrument of science education for adults: the case of Great Britain, c. 1750-1850', Paedagogica Historica (1981), 20, 80-107; L. Stewart, 'The selling of Newton: science and technology in early eighteenth-century England', Journal of British Studies (1986), 25, 178-92; idem, The Rise of Public Science: Rhetoric, Technology, and Natural Philosophy in Newtonian Britain, 1660-1750, Cambridge, 1992; M. Jacob, 'Scientific culture in the early English Enlightenment: mechanisms, industry, and gentlemanly facts', in Anticipations of the Enlightenment in England, France, and Germany (ed. A. Kors and P. Korshin), Philadelphia, 1987, 134-64; .M. Jacob, Newton and the Culture of Newtonianism, Atlantic Highlands, NJ, 1995.
205. Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 153; and Graf, op. cit. (20), 140-55. See also Algarotti's letter to an anonymous recipient (1752) on the connection between a free government, culture and wealth, in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), ix, 214-15. Knowing calculus, Locke and the law of gravitation is not enough, Algarotti remarked. One also needs to know the Act of Navigation, the excellence of the English government, its laws, Swift, Pope and the proper way of manuring the land. Letter to Antonio Zanon (1763), in Algarotti, op. cir. (5), x, 165-8. There is a vast literature on the relation between Newtonian science and contemporary economic and technological development, which goes back to the pioneering works of Boris Hessen and Robert K. Merton: B. Hessen, 'The social and economic roots of Newton's Principia', in Science at the Crossroads (ed. N. Bukharin), London, 1931, 1-62; and R. Merton, Science, Technology, and Society in Seventeenth-Century England, New York, [1938] 1970, 228-8. See also S. Schaffer, 'Newton at the crossroads', Radical Philosophy (1984), 37, 23-8. For more recent studies see I. Inkster, 'The public lecture as an instrument of science education for adults: the case of Great Britain, c. 1750-1850', Paedagogica Historica (1981), 20, 80-107; L. Stewart, 'The selling of Newton: science and technology in early eighteenth-century England', Journal of British Studies (1986), 25, 178-92; idem, The Rise of Public Science: Rhetoric, Technology, and Natural Philosophy in Newtonian Britain, 1660-1750, Cambridge, 1992; M. Jacob, 'Scientific culture in the early English Enlightenment: mechanisms, industry, and gentlemanly facts', in Anticipations of the Enlightenment in England, France, and Germany (ed. A. Kors and P. Korshin), Philadelphia, 1987, 134-64; .M. Jacob, Newton and the Culture of Newtonianism, Atlantic Highlands, NJ, 1995.
206. Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 153; and Graf, op. cit. (20), 140-55. See also Algarotti's letter to an anonymous recipient (1752) on the connection between a free government, culture and wealth, in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), ix, 214-15. Knowing calculus, Locke and the law of gravitation is not enough, Algarotti remarked. One also needs to know the Act of Navigation, the excellence of the English government, its laws, Swift, Pope and the proper way of manuring the land. Letter to Antonio Zanon (1763), in Algarotti, op. cir. (5), x, 165-8. There is a vast literature on the relation between Newtonian science and contemporary economic and technological development, which goes back to the pioneering works of Boris Hessen and Robert K. Merton: B. Hessen, 'The social and economic roots of Newton's Principia', in Science at the Crossroads (ed. N. Bukharin), London, 1931, 1-62; and R. Merton, Science, Technology, and Society in Seventeenth-Century England, New York, [1938] 1970, 228-8. See also S. Schaffer, 'Newton at the crossroads', Radical Philosophy (1984), 37, 23-8. For more recent studies see I. Inkster, 'The public lecture as an instrument of science education for adults: the case of Great Britain, c. 1750-1850', Paedagogica Historica (1981), 20, 80-107; L. Stewart, 'The selling of Newton: science and technology in early eighteenth-century England', Journal of British Studies (1986), 25, 178-92; idem, The Rise of Public Science: Rhetoric, Technology, and Natural Philosophy in Newtonian Britain, 1660-1750, Cambridge, 1992; M. Jacob, 'Scientific culture in the early English Enlightenment: mechanisms, industry, and gentlemanly facts', in Anticipations of the Enlightenment in England, France, and Germany (ed. A. Kors and P. Korshin), Philadelphia, 1987, 134-64; .M. Jacob, Newton and the Culture of Newtonianism, Atlantic Highlands, NJ, 1995.
207. On the links between early freemasonry and radical thought see M. Jacob, The Radical Enlightenment: Pantheists, Freemasons and Republicans, London, 1981; and idem, Living the Enlightenment: Freemasonry and Politics in Eighteenth-Century Europe, Oxford, 1991. But see also G. Gibbs, Review of The Radical Enlightenment, BJHS (1984), 17, 67-81.
208. On the links between early freemasonry and radical thought see M. Jacob, The Radical Enlightenment: Pantheists, Freemasons and Republicans, London, 1981; and idem, Living the Enlightenment: Freemasonry and Politics in Eighteenth-Century Europe, Oxford, 1991. But see also G. Gibbs, Review of The Radical Enlightenment, BJHS (1984), 17, 67-81.
209. On the links between early freemasonry and radical thought see M. Jacob, The Radical Enlightenment: Pantheists, Freemasons and Republicans, London, 1981; and idem, Living the Enlightenment: Freemasonry and Politics in Eighteenth-Century Europe, Oxford, 1991. But see also G. Gibbs, Review of The Radical Enlightenment, BJHS (1984), 17, 67-81.
210. On Algarotti's mathematical training and his ability in concealing it as opposed to Voltaire's incompetence see Manfredi's letter to Algarotti (1739), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 144. On Algarotti's 'extraordinary talent' in mathematics see also the letter of Manfredi to Algarotti (1731), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), 55-6. Quotes from Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 284-5. On the theme of light in Venetian frescoes and its connection to reform see B. Mazza, 'Il trionfo della scienza ovvero la luce dell'intelligenza vince le tenebre dell'ignoranza', Studi Veneziani (1992), 23-4, 163-81.
211. On Algarotti's mathematical training and his ability in concealing it as opposed to Voltaire's incompetence see Manfredi's letter to Algarotti (1739), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 144. On Algarotti's 'extraordinary talent' in mathematics see also the letter of Manfredi to Algarotti (1731), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), 55-6. Quotes from Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 284-5. On the theme of light in Venetian frescoes and its connection to reform see B. Mazza, 'Il trionfo della scienza ovvero la luce dell'intelligenza vince le tenebre dell'ignoranza', Studi Veneziani (1992), 23-4, 163-81.
212. On Algarotti's mathematical training and his ability in concealing it as opposed to Voltaire's incompetence see Manfredi's letter to Algarotti (1739), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 144. On Algarotti's 'extraordinary talent' in mathematics see also the letter of Manfredi to Algarotti (1731), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), 55-6. Quotes from Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 284-5. On the theme of light in Venetian frescoes and its connection to reform see B. Mazza, 'Il trionfo della scienza ovvero la luce dell'intelligenza vince le tenebre dell'ignoranza', Studi Veneziani (1992), 23-4, 163-81.
213. On Algarotti's mathematical training and his ability in concealing it as opposed to Voltaire's incompetence see Manfredi's letter to Algarotti (1739), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 144. On Algarotti's 'extraordinary talent' in mathematics see also the letter of Manfredi to Algarotti (1731), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), 55-6. Quotes from Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 284-5. On the theme of light in Venetian frescoes and its connection to reform see B. Mazza, 'Il trionfo della scienza ovvero la luce dell'intelligenza vince le tenebre dell'ignoranza', Studi Veneziani (1992), 23-4, 163-81.
214. Algarotti, op. cit. (1), 91, 157.
215. According to Michelessi, during his early travels Algarotri did not only improve his philosophical knowledge, but also his 'political and moral knowledge'. Michelessi, op. cit. (9), p. cxxi. See also R. Targhetta, La massoneria veneta dalle origini alla chiusura delle logge (1729-1785), Udine, 1988, 32-7; and F. Trentafonte, Giurisdizionalismo. Illuminismo e massoneria nel tramonto della repubblica venela, Venice, 1984, 68. On Algarotti's attachment to the freemasons see the letter of Manfredi to Leprorti dated 29 June 1737, Carteggio Manfredi, iii (BCAB). See also the letter of Leprotti to Manfredi dated 14 December 1737, Carteggio Leprotti, iii (BCAB). But see also the letter of Keyserlings to Algarotti (1740), where one reads, '[Frederick II] c'est declare Maçon, et moi de même a la suite de mon Héros. Considerez-moi comme un maitre Maçon. ... Je la salue por tous le cinq points de géométrie,' In Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xv, 26. On Folkes see Manfredi's letter to Algarotti (1734), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 110. On Algarotti discussing Locke with Folkes see his letter to Gian Maria Ortes (1750), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), ix, 166-9. On Cocchi see U. Baldini, sub voce, xxvi, DBI, 451-61; and L. Guerrini, Antonio Cocchi naturalista e filosofo, Florence, 2002, particularly 53-66, 157-9, 231. On Crudeli see P. Casini. 'The Crudeli affair: inquisition and the reason of state', in Eighteenth-Century Studies (ed. P. Gay), Hanover, NH, 1972, 131-52; and F. Sbigoli, Tommaso Crudeli e i primi framassoni in Firenze, narrazione storica corredata di documenti inediti, Milan, 1884. On Machiavelli as the 'Locke of politics' and a political reading of Roman history see Algarotti, Saggio critico del triumvirato di Crasso, Pompeo, Cesare (begun in 1739), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xvii, 145-522. See also F. Bertini, 'La massoneria in Toscana dall'età dei lumi alla restaurazione', in Le origini della massoneria in Toscana (ed. Z. Ciuffoletti), Foggia, 1989, 43-65. See also M. Rosa, Dispotismo e libertà nel Settecento. Interpretazioni 'repubblicane' di Machiavelli, Bari, 1964; and M. Saccenti, Lucrezio in Toscana, Studio su Alessandro Marchetti, Florence, 1966. On Zanorti turning Lockean and on Crudeli see Algarotti's letters to Zanotti (1733-4), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 103, 131, 137. For a sample of Algarotti's early poetry see his Rime, Bologna, 1733. On sending Newtonianism for Ladies to Crudeli see Manfredi's letter to Algarotti (1738), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 127. The essay cited in the text is T. Crudeli, L'arte di piacere alle donne ed alle amabili compagnie, Paris [i.e. Florence], 1762.
