The nation's debt and the birth of the modern republic: The French fiscal deficit and the politics of the revolution of 1789

History of Political Thought

Volumn 18, Issue 1, 1997, Pages 64-103

  Sonenscher, Michael ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 30244568794     PISSN: 0143781X     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
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References (249)

1. M. Marguère, Poème macaronique en forme de declaration de guerre à tous méchants payeurs et gens de mauvaise foi, . . . le tout suivi de l'histoire naturelle du crédit (Paris, 1783).
2. The phrases derive, in this context, from Alfred Cobban, The Social Interpretation of the French Revolution (Cambridge, 1964). The subject continues to cause perplexity. As François Furet and Ran Halévi have put it, the French Revolution has presented two classic problems to posterity: the causes of 1789 and the causes of the Terror. The second, they have suggested, may now be less intractable than the first. It may now be easier, they have claimed, to explain the radicalization of the revolution after 1789 than the radicalism of 1789 itself. Although the claim may, in fact, presuppose too much about the politics of Jacobinism, it does serve, very helpfully, to throw the enigma of 1789 into sharp relief: François Furet and Ran Halévi, Orateurs de la révolution française (Paris, 1989), p. xcv. More generally on the historiography of 1789, see François Furet, Penser la révolution française (Paris, 1978), translated as Interpreting the French Revolution (Cambridge, 1981). Marcel Gauchet, La Révolution des droits de l'homme (Paris, 1989); Lucien Jaume, Le Discours jacobin et la démocratie (Paris, 1989); William Doyle, Origins of the French Revolution (Oxford, 2nd edn., 1989); William Doyle, The Oxford History of the French Revolution (Oxford, 1989); and, for a dissenting voice, see Colin Jones, 'Bourgeois Revolution Revivified: 1789 and Social Change', in Rewriting the French Revolution, ed. Colin Lucas (Oxford, 1991), pp. 69-118.
3. The phrases derive, in this context, from Alfred Cobban, The Social Interpretation of the French Revolution (Cambridge, 1964). The subject continues to cause perplexity. As François Furet and Ran Halévi have put it, the French Revolution has presented two classic problems to posterity: the causes of 1789 and the causes of the Terror. The second, they have suggested, may now be less intractable than the first. It may now be easier, they have claimed, to explain the radicalization of the revolution after 1789 than the radicalism of 1789 itself. Although the claim may, in fact, presuppose too much about the politics of Jacobinism, it does serve, very helpfully, to throw the enigma of 1789 into sharp relief: François Furet and Ran Halévi, Orateurs de la révolution française (Paris, 1989), p. xcv. More generally on the historiography of 1789, see François Furet, Penser la révolution française (Paris, 1978), translated as Interpreting the French Revolution (Cambridge, 1981). Marcel Gauchet, La Révolution des droits de l'homme (Paris, 1989); Lucien Jaume, Le Discours jacobin et la démocratie (Paris, 1989); William Doyle, Origins of the French Revolution (Oxford, 2nd edn., 1989); William Doyle, The Oxford History of the French Revolution (Oxford, 1989); and, for a dissenting voice, see Colin Jones, 'Bourgeois Revolution Revivified: 1789 and Social Change', in Rewriting the French Revolution, ed. Colin Lucas (Oxford, 1991), pp. 69-118.
4. The phrases derive, in this context, from Alfred Cobban, The Social Interpretation of the French Revolution (Cambridge, 1964). The subject continues to cause perplexity. As François Furet and Ran Halévi have put it, the French Revolution has presented two classic problems to posterity: the causes of 1789 and the causes of the Terror. The second, they have suggested, may now be less intractable than the first. It may now be easier, they have claimed, to explain the radicalization of the revolution after 1789 than the radicalism of 1789 itself. Although the claim may, in fact, presuppose too much about the politics of Jacobinism, it does serve, very helpfully, to throw the enigma of 1789 into sharp relief: François Furet and Ran Halévi, Orateurs de la révolution française (Paris, 1989), p. xcv. More generally on the historiography of 1789, see François Furet, Penser la révolution française (Paris, 1978), translated as Interpreting the French Revolution (Cambridge, 1981). Marcel Gauchet, La Révolution des droits de l'homme (Paris, 1989); Lucien Jaume, Le Discours jacobin et la démocratie (Paris, 1989); William Doyle, Origins of the French Revolution (Oxford, 2nd edn., 1989); William Doyle, The Oxford History of the French Revolution (Oxford, 1989); and, for a dissenting voice, see Colin Jones, 'Bourgeois Revolution Revivified: 1789 and Social Change', in Rewriting the French Revolution, ed. Colin Lucas (Oxford, 1991), pp. 69-118.
5. The phrases derive, in this context, from Alfred Cobban, The Social Interpretation of the French Revolution (Cambridge, 1964). The subject continues to cause perplexity. As François Furet and Ran Halévi have put it, the French Revolution has presented two classic problems to posterity: the causes of 1789 and the causes of the Terror. The second, they have suggested, may now be less intractable than the first. It may now be easier, they have claimed, to explain the radicalization of the revolution after 1789 than the radicalism of 1789 itself. Although the claim may, in fact, presuppose too much about the politics of Jacobinism, it does serve, very helpfully, to throw the enigma of 1789 into sharp relief: François Furet and Ran Halévi, Orateurs de la révolution française (Paris, 1989), p. xcv. More generally on the historiography of 1789, see François Furet, Penser la révolution française (Paris, 1978), translated as Interpreting the French Revolution (Cambridge, 1981). Marcel Gauchet, La Révolution des droits de l'homme (Paris, 1989); Lucien Jaume, Le Discours jacobin et la démocratie (Paris, 1989); William Doyle, Origins of the French Revolution (Oxford, 2nd edn., 1989); William Doyle, The Oxford History of the French Revolution (Oxford, 1989); and, for a dissenting voice, see Colin Jones, 'Bourgeois Revolution Revivified: 1789 and Social Change', in Rewriting the French Revolution, ed. Colin Lucas (Oxford, 1991), pp. 69-118.