216. According to Michelessi, during his early travels Algarotri did not only improve his philosophical knowledge, but also his 'political and moral knowledge'. Michelessi, op. cit. (9), p. cxxi. See also R. Targhetta, La massoneria veneta dalle origini alla chiusura delle logge (1729-1785), Udine, 1988, 32-7; and F. Trentafonte, Giurisdizionalismo. Illuminismo e massoneria nel tramonto della repubblica venela, Venice, 1984, 68. On Algarotti's attachment to the freemasons see the letter of Manfredi to Leprorti dated 29 June 1737, Carteggio Manfredi, iii (BCAB). See also the letter of Leprotti to Manfredi dated 14 December 1737, Carteggio Leprotti, iii (BCAB). But see also the letter of Keyserlings to Algarotti (1740), where one reads, '[Frederick II] c'est declare Maçon, et moi de même a la suite de mon Héros. Considerez-moi comme un maitre Maçon. ... Je la salue por tous le cinq points de géométrie,' In Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xv, 26. On Folkes see Manfredi's letter to Algarotti (1734), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 110. On Algarotti discussing Locke with Folkes see his letter to Gian Maria Ortes (1750), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), ix, 166-9. On Cocchi see U. Baldini, sub voce, xxvi, DBI, 451-61; and L. Guerrini, Antonio Cocchi naturalista e filosofo, Florence, 2002, particularly 53-66, 157-9, 231. On Crudeli see P. Casini. 'The Crudeli affair: inquisition and the reason of state', in Eighteenth-Century Studies (ed. P. Gay), Hanover, NH, 1972, 131-52; and F. Sbigoli, Tommaso Crudeli e i primi framassoni in Firenze, narrazione storica corredata di documenti inediti, Milan, 1884. On Machiavelli as the 'Locke of politics' and a political reading of Roman history see Algarotti, Saggio critico del triumvirato di Crasso, Pompeo, Cesare (begun in 1739), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xvii, 145-522. See also F. Bertini, 'La massoneria in Toscana dall'età dei lumi alla restaurazione', in Le origini della massoneria in Toscana (ed. Z. Ciuffoletti), Foggia, 1989, 43-65. See also M. Rosa, Dispotismo e libertà nel Settecento. Interpretazioni 'repubblicane' di Machiavelli, Bari, 1964; and M. Saccenti, Lucrezio in Toscana, Studio su Alessandro Marchetti, Florence, 1966. On Zanorti turning Lockean and on Crudeli see Algarotti's letters to Zanotti (1733-4), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 103, 131, 137. For a sample of Algarotti's early poetry see his Rime, Bologna, 1733. On sending Newtonianism for Ladies to Crudeli see Manfredi's letter to Algarotti (1738), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 127. The essay cited in the text is T. Crudeli, L'arte di piacere alle donne ed alle amabili compagnie, Paris [i.e. Florence], 1762.
217. According to Michelessi, during his early travels Algarotri did not only improve his philosophical knowledge, but also his 'political and moral knowledge'. Michelessi, op. cit. (9), p. cxxi. See also R. Targhetta, La massoneria veneta dalle origini alla chiusura delle logge (1729-1785), Udine, 1988, 32-7; and F. Trentafonte, Giurisdizionalismo. Illuminismo e massoneria nel tramonto della repubblica venela, Venice, 1984, 68. On Algarotti's attachment to the freemasons see the letter of Manfredi to Leprorti dated 29 June 1737, Carteggio Manfredi, iii (BCAB). See also the letter of Leprotti to Manfredi dated 14 December 1737, Carteggio Leprotti, iii (BCAB). But see also the letter of Keyserlings to Algarotti (1740), where one reads, '[Frederick II] c'est declare Maçon, et moi de même a la suite de mon Héros. Considerez-moi comme un maitre Maçon. ... Je la salue por tous le cinq points de géométrie,' In Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xv, 26. On Folkes see Manfredi's letter to Algarotti (1734), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 110. On Algarotti discussing Locke with Folkes see his letter to Gian Maria Ortes (1750), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), ix, 166-9. On Cocchi see U. Baldini, sub voce, xxvi, DBI, 451-61; and L. Guerrini, Antonio Cocchi naturalista e filosofo, Florence, 2002, particularly 53-66, 157-9, 231. On Crudeli see P. Casini. 'The Crudeli affair: inquisition and the reason of state', in Eighteenth-Century Studies (ed. P. Gay), Hanover, NH, 1972, 131-52; and F. Sbigoli, Tommaso Crudeli e i primi framassoni in Firenze, narrazione storica corredata di documenti inediti, Milan, 1884. On Machiavelli as the 'Locke of politics' and a political reading of Roman history see Algarotti, Saggio critico del triumvirato di Crasso, Pompeo, Cesare (begun in 1739), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xvii, 145-522. See also F. Bertini, 'La massoneria in Toscana dall'età dei lumi alla restaurazione', in Le origini della massoneria in Toscana (ed. Z. Ciuffoletti), Foggia, 1989, 43-65. See also M. Rosa, Dispotismo e libertà nel Settecento. Interpretazioni 'repubblicane' di Machiavelli, Bari, 1964; and M. Saccenti, Lucrezio in Toscana, Studio su Alessandro Marchetti, Florence, 1966. On Zanorti turning Lockean and on Crudeli see Algarotti's letters to Zanotti (1733-4), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 103, 131, 137. For a sample of Algarotti's early poetry see his Rime, Bologna, 1733. On sending Newtonianism for Ladies to Crudeli see Manfredi's letter to Algarotti (1738), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 127. The essay cited in the text is T. Crudeli, L'arte di piacere alle donne ed alle amabili compagnie, Paris [i.e. Florence], 1762.
218. According to Michelessi, during his early travels Algarotri did not only improve his philosophical knowledge, but also his 'political and moral knowledge'. Michelessi, op. cit. (9), p. cxxi. See also R. Targhetta, La massoneria veneta dalle origini alla chiusura delle logge (1729-1785), Udine, 1988, 32-7; and F. Trentafonte, Giurisdizionalismo. Illuminismo e massoneria nel tramonto della repubblica venela, Venice, 1984, 68. On Algarotti's attachment to the freemasons see the letter of Manfredi to Leprorti dated 29 June 1737, Carteggio Manfredi, iii (BCAB). See also the letter of Leprotti to Manfredi dated 14 December 1737, Carteggio Leprotti, iii (BCAB). But see also the letter of Keyserlings to Algarotti (1740), where one reads, '[Frederick II] c'est declare Maçon, et moi de même a la suite de mon Héros. Considerez-moi comme un maitre Maçon. ... Je la salue por tous le cinq points de géométrie,' In Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xv, 26. On Folkes see Manfredi's letter to Algarotti (1734), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 110. On Algarotti discussing Locke with Folkes see his letter to Gian Maria Ortes (1750), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), ix, 166-9. On Cocchi see U. Baldini, sub voce, xxvi, DBI, 451-61; and L. Guerrini, Antonio Cocchi naturalista e filosofo, Florence, 2002, particularly 53-66, 157-9, 231. On Crudeli see P. Casini. 'The Crudeli affair: inquisition and the reason of state', in Eighteenth-Century Studies (ed. P. Gay), Hanover, NH, 1972, 131-52; and F. Sbigoli, Tommaso Crudeli e i primi framassoni in Firenze, narrazione storica corredata di documenti inediti, Milan, 1884. On Machiavelli as the 'Locke of politics' and a political reading of Roman history see Algarotti, Saggio critico del triumvirato di Crasso, Pompeo, Cesare (begun in 1739), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xvii, 145-522. See also F. Bertini, 'La massoneria in Toscana dall'età dei lumi alla restaurazione', in Le origini della massoneria in Toscana (ed. Z. Ciuffoletti), Foggia, 1989, 43-65. See also M. Rosa, Dispotismo e libertà nel Settecento. Interpretazioni 'repubblicane' di Machiavelli, Bari, 1964; and M. Saccenti, Lucrezio in Toscana, Studio su Alessandro Marchetti, Florence, 1966. On Zanorti turning Lockean and on Crudeli see Algarotti's letters to Zanotti (1733-4), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 103, 131, 137. For a sample of Algarotti's early poetry see his Rime, Bologna, 1733. On sending Newtonianism for Ladies to Crudeli see Manfredi's letter to Algarotti (1738), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 127. The essay cited in the text is T. Crudeli, L'arte di piacere alle donne ed alle amabili compagnie, Paris [i.e. Florence], 1762.
219. According to Michelessi, during his early travels Algarotri did not only improve his philosophical knowledge, but also his 'political and moral knowledge'. Michelessi, op. cit. (9), p. cxxi. See also R. Targhetta, La massoneria veneta dalle origini alla chiusura delle logge (1729-1785), Udine, 1988, 32-7; and F. Trentafonte, Giurisdizionalismo. Illuminismo e massoneria nel tramonto della repubblica venela, Venice, 1984, 68. On Algarotti's attachment to the freemasons see the letter of Manfredi to Leprorti dated 29 June 1737, Carteggio Manfredi, iii (BCAB). See also the letter of Leprotti to Manfredi dated 14 December 1737, Carteggio Leprotti, iii (BCAB). But see also the letter of Keyserlings to Algarotti (1740), where one reads, '[Frederick II] c'est declare Maçon, et moi de même a la suite de mon Héros. Considerez-moi comme un maitre Maçon. ... Je la salue por tous le cinq points de géométrie,' In Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xv, 26. On Folkes see Manfredi's letter to Algarotti (1734), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 110. On Algarotti discussing Locke with Folkes see his letter to Gian Maria Ortes (1750), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), ix, 166-9. On Cocchi see U. Baldini, sub voce, xxvi, DBI, 451-61; and L. Guerrini, Antonio Cocchi naturalista e filosofo, Florence, 2002, particularly 53-66, 157-9, 231. On Crudeli see P. Casini. 'The Crudeli affair: inquisition and the reason of state', in Eighteenth-Century Studies (ed. P. Gay), Hanover, NH, 1972, 131-52; and F. Sbigoli, Tommaso Crudeli e i primi framassoni in Firenze, narrazione storica corredata di documenti inediti, Milan, 1884. On Machiavelli as the 'Locke of politics' and a political reading of Roman history see Algarotti, Saggio critico del triumvirato di Crasso, Pompeo, Cesare (begun in 1739), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xvii, 145-522. See also F. Bertini, 'La massoneria in Toscana dall'età dei lumi alla restaurazione', in Le origini della massoneria in Toscana (ed. Z. Ciuffoletti), Foggia, 1989, 43-65. See also M. Rosa, Dispotismo e libertà nel Settecento. Interpretazioni 'repubblicane' di Machiavelli, Bari, 1964; and M. Saccenti, Lucrezio in Toscana, Studio su Alessandro Marchetti, Florence, 1966. On Zanorti turning Lockean and on Crudeli see Algarotti's letters to Zanotti (1733-4), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 103, 131, 137. For a sample of Algarotti's early poetry see his Rime, Bologna, 1733. On sending Newtonianism for Ladies to Crudeli see Manfredi's letter to Algarotti (1738), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 127. The essay cited in the text is T. Crudeli, L'arte di piacere alle donne ed alle amabili compagnie, Paris [i.e. Florence], 1762.
220. According to Michelessi, during his early travels Algarotri did not only improve his philosophical knowledge, but also his 'political and moral knowledge'. Michelessi, op. cit. (9), p. cxxi. See also R. Targhetta, La massoneria veneta dalle origini alla chiusura delle logge (1729-1785), Udine, 1988, 32-7; and F. Trentafonte, Giurisdizionalismo. Illuminismo e massoneria nel tramonto della repubblica venela, Venice, 1984, 68. On Algarotti's attachment to the freemasons see the letter of Manfredi to Leprorti dated 29 June 1737, Carteggio Manfredi, iii (BCAB). See also the letter of Leprotti to Manfredi dated 14 December 1737, Carteggio Leprotti, iii (BCAB). But see also the letter of Keyserlings to Algarotti (1740), where one reads, '[Frederick II] c'est declare Maçon, et moi de même a la suite de mon Héros. Considerez-moi comme un maitre Maçon. ... Je la salue por tous le cinq points de géométrie,' In Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xv, 26. On Folkes see Manfredi's letter to Algarotti (1734), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 110. On Algarotti discussing Locke with Folkes see his letter to Gian Maria Ortes (1750), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), ix, 166-9. On Cocchi see U. Baldini, sub voce, xxvi, DBI, 451-61; and L. Guerrini, Antonio Cocchi naturalista e filosofo, Florence, 2002, particularly 53-66, 157-9, 231. On Crudeli see P. Casini. 'The Crudeli affair: inquisition and the reason of state', in Eighteenth-Century Studies (ed. P. Gay), Hanover, NH, 1972, 131-52; and F. Sbigoli, Tommaso Crudeli e i primi framassoni in Firenze, narrazione storica corredata di documenti inediti, Milan, 1884. On Machiavelli as the 'Locke of politics' and a political reading of Roman history see Algarotti, Saggio critico del triumvirato di Crasso, Pompeo, Cesare (begun in 1739), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xvii, 145-522. See also F. Bertini, 'La massoneria in Toscana dall'età dei lumi alla restaurazione', in Le origini della massoneria in Toscana (ed. Z. Ciuffoletti), Foggia, 1989, 43-65. See also M. Rosa, Dispotismo e libertà nel Settecento. Interpretazioni 'repubblicane' di Machiavelli, Bari, 1964; and M. Saccenti, Lucrezio in Toscana, Studio su Alessandro Marchetti, Florence, 1966. On Zanorti turning Lockean and on Crudeli see Algarotti's letters to Zanotti (1733-4), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 103, 131, 137. For a sample of Algarotti's early poetry see his Rime, Bologna, 1733. On sending Newtonianism for Ladies to Crudeli see Manfredi's letter to Algarotti (1738), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 127. The essay cited in the text is T. Crudeli, L'arte di piacere alle donne ed alle amabili compagnie, Paris [i.e. Florence], 1762.
221. According to Michelessi, during his early travels Algarotri did not only improve his philosophical knowledge, but also his 'political and moral knowledge'. Michelessi, op. cit. (9), p. cxxi. See also R. Targhetta, La massoneria veneta dalle origini alla chiusura delle logge (1729-1785), Udine, 1988, 32-7; and F. Trentafonte, Giurisdizionalismo. Illuminismo e massoneria nel tramonto della repubblica venela, Venice, 1984, 68. On Algarotti's attachment to the freemasons see the letter of Manfredi to Leprorti dated 29 June 1737, Carteggio Manfredi, iii (BCAB). See also the letter of Leprotti to Manfredi dated 14 December 1737, Carteggio Leprotti, iii (BCAB). But see also the letter of Keyserlings to Algarotti (1740), where one reads, '[Frederick II] c'est declare Maçon, et moi de même a la suite de mon Héros. Considerez-moi comme un maitre Maçon. ... Je la salue por tous le cinq points de géométrie,' In Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xv, 26. On Folkes see Manfredi's letter to Algarotti (1734), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 110. On Algarotti discussing Locke with Folkes see his letter to Gian Maria Ortes (1750), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), ix, 166-9. On Cocchi see U. Baldini, sub voce, xxvi, DBI, 451-61; and L. Guerrini, Antonio Cocchi naturalista e filosofo, Florence, 2002, particularly 53-66, 157-9, 231. On Crudeli see P. Casini. 'The Crudeli affair: inquisition and the reason of state', in Eighteenth-Century Studies (ed. P. Gay), Hanover, NH, 1972, 131-52; and F. Sbigoli, Tommaso Crudeli e i primi framassoni in Firenze, narrazione storica corredata di documenti inediti, Milan, 1884. On Machiavelli as the 'Locke of politics' and a political reading of Roman history see Algarotti, Saggio critico del triumvirato di Crasso, Pompeo, Cesare (begun in 1739), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xvii, 145-522. See also F. Bertini, 'La massoneria in Toscana dall'età dei lumi alla restaurazione', in Le origini della massoneria in Toscana (ed. Z. Ciuffoletti), Foggia, 1989, 43-65. See also M. Rosa, Dispotismo e libertà nel Settecento. Interpretazioni 'repubblicane' di Machiavelli, Bari, 1964; and M. Saccenti, Lucrezio in Toscana, Studio su Alessandro Marchetti, Florence, 1966. On Zanorti turning Lockean and on Crudeli see Algarotti's letters to Zanotti (1733-4), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 103, 131, 137. For a sample of Algarotti's early poetry see his Rime, Bologna, 1733. On sending Newtonianism for Ladies to Crudeli see Manfredi's letter to Algarotti (1738), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 127. The essay cited in the text is T. Crudeli, L'arte di piacere alle donne ed alle amabili compagnie, Paris [i.e. Florence], 1762.
222. According to Michelessi, during his early travels Algarotri did not only improve his philosophical knowledge, but also his 'political and moral knowledge'. Michelessi, op. cit. (9), p. cxxi. See also R. Targhetta, La massoneria veneta dalle origini alla chiusura delle logge (1729-1785), Udine, 1988, 32-7; and F. Trentafonte, Giurisdizionalismo. Illuminismo e massoneria nel tramonto della repubblica venela, Venice, 1984, 68. On Algarotti's attachment to the freemasons see the letter of Manfredi to Leprorti dated 29 June 1737, Carteggio Manfredi, iii (BCAB). See also the letter of Leprotti to Manfredi dated 14 December 1737, Carteggio Leprotti, iii (BCAB). But see also the letter of Keyserlings to Algarotti (1740), where one reads, '[Frederick II] c'est declare Maçon, et moi de même a la suite de mon Héros. Considerez-moi comme un maitre Maçon. ... Je la salue por tous le cinq points de géométrie,' In Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xv, 26. On Folkes see Manfredi's letter to Algarotti (1734), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 110. On Algarotti discussing Locke with Folkes see his letter to Gian Maria Ortes (1750), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), ix, 166-9. On Cocchi see U. Baldini, sub voce, xxvi, DBI, 451-61; and L. Guerrini, Antonio Cocchi naturalista e filosofo, Florence, 2002, particularly 53-66, 157-9, 231. On Crudeli see P. Casini. 'The Crudeli affair: inquisition and the reason of state', in Eighteenth-Century Studies (ed. P. Gay), Hanover, NH, 1972, 131-52; and F. Sbigoli, Tommaso Crudeli e i primi framassoni in Firenze, narrazione storica corredata di documenti inediti, Milan, 1884. On Machiavelli as the 'Locke of politics' and a political reading of Roman history see Algarotti, Saggio critico del triumvirato di Crasso, Pompeo, Cesare (begun in 1739), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xvii, 145-522. See also F. Bertini, 'La massoneria in Toscana dall'età dei lumi alla restaurazione', in Le origini della massoneria in Toscana (ed. Z. Ciuffoletti), Foggia, 1989, 43-65. See also M. Rosa, Dispotismo e libertà nel Settecento. Interpretazioni 'repubblicane' di Machiavelli, Bari, 1964; and M. Saccenti, Lucrezio in Toscana, Studio su Alessandro Marchetti, Florence, 1966. On Zanorti turning Lockean and on Crudeli see Algarotti's letters to Zanotti (1733-4), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 103, 131, 137. For a sample of Algarotti's early poetry see his Rime, Bologna, 1733. On sending Newtonianism for Ladies to Crudeli see Manfredi's letter to Algarotti (1738), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 127. The essay cited in the text is T. Crudeli, L'arte di piacere alle donne ed alle amabili compagnie, Paris [i.e. Florence], 1762.