6. The phrases derive, in this context, from Alfred Cobban, The Social Interpretation of the French Revolution (Cambridge, 1964). The subject continues to cause perplexity. As François Furet and Ran Halévi have put it, the French Revolution has presented two classic problems to posterity: the causes of 1789 and the causes of the Terror. The second, they have suggested, may now be less intractable than the first. It may now be easier, they have claimed, to explain the radicalization of the revolution after 1789 than the radicalism of 1789 itself. Although the claim may, in fact, presuppose too much about the politics of Jacobinism, it does serve, very helpfully, to throw the enigma of 1789 into sharp relief: François Furet and Ran Halévi, Orateurs de la révolution française (Paris, 1989), p. xcv. More generally on the historiography of 1789, see François Furet, Penser la révolution française (Paris, 1978), translated as Interpreting the French Revolution (Cambridge, 1981). Marcel Gauchet, La Révolution des droits de l'homme (Paris, 1989); Lucien Jaume, Le Discours jacobin et la démocratie (Paris, 1989); William Doyle, Origins of the French Revolution (Oxford, 2nd edn., 1989); William Doyle, The Oxford History of the French Revolution (Oxford, 1989); and, for a dissenting voice, see Colin Jones, 'Bourgeois Revolution Revivified: 1789 and Social Change', in Rewriting the French Revolution, ed. Colin Lucas (Oxford, 1991), pp. 69-118.
7. The phrases derive, in this context, from Alfred Cobban, The Social Interpretation of the French Revolution (Cambridge, 1964). The subject continues to cause perplexity. As François Furet and Ran Halévi have put it, the French Revolution has presented two classic problems to posterity: the causes of 1789 and the causes of the Terror. The second, they have suggested, may now be less intractable than the first. It may now be easier, they have claimed, to explain the radicalization of the revolution after 1789 than the radicalism of 1789 itself. Although the claim may, in fact, presuppose too much about the politics of Jacobinism, it does serve, very helpfully, to throw the enigma of 1789 into sharp relief: François Furet and Ran Halévi, Orateurs de la révolution française (Paris, 1989), p. xcv. More generally on the historiography of 1789, see François Furet, Penser la révolution française (Paris, 1978), translated as Interpreting the French Revolution (Cambridge, 1981). Marcel Gauchet, La Révolution des droits de l'homme (Paris, 1989); Lucien Jaume, Le Discours jacobin et la démocratie (Paris, 1989); William Doyle, Origins of the French Revolution (Oxford, 2nd edn., 1989); William Doyle, The Oxford History of the French Revolution (Oxford, 1989); and, for a dissenting voice, see Colin Jones, 'Bourgeois Revolution Revivified: 1789 and Social Change', in Rewriting the French Revolution, ed. Colin Lucas (Oxford, 1991), pp. 69-118.
8. The phrases derive, in this context, from Alfred Cobban, The Social Interpretation of the French Revolution (Cambridge, 1964). The subject continues to cause perplexity. As François Furet and Ran Halévi have put it, the French Revolution has presented two classic problems to posterity: the causes of 1789 and the causes of the Terror. The second, they have suggested, may now be less intractable than the first. It may now be easier, they have claimed, to explain the radicalization of the revolution after 1789 than the radicalism of 1789 itself. Although the claim may, in fact, presuppose too much about the politics of Jacobinism, it does serve, very helpfully, to throw the enigma of 1789 into sharp relief: François Furet and Ran Halévi, Orateurs de la révolution française (Paris, 1989), p. xcv. More generally on the historiography of 1789, see François Furet, Penser la révolution française (Paris, 1978), translated as Interpreting the French Revolution (Cambridge, 1981). Marcel Gauchet, La Révolution des droits de l'homme (Paris, 1989); Lucien Jaume, Le Discours jacobin et la démocratie (Paris, 1989); William Doyle, Origins of the French Revolution (Oxford, 2nd edn., 1989); William Doyle, The Oxford History of the French Revolution (Oxford, 1989); and, for a dissenting voice, see Colin Jones, 'Bourgeois Revolution Revivified: 1789 and Social Change', in Rewriting the French Revolution, ed. Colin Lucas (Oxford, 1991), pp. 69-118.
9. The phrases derive, in this context, from Alfred Cobban, The Social Interpretation of the French Revolution (Cambridge, 1964). The subject continues to cause perplexity. As François Furet and Ran Halévi have put it, the French Revolution has presented two classic problems to posterity: the causes of 1789 and the causes of the Terror. The second, they have suggested, may now be less intractable than the first. It may now be easier, they have claimed, to explain the radicalization of the revolution after 1789 than the radicalism of 1789 itself. Although the claim may, in fact, presuppose too much about the politics of Jacobinism, it does serve, very helpfully, to throw the enigma of 1789 into sharp relief: François Furet and Ran Halévi, Orateurs de la révolution française (Paris, 1989), p. xcv. More generally on the historiography of 1789, see François Furet, Penser la révolution française (Paris, 1978), translated as Interpreting the French Revolution (Cambridge, 1981). Marcel Gauchet, La Révolution des droits de l'homme (Paris, 1989); Lucien Jaume, Le Discours jacobin et la démocratie (Paris, 1989); William Doyle, Origins of the French Revolution (Oxford, 2nd edn., 1989); William Doyle, The Oxford History of the French Revolution (Oxford, 1989); and, for a dissenting voice, see Colin Jones, 'Bourgeois Revolution Revivified: 1789 and Social Change', in Rewriting the French Revolution, ed. Colin Lucas (Oxford, 1991), pp. 69-118.
10. The phrases derive, in this context, from Alfred Cobban, The Social Interpretation of the French Revolution (Cambridge, 1964). The subject continues to cause perplexity. As François Furet and Ran Halévi have put it, the French Revolution has presented two classic problems to posterity: the causes of 1789 and the causes of the Terror. The second, they have suggested, may now be less intractable than the first. It may now be easier, they have claimed, to explain the radicalization of the revolution after 1789 than the radicalism of 1789 itself. Although the claim may, in fact, presuppose too much about the politics of Jacobinism, it does serve, very helpfully, to throw the enigma of 1789 into sharp relief: François Furet and Ran Halévi, Orateurs de la révolution française (Paris, 1989), p. xcv. More generally on the historiography of 1789, see François Furet, Penser la révolution française (Paris, 1978), translated as Interpreting the French Revolution (Cambridge, 1981). Marcel Gauchet, La Révolution des droits de l'homme (Paris, 1989); Lucien Jaume, Le Discours jacobin et la démocratie (Paris, 1989); William Doyle, Origins of the French Revolution (Oxford, 2nd edn., 1989); William Doyle, The Oxford History of the French Revolution (Oxford, 1989); and, for a dissenting voice, see Colin Jones, 'Bourgeois Revolution Revivified: 1789 and Social Change', in Rewriting the French Revolution, ed. Colin Lucas (Oxford, 1991), pp. 69-118.
11. Michael Sonenscher, 'The Cheese and the Rats: Augustin Cochin and the Bicentenary of the French Revolution', Economy and Society, 19 (1990), pp. 266-74.
12. Arthur Young, Travels in France, ed. Constance Maxwell (Cambridge, 1929), 17 October 1787, pp. 84-5.
13. Arthur Young, Letters on the French Nation (London, 1769), p. 442.
14. Ibid., p. 418. Young's warning captures the style of eighteenth-century realpolitik thinking remarkably well. For an even more lurid example (verging on the insanity to which he eventually succumbed), see Roch Pellissery, Le Caffé politique d'Amsterdam ou Entretiens d'un françois, d'un hollandois et d'un cosmopolite sur les divers intérêts économiques et politiques de la France, de l'Espagne et de l'Angleterre (2 vols., Amsterdam, 1776): 'Je vous ai déjà dit qu'en matière d'état, quand on se met au dessus des formalités ordinaires . . . il faut se justifier par de plus grands crimes . . . En système d'état rien n'est crime, dès que l'on peut se justifier par l'utilité publique' (Vol. 1, pp. 74, 77). On this basis, he suggested that Britain, during the Seven Years' War, should have defaulted on her debt and used the extra revenue to foment revolt in the Spanish colonies, creating a client Mexican monarchy and extending her empire to the whole American continent. On Pellissery's subsequent sad history, see his Lettres de M. de Pellissery, prisonnier onze ans et deux mois à la Bastille et treize mois à Charenton (Paris, 1792); and Jean-François Labourdette, Vergennes. Ministre principal de Louis XVI (Paris, 1990), pp. 144-5.
15. Ibid., p. 418. Young's warning captures the style of eighteenth-century realpolitik thinking remarkably well. For an even more lurid example (verging on the insanity to which he eventually succumbed), see Roch Pellissery, Le Caffé politique d'Amsterdam ou Entretiens d'un françois, d'un hollandois et d'un cosmopolite sur les divers intérêts économiques et politiques de la France, de l'Espagne et de l'Angleterre (2 vols., Amsterdam, 1776): 'Je vous ai déjà dit qu'en matière d'état, quand on se met au dessus des formalités ordinaires . . . il faut se justifier par de plus grands crimes . . . En système d'état rien n'est crime, dès que l'on peut se justifier par l'utilité publique' (Vol. 1, pp. 74, 77). On this basis, he suggested that Britain, during the Seven Years' War, should have defaulted on her debt and used the extra revenue to foment revolt in the Spanish colonies, creating a client Mexican monarchy and extending her empire to the whole American continent. On Pellissery's subsequent sad history, see his Lettres de M. de Pellissery, prisonnier onze ans et deux mois à la Bastille et treize mois à Charenton (Paris, 1792); and Jean-François Labourdette, Vergennes. Ministre principal de Louis XVI (Paris, 1990), pp. 144-5.
16. Ibid., p. 418. Young's warning captures the style of eighteenth-century realpolitik thinking remarkably well. For an even more lurid example (verging on the insanity to which he eventually succumbed), see Roch Pellissery, Le Caffé politique d'Amsterdam ou Entretiens d'un françois, d'un hollandois et d'un cosmopolite sur les divers intérêts économiques et politiques de la France, de l'Espagne et de l'Angleterre (2 vols., Amsterdam, 1776): 'Je vous ai déjà dit qu'en matière d'état, quand on se met au dessus des formalités ordinaires . . . il faut se justifier par de plus grands crimes . . . En système d'état rien n'est crime, dès que l'on peut se justifier par l'utilité publique' (Vol. 1, pp. 74, 77). On this basis, he suggested that Britain, during the Seven Years' War, should have defaulted on her debt and used the extra revenue to foment revolt in the Spanish colonies, creating a client Mexican monarchy and extending her empire to the whole American continent. On Pellissery's subsequent sad history, see his Lettres de M. de Pellissery, prisonnier onze ans et deux mois à la Bastille et treize mois à Charenton (Paris, 1792); and Jean-François Labourdette, Vergennes. Ministre principal de Louis XVI (Paris, 1990), pp. 144-5.