223. According to Michelessi, during his early travels Algarotri did not only improve his philosophical knowledge, but also his 'political and moral knowledge'. Michelessi, op. cit. (9), p. cxxi. See also R. Targhetta, La massoneria veneta dalle origini alla chiusura delle logge (1729-1785), Udine, 1988, 32-7; and F. Trentafonte, Giurisdizionalismo. Illuminismo e massoneria nel tramonto della repubblica venela, Venice, 1984, 68. On Algarotti's attachment to the freemasons see the letter of Manfredi to Leprorti dated 29 June 1737, Carteggio Manfredi, iii (BCAB). See also the letter of Leprotti to Manfredi dated 14 December 1737, Carteggio Leprotti, iii (BCAB). But see also the letter of Keyserlings to Algarotti (1740), where one reads, '[Frederick II] c'est declare Maçon, et moi de même a la suite de mon Héros. Considerez-moi comme un maitre Maçon. ... Je la salue por tous le cinq points de géométrie,' In Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xv, 26. On Folkes see Manfredi's letter to Algarotti (1734), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 110. On Algarotti discussing Locke with Folkes see his letter to Gian Maria Ortes (1750), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), ix, 166-9. On Cocchi see U. Baldini, sub voce, xxvi, DBI, 451-61; and L. Guerrini, Antonio Cocchi naturalista e filosofo, Florence, 2002, particularly 53-66, 157-9, 231. On Crudeli see P. Casini. 'The Crudeli affair: inquisition and the reason of state', in Eighteenth-Century Studies (ed. P. Gay), Hanover, NH, 1972, 131-52; and F. Sbigoli, Tommaso Crudeli e i primi framassoni in Firenze, narrazione storica corredata di documenti inediti, Milan, 1884. On Machiavelli as the 'Locke of politics' and a political reading of Roman history see Algarotti, Saggio critico del triumvirato di Crasso, Pompeo, Cesare (begun in 1739), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xvii, 145-522. See also F. Bertini, 'La massoneria in Toscana dall'età dei lumi alla restaurazione', in Le origini della massoneria in Toscana (ed. Z. Ciuffoletti), Foggia, 1989, 43-65. See also M. Rosa, Dispotismo e libertà nel Settecento. Interpretazioni 'repubblicane' di Machiavelli, Bari, 1964; and M. Saccenti, Lucrezio in Toscana, Studio su Alessandro Marchetti, Florence, 1966. On Zanorti turning Lockean and on Crudeli see Algarotti's letters to Zanotti (1733-4), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 103, 131, 137. For a sample of Algarotti's early poetry see his Rime, Bologna, 1733. On sending Newtonianism for Ladies to Crudeli see Manfredi's letter to Algarotti (1738), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 127. The essay cited in the text is T. Crudeli, L'arte di piacere alle donne ed alle amabili compagnie, Paris [i.e. Florence], 1762.
224. According to Michelessi, during his early travels Algarotri did not only improve his philosophical knowledge, but also his 'political and moral knowledge'. Michelessi, op. cit. (9), p. cxxi. See also R. Targhetta, La massoneria veneta dalle origini alla chiusura delle logge (1729-1785), Udine, 1988, 32-7; and F. Trentafonte, Giurisdizionalismo. Illuminismo e massoneria nel tramonto della repubblica venela, Venice, 1984, 68. On Algarotti's attachment to the freemasons see the letter of Manfredi to Leprorti dated 29 June 1737, Carteggio Manfredi, iii (BCAB). See also the letter of Leprotti to Manfredi dated 14 December 1737, Carteggio Leprotti, iii (BCAB). But see also the letter of Keyserlings to Algarotti (1740), where one reads, '[Frederick II] c'est declare Maçon, et moi de même a la suite de mon Héros. Considerez-moi comme un maitre Maçon. ... Je la salue por tous le cinq points de géométrie,' In Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xv, 26. On Folkes see Manfredi's letter to Algarotti (1734), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 110. On Algarotti discussing Locke with Folkes see his letter to Gian Maria Ortes (1750), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), ix, 166-9. On Cocchi see U. Baldini, sub voce, xxvi, DBI, 451-61; and L. Guerrini, Antonio Cocchi naturalista e filosofo, Florence, 2002, particularly 53-66, 157-9, 231. On Crudeli see P. Casini. 'The Crudeli affair: inquisition and the reason of state', in Eighteenth-Century Studies (ed. P. Gay), Hanover, NH, 1972, 131-52; and F. Sbigoli, Tommaso Crudeli e i primi framassoni in Firenze, narrazione storica corredata di documenti inediti, Milan, 1884. On Machiavelli as the 'Locke of politics' and a political reading of Roman history see Algarotti, Saggio critico del triumvirato di Crasso, Pompeo, Cesare (begun in 1739), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xvii, 145-522. See also F. Bertini, 'La massoneria in Toscana dall'età dei lumi alla restaurazione', in Le origini della massoneria in Toscana (ed. Z. Ciuffoletti), Foggia, 1989, 43-65. See also M. Rosa, Dispotismo e libertà nel Settecento. Interpretazioni 'repubblicane' di Machiavelli, Bari, 1964; and M. Saccenti, Lucrezio in Toscana, Studio su Alessandro Marchetti, Florence, 1966. On Zanorti turning Lockean and on Crudeli see Algarotti's letters to Zanotti (1733-4), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 103, 131, 137. For a sample of Algarotti's early poetry see his Rime, Bologna, 1733. On sending Newtonianism for Ladies to Crudeli see Manfredi's letter to Algarotti (1738), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 127. The essay cited in the text is T. Crudeli, L'arte di piacere alle donne ed alle amabili compagnie, Paris [i.e. Florence], 1762.
225. According to Michelessi, during his early travels Algarotri did not only improve his philosophical knowledge, but also his 'political and moral knowledge'. Michelessi, op. cit. (9), p. cxxi. See also R. Targhetta, La massoneria veneta dalle origini alla chiusura delle logge (1729-1785), Udine, 1988, 32-7; and F. Trentafonte, Giurisdizionalismo. Illuminismo e massoneria nel tramonto della repubblica venela, Venice, 1984, 68. On Algarotti's attachment to the freemasons see the letter of Manfredi to Leprorti dated 29 June 1737, Carteggio Manfredi, iii (BCAB). See also the letter of Leprotti to Manfredi dated 14 December 1737, Carteggio Leprotti, iii (BCAB). But see also the letter of Keyserlings to Algarotti (1740), where one reads, '[Frederick II] c'est declare Maçon, et moi de même a la suite de mon Héros. Considerez-moi comme un maitre Maçon. ... Je la salue por tous le cinq points de géométrie,' In Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xv, 26. On Folkes see Manfredi's letter to Algarotti (1734), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 110. On Algarotti discussing Locke with Folkes see his letter to Gian Maria Ortes (1750), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), ix, 166-9. On Cocchi see U. Baldini, sub voce, xxvi, DBI, 451-61; and L. Guerrini, Antonio Cocchi naturalista e filosofo, Florence, 2002, particularly 53-66, 157-9, 231. On Crudeli see P. Casini. 'The Crudeli affair: inquisition and the reason of state', in Eighteenth-Century Studies (ed. P. Gay), Hanover, NH, 1972, 131-52; and F. Sbigoli, Tommaso Crudeli e i primi framassoni in Firenze, narrazione storica corredata di documenti inediti, Milan, 1884. On Machiavelli as the 'Locke of politics' and a political reading of Roman history see Algarotti, Saggio critico del triumvirato di Crasso, Pompeo, Cesare (begun in 1739), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xvii, 145-522. See also F. Bertini, 'La massoneria in Toscana dall'età dei lumi alla restaurazione', in Le origini della massoneria in Toscana (ed. Z. Ciuffoletti), Foggia, 1989, 43-65. See also M. Rosa, Dispotismo e libertà nel Settecento. Interpretazioni 'repubblicane' di Machiavelli, Bari, 1964; and M. Saccenti, Lucrezio in Toscana, Studio su Alessandro Marchetti, Florence, 1966. On Zanorti turning Lockean and on Crudeli see Algarotti's letters to Zanotti (1733-4), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 103, 131, 137. For a sample of Algarotti's early poetry see his Rime, Bologna, 1733. On sending Newtonianism for Ladies to Crudeli see Manfredi's letter to Algarotti (1738), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 127. The essay cited in the text is T. Crudeli, L'arte di piacere alle donne ed alle amabili compagnie, Paris [i.e. Florence], 1762.
226. According to Michelessi, during his early travels Algarotri did not only improve his philosophical knowledge, but also his 'political and moral knowledge'. Michelessi, op. cit. (9), p. cxxi. See also R. Targhetta, La massoneria veneta dalle origini alla chiusura delle logge (1729-1785), Udine, 1988, 32-7; and F. Trentafonte, Giurisdizionalismo. Illuminismo e massoneria nel tramonto della repubblica venela, Venice, 1984, 68. On Algarotti's attachment to the freemasons see the letter of Manfredi to Leprorti dated 29 June 1737, Carteggio Manfredi, iii (BCAB). See also the letter of Leprotti to Manfredi dated 14 December 1737, Carteggio Leprotti, iii (BCAB). But see also the letter of Keyserlings to Algarotti (1740), where one reads, '[Frederick II] c'est declare Maçon, et moi de même a la suite de mon Héros. Considerez-moi comme un maitre Maçon. ... Je la salue por tous le cinq points de géométrie,' In Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xv, 26. On Folkes see Manfredi's letter to Algarotti (1734), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 110. On Algarotti discussing Locke with Folkes see his letter to Gian Maria Ortes (1750), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), ix, 166-9. On Cocchi see U. Baldini, sub voce, xxvi, DBI, 451-61; and L. Guerrini, Antonio Cocchi naturalista e filosofo, Florence, 2002, particularly 53-66, 157-9, 231. On Crudeli see P. Casini. 'The Crudeli affair: inquisition and the reason of state', in Eighteenth-Century Studies (ed. P. Gay), Hanover, NH, 1972, 131-52; and F. Sbigoli, Tommaso Crudeli e i primi framassoni in Firenze, narrazione storica corredata di documenti inediti, Milan, 1884. On Machiavelli as the 'Locke of politics' and a political reading of Roman history see Algarotti, Saggio critico del triumvirato di Crasso, Pompeo, Cesare (begun in 1739), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xvii, 145-522. See also F. Bertini, 'La massoneria in Toscana dall'età dei lumi alla restaurazione', in Le origini della massoneria in Toscana (ed. Z. Ciuffoletti), Foggia, 1989, 43-65. See also M. Rosa, Dispotismo e libertà nel Settecento. Interpretazioni 'repubblicane' di Machiavelli, Bari, 1964; and M. Saccenti, Lucrezio in Toscana, Studio su Alessandro Marchetti, Florence, 1966. On Zanorti turning Lockean and on Crudeli see Algarotti's letters to Zanotti (1733-4), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 103, 131, 137. For a sample of Algarotti's early poetry see his Rime, Bologna, 1733. On sending Newtonianism for Ladies to Crudeli see Manfredi's letter to Algarotti (1738), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 127. The essay cited in the text is T. Crudeli, L'arte di piacere alle donne ed alle amabili compagnie, Paris [i.e. Florence], 1762.
227. According to Michelessi, during his early travels Algarotri did not only improve his philosophical knowledge, but also his 'political and moral knowledge'. Michelessi, op. cit. (9), p. cxxi. See also R. Targhetta, La massoneria veneta dalle origini alla chiusura delle logge (1729-1785), Udine, 1988, 32-7; and F. Trentafonte, Giurisdizionalismo. Illuminismo e massoneria nel tramonto della repubblica venela, Venice, 1984, 68. On Algarotti's attachment to the freemasons see the letter of Manfredi to Leprorti dated 29 June 1737, Carteggio Manfredi, iii (BCAB). See also the letter of Leprotti to Manfredi dated 14 December 1737, Carteggio Leprotti, iii (BCAB). But see also the letter of Keyserlings to Algarotti (1740), where one reads, '[Frederick II] c'est declare Maçon, et moi de même a la suite de mon Héros. Considerez-moi comme un maitre Maçon. ... Je la salue por tous le cinq points de géométrie,' In Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xv, 26. On Folkes see Manfredi's letter to Algarotti (1734), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 110. On Algarotti discussing Locke with Folkes see his letter to Gian Maria Ortes (1750), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), ix, 166-9. On Cocchi see U. Baldini, sub voce, xxvi, DBI, 451-61; and L. Guerrini, Antonio Cocchi naturalista e filosofo, Florence, 2002, particularly 53-66, 157-9, 231. On Crudeli see P. Casini. 'The Crudeli affair: inquisition and the reason of state', in Eighteenth-Century Studies (ed. P. Gay), Hanover, NH, 1972, 131-52; and F. Sbigoli, Tommaso Crudeli e i primi framassoni in Firenze, narrazione storica corredata di documenti inediti, Milan, 1884. On Machiavelli as the 'Locke of politics' and a political reading of Roman history see Algarotti, Saggio critico del triumvirato di Crasso, Pompeo, Cesare (begun in 1739), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xvii, 145-522. See also F. Bertini, 'La massoneria in Toscana dall'età dei lumi alla restaurazione', in Le origini della massoneria in Toscana (ed. Z. Ciuffoletti), Foggia, 1989, 43-65. See also M. Rosa, Dispotismo e libertà nel Settecento. Interpretazioni 'repubblicane' di Machiavelli, Bari, 1964; and M. Saccenti, Lucrezio in Toscana, Studio su Alessandro Marchetti, Florence, 1966. On Zanorti turning Lockean and on Crudeli see Algarotti's letters to Zanotti (1733-4), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 103, 131, 137. For a sample of Algarotti's early poetry see his Rime, Bologna, 1733. On sending Newtonianism for Ladies to Crudeli see Manfredi's letter to Algarotti (1738), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 127. The essay cited in the text is T. Crudeli, L'arte di piacere alle donne ed alle amabili compagnie, Paris [i.e. Florence], 1762.
228. According to Michelessi, during his early travels Algarotri did not only improve his philosophical knowledge, but also his 'political and moral knowledge'. Michelessi, op. cit. (9), p. cxxi. See also R. Targhetta, La massoneria veneta dalle origini alla chiusura delle logge (1729-1785), Udine, 1988, 32-7; and F. Trentafonte, Giurisdizionalismo. Illuminismo e massoneria nel tramonto della repubblica venela, Venice, 1984, 68. On Algarotti's attachment to the freemasons see the letter of Manfredi to Leprorti dated 29 June 1737, Carteggio Manfredi, iii (BCAB). See also the letter of Leprotti to Manfredi dated 14 December 1737, Carteggio Leprotti, iii (BCAB). But see also the letter of Keyserlings to Algarotti (1740), where one reads, '[Frederick II] c'est declare Maçon, et moi de même a la suite de mon Héros. Considerez-moi comme un maitre Maçon. ... Je la salue por tous le cinq points de géométrie,' In Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xv, 26. On Folkes see Manfredi's letter to Algarotti (1734), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 110. On Algarotti discussing Locke with Folkes see his letter to Gian Maria Ortes (1750), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), ix, 166-9. On Cocchi see U. Baldini, sub voce, xxvi, DBI, 451-61; and L. Guerrini, Antonio Cocchi naturalista e filosofo, Florence, 2002, particularly 53-66, 157-9, 231. On Crudeli see P. Casini. 'The Crudeli affair: inquisition and the reason of state', in Eighteenth-Century Studies (ed. P. Gay), Hanover, NH, 1972, 131-52; and F. Sbigoli, Tommaso Crudeli e i primi framassoni in Firenze, narrazione storica corredata di documenti inediti, Milan, 1884. On Machiavelli as the 'Locke of politics' and a political reading of Roman history see Algarotti, Saggio critico del triumvirato di Crasso, Pompeo, Cesare (begun in 1739), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xvii, 145-522. See also F. Bertini, 'La massoneria in Toscana dall'età dei lumi alla restaurazione', in Le origini della massoneria in Toscana (ed. Z. Ciuffoletti), Foggia, 1989, 43-65. See also M. Rosa, Dispotismo e libertà nel Settecento. Interpretazioni 'repubblicane' di Machiavelli, Bari, 1964; and M. Saccenti, Lucrezio in Toscana, Studio su Alessandro Marchetti, Florence, 1966. On Zanorti turning Lockean and on Crudeli see Algarotti's letters to Zanotti (1733-4), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 103, 131, 137. For a sample of Algarotti's early poetry see his Rime, Bologna, 1733. On sending Newtonianism for Ladies to Crudeli see Manfredi's letter to Algarotti (1738), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 127. The essay cited in the text is T. Crudeli, L'arte di piacere alle donne ed alle amabili compagnie, Paris [i.e. Florence], 1762.