17. Ibid., p. 418. Young's warning captures the style of eighteenth-century realpolitik thinking remarkably well. For an even more lurid example (verging on the insanity to which he eventually succumbed), see Roch Pellissery, Le Caffé politique d'Amsterdam ou Entretiens d'un françois, d'un hollandois et d'un cosmopolite sur les divers intérêts économiques et politiques de la France, de l'Espagne et de l'Angleterre (2 vols., Amsterdam, 1776): 'Je vous ai déjà dit qu'en matière d'état, quand on se met au dessus des formalités ordinaires . . . il faut se justifier par de plus grands crimes . . . En système d'état rien n'est crime, dès que l'on peut se justifier par l'utilité publique' (Vol. 1, pp. 74, 77). On this basis, he suggested that Britain, during the Seven Years' War, should have defaulted on her debt and used the extra revenue to foment revolt in the Spanish colonies, creating a client Mexican monarchy and extending her empire to the whole American continent. On Pellissery's subsequent sad history, see his Lettres de M. de Pellissery, prisonnier onze ans et deux mois à la Bastille et treize mois à Charenton (Paris, 1792); and Jean-François Labourdette, Vergennes. Ministre principal de Louis XVI (Paris, 1990), pp. 144-5.
18. Cited in Ernest Nys, Les Théories politiques et le droit international en France jusqu'au xviiie siècle (Paris, 2nd edn., 1899), p. 191. More generally, see Keith Michael Baker, 'Representation Redefined', in his Inventing the French Revolution (Cambridge, 1990), especially pp. 224-8. The representative character of monarchy was a banality of eighteenth-century French political thought; see, for example, the primer written for the education of young nobles aged from five to seven by Mme Le Prince de Beaumont, Le Mentor moderne ou instructions pour les garçons et pour ceux qui les élèvent (3 vols., Paris, 1772), Vol. 1, pp. 13-15: 'On distingue tous les hommes par le nom de personnes publiques ou de personnes privées . . . La personne publique représente le bon Dieu et . . . la personne privée ne le représente pas.'
19. Cited in Ernest Nys, Les Théories politiques et le droit international en France jusqu'au xviiie siècle (Paris, 2nd edn., 1899), p. 191. More generally, see Keith Michael Baker, 'Representation Redefined', in his Inventing the French Revolution (Cambridge, 1990), especially pp. 224-8. The representative character of monarchy was a banality of eighteenth-century French political thought; see, for example, the primer written for the education of young nobles aged from five to seven by Mme Le Prince de Beaumont, Le Mentor moderne ou instructions pour les garçons et pour ceux qui les élèvent (3 vols., Paris, 1772), Vol. 1, pp. 13-15: 'On distingue tous les hommes par le nom de personnes publiques ou de personnes privées . . . La personne publique représente le bon Dieu et . . . la personne privée ne le représente pas.'
20. Cited in Ernest Nys, Les Théories politiques et le droit international en France jusqu'au xviiie siècle (Paris, 2nd edn., 1899), p. 191. More generally, see Keith Michael Baker, 'Representation Redefined', in his Inventing the French Revolution (Cambridge, 1990), especially pp. 224-8. The representative character of monarchy was a banality of eighteenth-century French political thought; see, for example, the primer written for the education of young nobles aged from five to seven by Mme Le Prince de Beaumont, Le Mentor moderne ou instructions pour les garçons et pour ceux qui les élèvent (3 vols., Paris, 1772), Vol. 1, pp. 13-15: 'On distingue tous les hommes par le nom de personnes publiques ou de personnes privées . . . La personne publique représente le bon Dieu et . . . la personne privée ne le représente pas.'
21. Gaspar de Réal de Curban, La Science du gouvernement, ouvrage de morale, de droit et de politique (8 vols., Paris, 1751-61), Vol. 6, p. 9.
22. Quentin Skinner, The Foundations of Modern Political Thought (2 vols., Cambridge, 1978); Quentin Skinner, 'The State', in Political Innovation and Conceptual Change, ed. Terence Ball, James Farr and Russell Hanson (Cambridge, 1989), pp. 90-131.
23. Quentin Skinner, The Foundations of Modern Political Thought (2 vols., Cambridge, 1978); Quentin Skinner, 'The State', in Political Innovation and Conceptual Change, ed. Terence Ball, James Farr and Russell Hanson (Cambridge, 1989), pp. 90-131.
24. On the finances and financial administration of the monarchy see Richard Bonney, 'The Eighteenth Century. The Struggle for Great Power Status and the End of the Old Fiscal Regime', in Economic Systems and State Finance, ed. Richard Bonney (Oxford, 1995); John Bosher, French Finances 1770-1795. From Business to Bureaucracy (Cambridge, 1969); John Bosher, The French Revolution (New York, 1989); Frédéric Braesch, Finances et monnaies révolutionnaires. Recherches, etudes et documents (3 vols., Nancy, 1934); Frédéric Braesch, 1789. L'Année cruciale (Paris, 1941); François Crouzet, La Grande Inflation. La Monnaie en France de Louis XVI à Napoléon (Paris, 1993); Herbert Lüthy, La Banque Protestante en France de la Révocation de l'Edit de Nantes à la Révolution (2 vols., Paris, 1961-3). On the technical problems of funding the state's debts see Alain Guéry, 'Les finances de la monarchie française sous l'ancien régime', Annales ESC, 33 (1978), pp. 216-39; Michel Morineau, 'Budgets de l'Etat et gestion des finances royales en France au dix-huitième siècle', Revue historique, 264 (1980), pp. 304-12; Kathryn Norberg, 'The French Fiscal Crisis of 1788 and the Financial Origins of the Revolution of 1789', in Fiscal Crises, Liberty, and Representative Government 1450-1789, ed. Philip T. Hoffman and Kathryn Norberg (Stanford, 1994), pp. 253-98; James C. Riley, The Seven Years War and the Old Regime in France: the Economic and Financial Toll (Princeton, 1986); James C. Riley, 'French Finances, 1727-1768', Journal of Modern History, 59 (1987), pp. 209-43; David R. Weir, 'Tontines, Public Finance and Revolution in France and England, 1688-1789', Journal of Economic History, 49 (1989), pp. 95-124; David R. Weir, 'Crises économiques et les origines de la révolution française', Annales ESC, 46 (1991), pp. 917-47; François R. Velde and David R. Weir, 'The Financial Market and Government Debt Policy in France, 1746-1793', Journal of Economic History, 52 (1992), pp. 1-40; Eugene Nelson White, 'Was There a Solution to the Ancien Regime's Financial Dilemma', Journal of Economic History, 49 (1989), pp. 545-68; Eugene Nelson White, 'The French Revolution and the Politics of Government Finance', Journal of Economic History, 55 (1995), pp. 227-55. For some more general suggestions about the connections between politics and the eighteenth-century French economy, see L.M. Cullen, 'History, Economic Crises and Revolution: Understanding Eighteenth-Century France', Economic History Review, 46 (1993), pp. 635-57.
25. On the finances and financial administration of the monarchy see Richard Bonney, 'The Eighteenth Century. The Struggle for Great Power Status and the End of the Old Fiscal Regime', in Economic Systems and State Finance, ed. Richard Bonney (Oxford, 1995); John Bosher, French Finances 1770-1795. From Business to Bureaucracy (Cambridge, 1969); John Bosher, The French Revolution (New York, 1989); Frédéric Braesch, Finances et monnaies révolutionnaires. Recherches, etudes et documents (3 vols., Nancy, 1934); Frédéric Braesch, 1789. L'Année cruciale (Paris, 1941); François Crouzet, La Grande Inflation. La Monnaie en France de Louis XVI à Napoléon (Paris, 1993); Herbert Lüthy, La Banque Protestante en France de la Révocation de l'Edit de Nantes à la Révolution (2 vols., Paris, 1961-3). On the technical problems of funding the state's debts see Alain Guéry, 'Les finances de la monarchie française sous l'ancien régime', Annales ESC, 33 (1978), pp. 216-39; Michel Morineau, 'Budgets de l'Etat et gestion des finances royales en France au dix-huitième siècle', Revue historique, 264 (1980), pp. 304-12; Kathryn Norberg, 'The French Fiscal Crisis of 1788 and the Financial Origins of the Revolution of 1789', in Fiscal Crises, Liberty, and Representative Government 1450-1789, ed. Philip T. Hoffman and Kathryn Norberg (Stanford, 1994), pp. 253-98; James C. Riley, The Seven Years War and the Old Regime in France: the Economic and Financial Toll (Princeton, 1986); James C. Riley, 'French Finances, 1727-1768', Journal of Modern History, 59 (1987), pp. 209-43; David R. Weir, 'Tontines, Public Finance and Revolution in France and England, 1688-1789', Journal of Economic History, 49 (1989), pp. 95-124; David R. Weir, 'Crises économiques et les origines de la révolution française', Annales ESC, 46 (1991), pp. 917-47; François R. Velde and David R. Weir, 'The Financial Market and Government Debt Policy in France, 1746-1793', Journal of Economic History, 52 (1992), pp. 1-40; Eugene Nelson White, 'Was There a Solution to the Ancien Regime's Financial Dilemma', Journal of Economic History, 49 (1989), pp. 545-68; Eugene Nelson White, 'The French Revolution and the Politics of Government Finance', Journal of Economic History, 55 (1995), pp. 227-55. For some more general suggestions about the connections between politics and the eighteenth-century French economy, see L.M. Cullen, 'History, Economic Crises and Revolution: Understanding Eighteenth-Century France', Economic History Review, 46 (1993), pp. 635-57.
26. On the finances and financial administration of the monarchy see Richard Bonney, 'The Eighteenth Century. The Struggle for Great Power Status and the End of the Old Fiscal Regime', in Economic Systems and State Finance, ed. Richard Bonney (Oxford, 1995); John Bosher, French Finances 1770-1795. From Business to Bureaucracy (Cambridge, 1969); John Bosher, The French Revolution (New York, 1989); Frédéric Braesch, Finances et monnaies révolutionnaires. Recherches, etudes et documents (3 vols., Nancy, 1934); Frédéric Braesch, 1789. L'Année cruciale (Paris, 1941); François Crouzet, La Grande Inflation. La Monnaie en France de Louis XVI à Napoléon (Paris, 1993); Herbert Lüthy, La Banque Protestante en France de la Révocation de l'Edit de Nantes à la Révolution (2 vols., Paris, 1961-3). On the technical problems of funding the state's debts see Alain Guéry, 'Les finances de la monarchie française sous l'ancien régime', Annales ESC, 33 (1978), pp. 216-39; Michel Morineau, 'Budgets de l'Etat et gestion des finances royales en France au dix-huitième siècle', Revue historique, 264 (1980), pp. 304-12; Kathryn Norberg, 'The French Fiscal Crisis of 1788 and the Financial Origins of the Revolution of 1789', in Fiscal Crises, Liberty, and Representative Government 1450-1789, ed. Philip T. Hoffman and Kathryn Norberg (Stanford, 1994), pp. 253-98; James C. Riley, The Seven Years War and the Old Regime in France: the Economic and Financial Toll (Princeton, 1986); James C. Riley, 'French Finances, 1727-1768', Journal of Modern History, 59 (1987), pp. 209-43; David R. Weir, 'Tontines, Public Finance and Revolution in France and England, 1688-1789', Journal of Economic History, 49 (1989), pp. 95-124; David R. Weir, 'Crises économiques et les origines de la révolution française', Annales ESC, 46 (1991), pp. 917-47; François R. Velde and David R. Weir, 'The Financial Market and Government Debt Policy in France, 1746-1793', Journal of Economic History, 52 (1992), pp. 1-40; Eugene Nelson White, 'Was There a Solution to the Ancien Regime's Financial Dilemma', Journal of Economic History, 49 (1989), pp. 545-68; Eugene Nelson White, 'The French Revolution and the Politics of Government Finance', Journal of Economic History, 55 (1995), pp. 227-55. For some more general suggestions about the connections between politics and the eighteenth-century French economy, see L.M. Cullen, 'History, Economic Crises and Revolution: Understanding Eighteenth-Century France', Economic History Review, 46 (1993), pp. 635-57.