229. According to Michelessi, during his early travels Algarotri did not only improve his philosophical knowledge, but also his 'political and moral knowledge'. Michelessi, op. cit. (9), p. cxxi. See also R. Targhetta, La massoneria veneta dalle origini alla chiusura delle logge (1729-1785), Udine, 1988, 32-7; and F. Trentafonte, Giurisdizionalismo. Illuminismo e massoneria nel tramonto della repubblica venela, Venice, 1984, 68. On Algarotti's attachment to the freemasons see the letter of Manfredi to Leprorti dated 29 June 1737, Carteggio Manfredi, iii (BCAB). See also the letter of Leprotti to Manfredi dated 14 December 1737, Carteggio Leprotti, iii (BCAB). But see also the letter of Keyserlings to Algarotti (1740), where one reads, '[Frederick II] c'est declare Maçon, et moi de même a la suite de mon Héros. Considerez-moi comme un maitre Maçon. ... Je la salue por tous le cinq points de géométrie,' In Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xv, 26. On Folkes see Manfredi's letter to Algarotti (1734), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 110. On Algarotti discussing Locke with Folkes see his letter to Gian Maria Ortes (1750), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), ix, 166-9. On Cocchi see U. Baldini, sub voce, xxvi, DBI, 451-61; and L. Guerrini, Antonio Cocchi naturalista e filosofo, Florence, 2002, particularly 53-66, 157-9, 231. On Crudeli see P. Casini. 'The Crudeli affair: inquisition and the reason of state', in Eighteenth-Century Studies (ed. P. Gay), Hanover, NH, 1972, 131-52; and F. Sbigoli, Tommaso Crudeli e i primi framassoni in Firenze, narrazione storica corredata di documenti inediti, Milan, 1884. On Machiavelli as the 'Locke of politics' and a political reading of Roman history see Algarotti, Saggio critico del triumvirato di Crasso, Pompeo, Cesare (begun in 1739), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xvii, 145-522. See also F. Bertini, 'La massoneria in Toscana dall'età dei lumi alla restaurazione', in Le origini della massoneria in Toscana (ed. Z. Ciuffoletti), Foggia, 1989, 43-65. See also M. Rosa, Dispotismo e libertà nel Settecento. Interpretazioni 'repubblicane' di Machiavelli, Bari, 1964; and M. Saccenti, Lucrezio in Toscana, Studio su Alessandro Marchetti, Florence, 1966. On Zanorti turning Lockean and on Crudeli see Algarotti's letters to Zanotti (1733-4), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 103, 131, 137. For a sample of Algarotti's early poetry see his Rime, Bologna, 1733. On sending Newtonianism for Ladies to Crudeli see Manfredi's letter to Algarotti (1738), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 127. The essay cited in the text is T. Crudeli, L'arte di piacere alle donne ed alle amabili compagnie, Paris [i.e. Florence], 1762.
230. According to Michelessi, during his early travels Algarotri did not only improve his philosophical knowledge, but also his 'political and moral knowledge'. Michelessi, op. cit. (9), p. cxxi. See also R. Targhetta, La massoneria veneta dalle origini alla chiusura delle logge (1729-1785), Udine, 1988, 32-7; and F. Trentafonte, Giurisdizionalismo. Illuminismo e massoneria nel tramonto della repubblica venela, Venice, 1984, 68. On Algarotti's attachment to the freemasons see the letter of Manfredi to Leprorti dated 29 June 1737, Carteggio Manfredi, iii (BCAB). See also the letter of Leprotti to Manfredi dated 14 December 1737, Carteggio Leprotti, iii (BCAB). But see also the letter of Keyserlings to Algarotti (1740), where one reads, '[Frederick II] c'est declare Maçon, et moi de même a la suite de mon Héros. Considerez-moi comme un maitre Maçon. ... Je la salue por tous le cinq points de géométrie,' In Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xv, 26. On Folkes see Manfredi's letter to Algarotti (1734), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 110. On Algarotti discussing Locke with Folkes see his letter to Gian Maria Ortes (1750), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), ix, 166-9. On Cocchi see U. Baldini, sub voce, xxvi, DBI, 451-61; and L. Guerrini, Antonio Cocchi naturalista e filosofo, Florence, 2002, particularly 53-66, 157-9, 231. On Crudeli see P. Casini. 'The Crudeli affair: inquisition and the reason of state', in Eighteenth-Century Studies (ed. P. Gay), Hanover, NH, 1972, 131-52; and F. Sbigoli, Tommaso Crudeli e i primi framassoni in Firenze, narrazione storica corredata di documenti inediti, Milan, 1884. On Machiavelli as the 'Locke of politics' and a political reading of Roman history see Algarotti, Saggio critico del triumvirato di Crasso, Pompeo, Cesare (begun in 1739), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xvii, 145-522. See also F. Bertini, 'La massoneria in Toscana dall'età dei lumi alla restaurazione', in Le origini della massoneria in Toscana (ed. Z. Ciuffoletti), Foggia, 1989, 43-65. See also M. Rosa, Dispotismo e libertà nel Settecento. Interpretazioni 'repubblicane' di Machiavelli, Bari, 1964; and M. Saccenti, Lucrezio in Toscana, Studio su Alessandro Marchetti, Florence, 1966. On Zanorti turning Lockean and on Crudeli see Algarotti's letters to Zanotti (1733-4), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 103, 131, 137. For a sample of Algarotti's early poetry see his Rime, Bologna, 1733. On sending Newtonianism for Ladies to Crudeli see Manfredi's letter to Algarotti (1738), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 127. The essay cited in the text is T. Crudeli, L'arte di piacere alle donne ed alle amabili compagnie, Paris [i.e. Florence], 1762.
231. According to Michelessi, during his early travels Algarotri did not only improve his philosophical knowledge, but also his 'political and moral knowledge'. Michelessi, op. cit. (9), p. cxxi. See also R. Targhetta, La massoneria veneta dalle origini alla chiusura delle logge (1729-1785), Udine, 1988, 32-7; and F. Trentafonte, Giurisdizionalismo. Illuminismo e massoneria nel tramonto della repubblica venela, Venice, 1984, 68. On Algarotti's attachment to the freemasons see the letter of Manfredi to Leprorti dated 29 June 1737,
232. According to Michelessi, during his early travels Algarotri did not only improve his philosophical knowledge, but also his 'political and moral knowledge'. Michelessi, op. cit. (9), p. cxxi. See also R. Targhetta, La massoneria veneta dalle origini alla chiusura delle logge (1729-1785), Udine, 1988, 32-7; and F. Trentafonte, Giurisdizionalismo. Illuminismo e massoneria nel tramonto della repubblica venela, Venice, 1984, 68. On Algarotti's attachment to the freemasons see the letter of Manfredi to Leprorti dated 29 June 1737, Carteggio Manfredi, iii (BCAB). See also the letter of Leprotti to Manfredi dated 14 December 1737, Carteggio Leprotti, iii (BCAB). But see also the letter of Keyserlings to Algarotti (1740), where one reads, '[Frederick II] c'est declare Maçon, et moi de même a la suite de mon Héros. Considerez-moi comme un maitre Maçon. ... Je la salue por tous le cinq points de géométrie,' In Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xv, 26. On Folkes see Manfredi's letter to Algarotti (1734), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 110. On Algarotti discussing Locke with Folkes see his letter to Gian Maria Ortes (1750), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), ix, 166-9. On Cocchi see U. Baldini, sub voce, xxvi, DBI, 451-61; and L. Guerrini, Antonio Cocchi naturalista e filosofo, Florence, 2002, particularly 53-66, 157-9, 231. On Crudeli see P. Casini. 'The Crudeli affair: inquisition and the reason of state', in Eighteenth-Century Studies (ed. P. Gay), Hanover, NH, 1972, 131-52; and F. Sbigoli, Tommaso Crudeli e i primi framassoni in Firenze, narrazione storica corredata di documenti inediti, Milan, 1884. On Machiavelli as the 'Locke of politics' and a political reading of Roman history see Algarotti, Saggio critico del triumvirato di Crasso, Pompeo, Cesare (begun in 1739), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xvii, 145-522. See also F. Bertini, 'La massoneria in Toscana dall'età dei lumi alla restaurazione', in Le origini della massoneria in Toscana (ed. Z. Ciuffoletti), Foggia, 1989, 43-65. See also M. Rosa, Dispotismo e libertà nel Settecento. Interpretazioni 'repubblicane' di Machiavelli, Bari, 1964; and M. Saccenti, Lucrezio in Toscana, Studio su Alessandro Marchetti, Florence, 1966. On Zanorti turning Lockean and on Crudeli see Algarotti's letters to Zanotti (1733-4), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 103, 131, 137. For a sample of Algarotti's early poetry see his Rime, Bologna, 1733. On sending Newtonianism for Ladies to Crudeli see Manfredi's letter to Algarotti (1738), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 127. The essay cited in the text is T. Crudeli, L'arte di piacere alle donne ed alle amabili compagnie, Paris [i.e. Florence], 1762.
233. According to Michelessi, during his early travels Algarotri did not only improve his philosophical knowledge, but also his 'political and moral knowledge'. Michelessi, op. cit. (9), p. cxxi. See also R. Targhetta, La massoneria veneta dalle origini alla chiusura delle logge (1729-1785), Udine, 1988, 32-7; and F. Trentafonte, Giurisdizionalismo. Illuminismo e massoneria nel tramonto della repubblica venela, Venice, 1984, 68. On Algarotti's attachment to the freemasons see the letter of Manfredi to Leprorti dated 29 June 1737, Carteggio Manfredi, iii (BCAB). See also the letter of Leprotti to Manfredi dated 14 December 1737, Carteggio Leprotti, iii (BCAB). But see also the letter of Keyserlings to Algarotti (1740), where one reads, '[Frederick II] c'est declare Maçon, et moi de même a la suite de mon Héros. Considerez-moi comme un maitre Maçon. ... Je la salue por tous le cinq points de géométrie,' In Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xv, 26. On Folkes see Manfredi's letter to Algarotti (1734), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 110. On Algarotti discussing Locke with Folkes see his letter to Gian Maria Ortes (1750), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), ix, 166-9. On Cocchi see U. Baldini, sub voce, xxvi, DBI, 451-61; and L. Guerrini, Antonio Cocchi naturalista e filosofo, Florence, 2002, particularly 53-66, 157-9, 231. On Crudeli see P. Casini. 'The Crudeli affair: inquisition and the reason of state', in Eighteenth-Century Studies (ed. P. Gay), Hanover, NH, 1972, 131-52; and F. Sbigoli, Tommaso Crudeli e i primi framassoni in Firenze, narrazione storica corredata di documenti inediti, Milan, 1884. On Machiavelli as the 'Locke of politics' and a political reading of Roman history see Algarotti, Saggio critico del triumvirato di Crasso, Pompeo, Cesare (begun in 1739), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xvii, 145-522. See also F. Bertini, 'La massoneria in Toscana dall'età dei lumi alla restaurazione', in Le origini della massoneria in Toscana (ed. Z. Ciuffoletti), Foggia, 1989, 43-65. See also M. Rosa, Dispotismo e libertà nel Settecento. Interpretazioni 'repubblicane' di Machiavelli, Bari, 1964; and M. Saccenti, Lucrezio in Toscana, Studio su Alessandro Marchetti, Florence, 1966. On Zanorti turning Lockean and on Crudeli see Algarotti's letters to Zanotti (1733-4), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 103, 131, 137. For a sample of Algarotti's early poetry see his Rime, Bologna, 1733. On sending Newtonianism for Ladies to Crudeli see Manfredi's letter to Algarotti (1738), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 127. The essay cited in the text is T. Crudeli, L'arte di piacere alle donne ed alle amabili compagnie, Paris [i.e. Florence], 1762.