27. On the finances and financial administration of the monarchy see Richard Bonney, 'The Eighteenth Century. The Struggle for Great Power Status and the End of the Old Fiscal Regime', in Economic Systems and State Finance, ed. Richard Bonney (Oxford, 1995); John Bosher, French Finances 1770-1795. From Business to Bureaucracy (Cambridge, 1969); John Bosher, The French Revolution (New York, 1989); Frédéric Braesch, Finances et monnaies révolutionnaires. Recherches, etudes et documents (3 vols., Nancy, 1934); Frédéric Braesch, 1789. L'Année cruciale (Paris, 1941); François Crouzet, La Grande Inflation. La Monnaie en France de Louis XVI à Napoléon (Paris, 1993); Herbert Lüthy, La Banque Protestante en France de la Révocation de l'Edit de Nantes à la Révolution (2 vols., Paris, 1961-3). On the technical problems of funding the state's debts see Alain Guéry, 'Les finances de la monarchie française sous l'ancien régime', Annales ESC, 33 (1978), pp. 216-39; Michel Morineau, 'Budgets de l'Etat et gestion des finances royales en France au dix-huitième siècle', Revue historique, 264 (1980), pp. 304-12; Kathryn Norberg, 'The French Fiscal Crisis of 1788 and the Financial Origins of the Revolution of 1789', in Fiscal Crises, Liberty, and Representative Government 1450-1789, ed. Philip T. Hoffman and Kathryn Norberg (Stanford, 1994), pp. 253-98; James C. Riley, The Seven Years War and the Old Regime in France: the Economic and Financial Toll (Princeton, 1986); James C. Riley, 'French Finances, 1727-1768', Journal of Modern History, 59 (1987), pp. 209-43; David R. Weir, 'Tontines, Public Finance and Revolution in France and England, 1688-1789', Journal of Economic History, 49 (1989), pp. 95-124; David R. Weir, 'Crises économiques et les origines de la révolution française', Annales ESC, 46 (1991), pp. 917-47; François R. Velde and David R. Weir, 'The Financial Market and Government Debt Policy in France, 1746-1793', Journal of Economic History, 52 (1992), pp. 1-40; Eugene Nelson White, 'Was There a Solution to the Ancien Regime's Financial Dilemma', Journal of Economic History, 49 (1989), pp. 545-68; Eugene Nelson White, 'The French Revolution and the Politics of Government Finance', Journal of Economic History, 55 (1995), pp. 227-55. For some more general suggestions about the connections between politics and the eighteenth-century French economy, see L.M. Cullen, 'History, Economic Crises and Revolution: Understanding Eighteenth-Century France', Economic History Review, 46 (1993), pp. 635-57.
28. On the finances and financial administration of the monarchy see Richard Bonney, 'The Eighteenth Century. The Struggle for Great Power Status and the End of the Old Fiscal Regime', in Economic Systems and State Finance, ed. Richard Bonney (Oxford, 1995); John Bosher, French Finances 1770-1795. From Business to Bureaucracy (Cambridge, 1969); John Bosher, The French Revolution (New York, 1989); Frédéric Braesch, Finances et monnaies révolutionnaires. Recherches, etudes et documents (3 vols., Nancy, 1934); Frédéric Braesch, 1789. L'Année cruciale (Paris, 1941); François Crouzet, La Grande Inflation. La Monnaie en France de Louis XVI à Napoléon (Paris, 1993); Herbert Lüthy, La Banque Protestante en France de la Révocation de l'Edit de Nantes à la Révolution (2 vols., Paris, 1961-3). On the technical problems of funding the state's debts see Alain Guéry, 'Les finances de la monarchie française sous l'ancien régime', Annales ESC, 33 (1978), pp. 216-39; Michel Morineau, 'Budgets de l'Etat et gestion des finances royales en France au dix-huitième siècle', Revue historique, 264 (1980), pp. 304-12; Kathryn Norberg, 'The French Fiscal Crisis of 1788 and the Financial Origins of the Revolution of 1789', in Fiscal Crises, Liberty, and Representative Government 1450-1789, ed. Philip T. Hoffman and Kathryn Norberg (Stanford, 1994), pp. 253-98; James C. Riley, The Seven Years War and the Old Regime in France: the Economic and Financial Toll (Princeton, 1986); James C. Riley, 'French Finances, 1727-1768', Journal of Modern History, 59 (1987), pp. 209-43; David R. Weir, 'Tontines, Public Finance and Revolution in France and England, 1688-1789', Journal of Economic History, 49 (1989), pp. 95-124; David R. Weir, 'Crises économiques et les origines de la révolution française', Annales ESC, 46 (1991), pp. 917-47; François R. Velde and David R. Weir, 'The Financial Market and Government Debt Policy in France, 1746-1793', Journal of Economic History, 52 (1992), pp. 1-40; Eugene Nelson White, 'Was There a Solution to the Ancien Regime's Financial Dilemma', Journal of Economic History, 49 (1989), pp. 545-68; Eugene Nelson White, 'The French Revolution and the Politics of Government Finance', Journal of Economic History, 55 (1995), pp. 227-55. For some more general suggestions about the connections between politics and the eighteenth-century French economy, see L.M. Cullen, 'History, Economic Crises and Revolution: Understanding Eighteenth-Century France', Economic History Review, 46 (1993), pp. 635-57.
29. On the finances and financial administration of the monarchy see Richard Bonney, 'The Eighteenth Century. The Struggle for Great Power Status and the End of the Old Fiscal Regime', in Economic Systems and State Finance, ed. Richard Bonney (Oxford, 1995); John Bosher, French Finances 1770-1795. From Business to Bureaucracy (Cambridge, 1969); John Bosher, The French Revolution (New York, 1989); Frédéric Braesch, Finances et monnaies révolutionnaires. Recherches, etudes et documents (3 vols., Nancy, 1934); Frédéric Braesch, 1789. L'Année cruciale (Paris, 1941); François Crouzet, La Grande Inflation. La Monnaie en France de Louis XVI à Napoléon (Paris, 1993); Herbert Lüthy, La Banque Protestante en France de la Révocation de l'Edit de Nantes à la Révolution (2 vols., Paris, 1961-3). On the technical problems of funding the state's debts see Alain Guéry, 'Les finances de la monarchie française sous l'ancien régime', Annales ESC, 33 (1978), pp. 216-39; Michel Morineau, 'Budgets de l'Etat et gestion des finances royales en France au dix-huitième siècle', Revue historique, 264 (1980), pp. 304-12; Kathryn Norberg, 'The French Fiscal Crisis of 1788 and the Financial Origins of the Revolution of 1789', in Fiscal Crises, Liberty, and Representative Government 1450-1789, ed. Philip T. Hoffman and Kathryn Norberg (Stanford, 1994), pp. 253-98; James C. Riley, The Seven Years War and the Old Regime in France: the Economic and Financial Toll (Princeton, 1986); James C. Riley, 'French Finances, 1727-1768', Journal of Modern History, 59 (1987), pp. 209-43; David R. Weir, 'Tontines, Public Finance and Revolution in France and England, 1688-1789', Journal of Economic History, 49 (1989), pp. 95-124; David R. Weir, 'Crises économiques et les origines de la révolution française', Annales ESC, 46 (1991), pp. 917-47; François R. Velde and David R. Weir, 'The Financial Market and Government Debt Policy in France, 1746-1793', Journal of Economic History, 52 (1992), pp. 1-40; Eugene Nelson White, 'Was There a Solution to the Ancien Regime's Financial Dilemma', Journal of Economic History, 49 (1989), pp. 545-68; Eugene Nelson White, 'The French Revolution and the Politics of Government Finance', Journal of Economic History, 55 (1995), pp. 227-55. For some more general suggestions about the connections between politics and the eighteenth-century French economy, see L.M. Cullen, 'History, Economic Crises and Revolution: Understanding Eighteenth-Century France', Economic History Review, 46 (1993), pp. 635-57.
30. On the finances and financial administration of the monarchy see Richard Bonney, 'The Eighteenth Century. The Struggle for Great Power Status and the End of the Old Fiscal Regime', in Economic Systems and State Finance, ed. Richard Bonney (Oxford, 1995); John Bosher, French Finances 1770-1795. From Business to Bureaucracy (Cambridge, 1969); John Bosher, The French Revolution (New York, 1989); Frédéric Braesch, Finances et monnaies révolutionnaires. Recherches, etudes et documents (3 vols., Nancy, 1934); Frédéric Braesch, 1789. L'Année cruciale (Paris, 1941); François Crouzet, La Grande Inflation. La Monnaie en France de Louis XVI à Napoléon (Paris, 1993); Herbert Lüthy, La Banque Protestante en France de la Révocation de l'Edit de Nantes à la Révolution (2 vols., Paris, 1961-3). On the technical problems of funding the state's debts see Alain Guéry, 'Les finances de la monarchie française sous l'ancien régime', Annales ESC, 33 (1978), pp. 216-39; Michel Morineau, 'Budgets de l'Etat et gestion des finances royales en France au dix-huitième siècle', Revue historique, 264 (1980), pp. 304-12; Kathryn Norberg, 'The French Fiscal Crisis of 1788 and the Financial Origins of the Revolution of 1789', in Fiscal Crises, Liberty, and Representative Government 1450-1789, ed. Philip T. Hoffman and Kathryn Norberg (Stanford, 1994), pp. 253-98; James C. Riley, The Seven Years War and the Old Regime in France: the Economic and Financial Toll (Princeton, 1986); James C. Riley, 'French Finances, 1727-1768', Journal of Modern History, 59 (1987), pp. 209-43; David R. Weir, 'Tontines, Public Finance and Revolution in France and England, 1688-1789', Journal of Economic History, 49 (1989), pp. 95-124; David R. Weir, 'Crises économiques et les origines de la révolution française', Annales ESC, 46 (1991), pp. 917-47; François R. Velde and David R. Weir, 'The Financial Market and Government Debt Policy in France, 1746-1793', Journal of Economic History, 52 (1992), pp. 1-40; Eugene Nelson White, 'Was There a Solution to the Ancien Regime's Financial Dilemma', Journal of Economic History, 49 (1989), pp. 545-68; Eugene Nelson White, 'The French Revolution and the Politics of Government Finance', Journal of Economic History, 55 (1995), pp. 227-55. For some more general suggestions about the connections between politics and the eighteenth-century French economy, see L.M. Cullen, 'History, Economic Crises and Revolution: Understanding Eighteenth-Century France', Economic History Review, 46 (1993), pp. 635-57.