234. According to Michelessi, during his early travels Algarotri did not only improve his philosophical knowledge, but also his 'political and moral knowledge'. Michelessi, op. cit. (9), p. cxxi. See also R. Targhetta, La massoneria veneta dalle origini alla chiusura delle logge (1729-1785), Udine, 1988, 32-7; and F. Trentafonte, Giurisdizionalismo. Illuminismo e massoneria nel tramonto della repubblica venela, Venice, 1984, 68. On Algarotti's attachment to the freemasons see the letter of Manfredi to Leprorti dated 29 June 1737, Carteggio Manfredi, iii (BCAB). See also the letter of Leprotti to Manfredi dated 14 December 1737, Carteggio Leprotti, iii (BCAB). But see also the letter of Keyserlings to Algarotti (1740), where one reads, '[Frederick II] c'est declare Maçon, et moi de même a la suite de mon Héros. Considerez-moi comme un maitre Maçon. ... Je la salue por tous le cinq points de géométrie,' In Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xv, 26. On Folkes see Manfredi's letter to Algarotti (1734), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 110. On Algarotti discussing Locke with Folkes see his letter to Gian Maria Ortes (1750), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), ix, 166-9. On Cocchi see U. Baldini, sub voce, xxvi, DBI, 451-61; and L. Guerrini, Antonio Cocchi naturalista e filosofo, Florence, 2002, particularly 53-66, 157-9, 231. On Crudeli see P. Casini. 'The Crudeli affair: inquisition and the reason of state', in Eighteenth-Century Studies (ed. P. Gay), Hanover, NH, 1972, 131-52; and F. Sbigoli, Tommaso Crudeli e i primi framassoni in Firenze, narrazione storica corredata di documenti inediti, Milan, 1884. On Machiavelli as the 'Locke of politics' and a political reading of Roman history see Algarotti, Saggio critico del triumvirato di Crasso, Pompeo, Cesare (begun in 1739), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xvii, 145-522. See also F. Bertini, 'La massoneria in Toscana dall'età dei lumi alla restaurazione', in Le origini della massoneria in Toscana (ed. Z. Ciuffoletti), Foggia, 1989, 43-65. See also M. Rosa, Dispotismo e libertà nel Settecento. Interpretazioni 'repubblicane' di Machiavelli, Bari, 1964; and M. Saccenti, Lucrezio in Toscana, Studio su Alessandro Marchetti, Florence, 1966. On Zanorti turning Lockean and on Crudeli see Algarotti's letters to Zanotti (1733-4), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xii, 103, 131, 137. For a sample of Algarotti's early poetry see his Rime, Bologna, 1733. On sending Newtonianism for Ladies to Crudeli see Manfredi's letter to Algarotti (1738), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 127. The essay cited in the text is T. Crudeli, L'arte di piacere alle donne ed alle amabili compagnie, Paris [i.e. Florence], 1762.
235. On Algarotti's affiliation to freemasonry see the letter of Manfredi to Leprotti dated 3 March 1734, Carteggio Manfredi, ii (BCAB); and the letter of Leprotti to Manfredi dated 13 March 1734, Carteggio Leprotti, ii (BCAB). The bull against freemasonry was the In Eminenti, 28 April 1738. The title reads, 'Condemnatio Societatis seu conventicularum, vulgo De' liberi muratori, aut Des francs massons, sub poenâ excommunicationis ipso facto incurrendâ, eius absolutione, excepto mortis articulo, Summo Pontifici reservatâ". See Bullarium diplomatum et privilegiorum sanctorum romanorum pontificum. Turin, 1872, p. xxiv, 366-7.
236. On the repression of freethinking in Venice in the late 1730s, and its impact on book printing and trade, see C. Lodoli, Della censura dei libri (ed. M. Infelise), Marsilio, Venice, 2001, pp. xvi-xxi. In 1735 Giannone was expelled from the city and the Holy Office began a trial against Antonio Conti. Emblematic of Venetian freethinking in the 1730s was the activity in the shop of the hatter Bortolo Zorzi, investigated by both the State Inquisition and the Holy Office between 1737 and 1741. See F. Barbierato, 'La bottega del cappellaio: libri proibiti, libertinismo e suggestioni massoniche nel '700 veneto', Studi Veneziani (2002), 44, 327-66. More generally on freemasonry, inquisition and libertinism in the 1730s see G. Giarrizzo, Massoneria e Illuminismo nell'Europa del Settecento, Venice, 1994, 73-105. As early as February 1737 Manfredi knew that the Holy Office was displeased with Algarotri's widely circulated manuscript. He then wrote to Algarorti trying to convince him to eliminate those passages that could irritate the religious censorship. He stressed the fact that all his most dear friends living in Italy would be damaged by the foreseeable action of the Holy Office. See Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 117-18. In 1739 Cardinal Davia tried to defend Algarotti from the accusations of the secretary of the Congregation of the Index, Father Ridolfi. Anyway, Leprotti was personally convinced that Algarotti should not reprint his book. Manfredi suggested to Algarotti to lobby the Venetian ambassadors in Paris and London to protect his reputation in his native city. See letter of Manfredi to Algarorti (1739), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 142-7. The 1778 editions of Algarotti's works were edited by the freemasons Lorenzo Manini and Giambattista Biffi (F. Algarotti, Opere, 10 vols., Cremona, 1778-84). See Trentafonte, op. cit. (41), 68; and Arato, op. cit. (7), 153.
237. On the repression of freethinking in Venice in the late 1730s, and its impact on book printing and trade, see C. Lodoli, Della censura dei libri (ed. M. Infelise), Marsilio, Venice, 2001, pp. xvi-xxi. In 1735 Giannone was expelled from the city and the Holy Office began a trial against Antonio Conti. Emblematic of Venetian freethinking in the 1730s was the activity in the shop of the hatter Bortolo Zorzi, investigated by both the State Inquisition and the Holy Office between 1737 and 1741. See F. Barbierato, 'La bottega del cappellaio: libri proibiti, libertinismo e suggestioni massoniche nel '700 veneto', Studi Veneziani (2002), 44, 327-66. More generally on freemasonry, inquisition and libertinism in the 1730s see G. Giarrizzo, Massoneria e Illuminismo nell'Europa del Settecento, Venice, 1994, 73-105. As early as February 1737 Manfredi knew that the Holy Office was displeased with Algarotri's widely circulated manuscript. He then wrote to Algarorti trying to convince him to eliminate those passages that could irritate the religious censorship. He stressed the fact that all his most dear friends living in Italy would be damaged by the foreseeable action of the Holy Office. See Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 117-18. In 1739 Cardinal Davia tried to defend Algarotti from the accusations of the secretary of the Congregation of the Index, Father Ridolfi. Anyway, Leprotti was personally convinced that Algarotti should not reprint his book. Manfredi suggested to Algarotti to lobby the Venetian ambassadors in Paris and London to protect his reputation in his native city. See letter of Manfredi to Algarorti (1739), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 142-7. The 1778 editions of Algarotti's works were edited by the freemasons Lorenzo Manini and Giambattista Biffi (F. Algarotti, Opere, 10 vols., Cremona, 1778-84). See Trentafonte, op. cit. (41), 68; and Arato, op. cit. (7), 153.
238. On the repression of freethinking in Venice in the late 1730s, and its impact on book printing and trade, see C. Lodoli, Della censura dei libri (ed. M. Infelise), Marsilio, Venice, 2001, pp. xvi-xxi. In 1735 Giannone was expelled from the city and the Holy Office began a trial against Antonio Conti. Emblematic of Venetian freethinking in the 1730s was the activity in the shop of the hatter Bortolo Zorzi, investigated by both the State Inquisition and the Holy Office between 1737 and 1741. See F. Barbierato, 'La bottega del cappellaio: libri proibiti, libertinismo e suggestioni massoniche nel '700 veneto', Studi Veneziani (2002), 44, 327-66. More generally on freemasonry, inquisition and libertinism in the 1730s see G. Giarrizzo, Massoneria e Illuminismo nell'Europa del Settecento, Venice, 1994, 73-105. As early as February 1737 Manfredi knew that the Holy Office was displeased with Algarotri's widely circulated manuscript. He then wrote to Algarorti trying to convince him to eliminate those passages that could irritate the religious censorship. He stressed the fact that all his most dear friends living in Italy would be damaged by the foreseeable action of the Holy Office. See Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 117-18. In 1739 Cardinal Davia tried to defend Algarotti from the accusations of the secretary of the Congregation of the Index, Father Ridolfi. Anyway, Leprotti was personally convinced that Algarotti should not reprint his book. Manfredi suggested to Algarotti to lobby the Venetian ambassadors in Paris and London to protect his reputation in his native city. See letter of Manfredi to Algarorti (1739), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 142-7. The 1778 editions of Algarotti's works were edited by the freemasons Lorenzo Manini and Giambattista Biffi (F. Algarotti, Opere, 10 vols., Cremona, 1778-84). See Trentafonte, op. cit. (41), 68; and Arato, op. cit. (7), 153.
239. On the repression of freethinking in Venice in the late 1730s, and its impact on book printing and trade, see C. Lodoli, Della censura dei libri (ed. M. Infelise), Marsilio, Venice, 2001, pp. xvi-xxi. In 1735 Giannone was expelled from the city and the Holy Office began a trial against Antonio Conti. Emblematic of Venetian freethinking in the 1730s was the activity in the shop of the hatter Bortolo Zorzi, investigated by both the State Inquisition and the Holy Office between 1737 and 1741. See F. Barbierato, 'La bottega del cappellaio: libri proibiti, libertinismo e suggestioni massoniche nel '700 veneto', Studi Veneziani (2002), 44, 327-66. More generally on freemasonry, inquisition and libertinism in the 1730s see G. Giarrizzo, Massoneria e Illuminismo nell'Europa del Settecento, Venice, 1994, 73-105. As early as February 1737 Manfredi knew that the Holy Office was displeased with Algarotri's widely circulated manuscript. He then wrote to Algarorti trying to convince him to eliminate those passages that could irritate the religious censorship. He stressed the fact that all his most dear friends living in Italy would be damaged by the foreseeable action of the Holy Office. See Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 117-18. In 1739 Cardinal Davia tried to defend Algarotti from the accusations of the secretary of the Congregation of the Index, Father Ridolfi. Anyway, Leprotti was personally convinced that Algarotti should not reprint his book. Manfredi suggested to Algarotti to lobby the Venetian ambassadors in Paris and London to protect his reputation in his native city. See letter of Manfredi to Algarorti (1739), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 142-7. The 1778 editions of Algarotti's works were edited by the freemasons Lorenzo Manini and Giambattista Biffi (F. Algarotti, Opere, 10 vols., Cremona, 1778-84). See Trentafonte, op. cit. (41), 68; and Arato, op. cit. (7), 153.
240. On the repression of freethinking in Venice in the late 1730s, and its impact on book printing and trade, see C. Lodoli, Della censura dei libri (ed. M. Infelise), Marsilio, Venice, 2001, pp. xvi-xxi. In 1735 Giannone was expelled from the city and the Holy Office began a trial against Antonio Conti. Emblematic of Venetian freethinking in the 1730s was the activity in the shop of the hatter Bortolo Zorzi, investigated by both the State Inquisition and the Holy Office between 1737 and 1741. See F. Barbierato, 'La bottega del cappellaio: libri proibiti, libertinismo e suggestioni massoniche nel '700 veneto', Studi Veneziani (2002), 44, 327-66. More generally on freemasonry, inquisition and libertinism in the 1730s see G. Giarrizzo, Massoneria e Illuminismo nell'Europa del Settecento, Venice, 1994, 73-105. As early as February 1737 Manfredi knew that the Holy Office was displeased with Algarotri's widely circulated manuscript. He then wrote to Algarorti trying to convince him to eliminate those passages that could irritate the religious censorship. He stressed the fact that all his most dear friends living in Italy would be damaged by the foreseeable action of the Holy Office. See Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 117-18. In 1739 Cardinal Davia tried to defend Algarotti from the accusations of the secretary of the Congregation of the Index, Father Ridolfi. Anyway, Leprotti was personally convinced that Algarotti should not reprint his book. Manfredi suggested to Algarotti to lobby the Venetian ambassadors in Paris and London to protect his reputation in his native city. See letter of Manfredi to Algarorti (1739), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 142-7. The 1778 editions of Algarotti's works were edited by the freemasons Lorenzo Manini and Giambattista Biffi (F. Algarotti, Opere, 10 vols., Cremona, 1778-84). See Trentafonte, op. cit. (41), 68; and Arato, op. cit. (7), 153.
241. On the repression of freethinking in Venice in the late 1730s, and its impact on book printing and trade, see C. Lodoli, Della censura dei libri (ed. M. Infelise), Marsilio, Venice, 2001, pp. xvi-xxi. In 1735 Giannone was expelled from the city and the Holy Office began a trial against Antonio Conti. Emblematic of Venetian freethinking in the 1730s was the activity in the shop of the hatter Bortolo Zorzi, investigated by both the State Inquisition and the Holy Office between 1737 and 1741. See F. Barbierato, 'La bottega del cappellaio: libri proibiti, libertinismo e suggestioni massoniche nel '700 veneto', Studi Veneziani (2002), 44, 327-66. More generally on freemasonry, inquisition and libertinism in the 1730s see G. Giarrizzo, Massoneria e Illuminismo nell'Europa del Settecento, Venice, 1994, 73-105. As early as February 1737 Manfredi knew that the Holy Office was displeased with Algarotri's widely circulated manuscript. He then wrote to Algarorti trying to convince him to eliminate those passages that could irritate the religious censorship. He stressed the fact that all his most dear friends living in Italy would be damaged by the foreseeable action of the Holy Office. See Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 117-18. In 1739 Cardinal Davia tried to defend Algarotti from the accusations of the secretary of the Congregation of the Index, Father Ridolfi. Anyway, Leprotti was personally convinced that Algarotti should not reprint his book. Manfredi suggested to Algarotti to lobby the Venetian ambassadors in Paris and London to protect his reputation in his native city. See letter of Manfredi to Algarorti (1739), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 142-7. The 1778 editions of Algarotti's works were edited by the freemasons Lorenzo Manini and Giambattista Biffi (F. Algarotti, Opere, 10 vols., Cremona, 1778-84). See Trentafonte, op. cit. (41), 68; and Arato, op. cit. (7), 153.
242. On the repression of freethinking in Venice in the late 1730s, and its impact on book printing and trade, see C. Lodoli, Della censura dei libri (ed. M. Infelise), Marsilio, Venice, 2001, pp. xvi-xxi. In 1735 Giannone was expelled from the city and the Holy Office began a trial against Antonio Conti. Emblematic of Venetian freethinking in the 1730s was the activity in the shop of the hatter Bortolo Zorzi, investigated by both the State Inquisition and the Holy Office between 1737 and 1741. See F. Barbierato, 'La bottega del cappellaio: libri proibiti, libertinismo e suggestioni massoniche nel '700 veneto', Studi Veneziani (2002), 44, 327-66. More generally on freemasonry, inquisition and libertinism in the 1730s see G. Giarrizzo, Massoneria e Illuminismo nell'Europa del Settecento, Venice, 1994, 73-105. As early as February 1737 Manfredi knew that the Holy Office was displeased with Algarotri's widely circulated manuscript. He then wrote to Algarorti trying to convince him to eliminate those passages that could irritate the religious censorship. He stressed the fact that all his most dear friends living in Italy would be damaged by the foreseeable action of the Holy Office. See Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 117-18. In 1739 Cardinal Davia tried to defend Algarotti from the accusations of the secretary of the Congregation of the Index, Father Ridolfi. Anyway, Leprotti was personally convinced that Algarotti should not reprint his book. Manfredi suggested to Algarotti to lobby the Venetian ambassadors in Paris and London to protect his reputation in his native city. See letter of Manfredi to Algarorti (1739), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 142-7. The 1778 editions of Algarotti's works were edited by the freemasons Lorenzo Manini and Giambattista Biffi (F. Algarotti, Opere, 10 vols., Cremona, 1778-84). See Trentafonte, op. cit. (41), 68; and Arato, op. cit. (7), 153.
243. On the repression of freethinking in Venice in the late 1730s, and its impact on book printing and trade, see C. Lodoli, Della censura dei libri (ed. M. Infelise), Marsilio, Venice, 2001, pp. xvi-xxi. In 1735 Giannone was expelled from the city and the Holy Office began a trial against Antonio Conti. Emblematic of Venetian freethinking in the 1730s was the activity in the shop of the hatter Bortolo Zorzi, investigated by both the State Inquisition and the Holy Office between 1737 and 1741. See F. Barbierato, 'La bottega del cappellaio: libri proibiti, libertinismo e suggestioni massoniche nel '700 veneto', Studi Veneziani (2002), 44, 327-66. More generally on freemasonry, inquisition and libertinism in the 1730s see G. Giarrizzo, Massoneria e Illuminismo nell'Europa del Settecento, Venice, 1994, 73-105. As early as February 1737 Manfredi knew that the Holy Office was displeased with Algarotri's widely circulated manuscript. He then wrote to Algarorti trying to convince him to eliminate those passages that could irritate the religious censorship. He stressed the fact that all his most dear friends living in Italy would be damaged by the foreseeable action of the Holy Office. See Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 117-18. In 1739 Cardinal Davia tried to defend Algarotti from the accusations of the secretary of the Congregation of the Index, Father Ridolfi. Anyway, Leprotti was personally convinced that Algarotti should not reprint his book. Manfredi suggested to Algarotti to lobby the Venetian ambassadors in Paris and London to protect his reputation in his native city. See letter of Manfredi to Algarorti (1739), in Algarotti, op. cit. (5), xi, 142-7. The 1778 editions of Algarotti's works were edited by the freemasons Lorenzo Manini and Giambattista Biffi (F. Algarotti, Opere, 10 vols., Cremona, 1778-84). See Trentafonte, op. cit. (41), 68; and Arato, op. cit. (7), 153.