31. On the finances and financial administration of the monarchy see Richard Bonney, 'The Eighteenth Century. The Struggle for Great Power Status and the End of the Old Fiscal Regime', in Economic Systems and State Finance, ed. Richard Bonney (Oxford, 1995); John Bosher, French Finances 1770-1795. From Business to Bureaucracy (Cambridge, 1969); John Bosher, The French Revolution (New York, 1989); Frédéric Braesch, Finances et monnaies révolutionnaires. Recherches, etudes et documents (3 vols., Nancy, 1934); Frédéric Braesch, 1789. L'Année cruciale (Paris, 1941); François Crouzet, La Grande Inflation. La Monnaie en France de Louis XVI à Napoléon (Paris, 1993); Herbert Lüthy, La Banque Protestante en France de la Révocation de l'Edit de Nantes à la Révolution (2 vols., Paris, 1961-3). On the technical problems of funding the state's debts see Alain Guéry, 'Les finances de la monarchie française sous l'ancien régime', Annales ESC, 33 (1978), pp. 216-39; Michel Morineau, 'Budgets de l'Etat et gestion des finances royales en France au dix-huitième siècle', Revue historique, 264 (1980), pp. 304-12; Kathryn Norberg, 'The French Fiscal Crisis of 1788 and the Financial Origins of the Revolution of 1789', in Fiscal Crises, Liberty, and Representative Government 1450-1789, ed. Philip T. Hoffman and Kathryn Norberg (Stanford, 1994), pp. 253-98; James C. Riley, The Seven Years War and the Old Regime in France: the Economic and Financial Toll (Princeton, 1986); James C. Riley, 'French Finances, 1727-1768', Journal of Modern History, 59 (1987), pp. 209-43; David R. Weir, 'Tontines, Public Finance and Revolution in France and England, 1688-1789', Journal of Economic History, 49 (1989), pp. 95-124; David R. Weir, 'Crises économiques et les origines de la révolution française', Annales ESC, 46 (1991), pp. 917-47; François R. Velde and David R. Weir, 'The Financial Market and Government Debt Policy in France, 1746-1793', Journal of Economic History, 52 (1992), pp. 1-40; Eugene Nelson White, 'Was There a Solution to the Ancien Regime's Financial Dilemma', Journal of Economic History, 49 (1989), pp. 545-68; Eugene Nelson White, 'The French Revolution and the Politics of Government Finance', Journal of Economic History, 55 (1995), pp. 227-55. For some more general suggestions about the connections between politics and the eighteenth-century French economy, see L.M. Cullen, 'History, Economic Crises and Revolution: Understanding Eighteenth-Century France', Economic History Review, 46 (1993), pp. 635-57.
32. On the finances and financial administration of the monarchy see Richard Bonney, 'The Eighteenth Century. The Struggle for Great Power Status and the End of the Old Fiscal Regime', in Economic Systems and State Finance, ed. Richard Bonney (Oxford, 1995); John Bosher, French Finances 1770-1795. From Business to Bureaucracy (Cambridge, 1969); John Bosher, The French Revolution (New York, 1989); Frédéric Braesch, Finances et monnaies révolutionnaires. Recherches, etudes et documents (3 vols., Nancy, 1934); Frédéric Braesch, 1789. L'Année cruciale (Paris, 1941); François Crouzet, La Grande Inflation. La Monnaie en France de Louis XVI à Napoléon (Paris, 1993); Herbert Lüthy, La Banque Protestante en France de la Révocation de l'Edit de Nantes à la Révolution (2 vols., Paris, 1961-3). On the technical problems of funding the state's debts see Alain Guéry, 'Les finances de la monarchie française sous l'ancien régime', Annales ESC, 33 (1978), pp. 216-39; Michel Morineau, 'Budgets de l'Etat et gestion des finances royales en France au dix-huitième siècle', Revue historique, 264 (1980), pp. 304-12; Kathryn Norberg, 'The French Fiscal Crisis of 1788 and the Financial Origins of the Revolution of 1789', in Fiscal Crises, Liberty, and Representative Government 1450-1789, ed. Philip T. Hoffman and Kathryn Norberg (Stanford, 1994), pp. 253-98; James C. Riley, The Seven Years War and the Old Regime in France: the Economic and Financial Toll (Princeton, 1986); James C. Riley, 'French Finances, 1727-1768', Journal of Modern History, 59 (1987), pp. 209-43; David R. Weir, 'Tontines, Public Finance and Revolution in France and England, 1688-1789', Journal of Economic History, 49 (1989), pp. 95-124; David R. Weir, 'Crises économiques et les origines de la révolution française', Annales ESC, 46 (1991), pp. 917-47; François R. Velde and David R. Weir, 'The Financial Market and Government Debt Policy in France, 1746-1793', Journal of Economic History, 52 (1992), pp. 1-40; Eugene Nelson White, 'Was There a Solution to the Ancien Regime's Financial Dilemma', Journal of Economic History, 49 (1989), pp. 545-68; Eugene Nelson White, 'The French Revolution and the Politics of Government Finance', Journal of Economic History, 55 (1995), pp. 227-55. For some more general suggestions about the connections between politics and the eighteenth-century French economy, see L.M. Cullen, 'History, Economic Crises and Revolution: Understanding Eighteenth-Century France', Economic History Review, 46 (1993), pp. 635-57.
33. On the finances and financial administration of the monarchy see Richard Bonney, 'The Eighteenth Century. The Struggle for Great Power Status and the End of the Old Fiscal Regime', in Economic Systems and State Finance, ed. Richard Bonney (Oxford, 1995); John Bosher, French Finances 1770-1795. From Business to Bureaucracy (Cambridge, 1969); John Bosher, The French Revolution (New York, 1989); Frédéric Braesch, Finances et monnaies révolutionnaires. Recherches, etudes et documents (3 vols., Nancy, 1934); Frédéric Braesch, 1789. L'Année cruciale (Paris, 1941); François Crouzet, La Grande Inflation. La Monnaie en France de Louis XVI à Napoléon (Paris, 1993); Herbert Lüthy, La Banque Protestante en France de la Révocation de l'Edit de Nantes à la Révolution (2 vols., Paris, 1961-3). On the technical problems of funding the state's debts see Alain Guéry, 'Les finances de la monarchie française sous l'ancien régime', Annales ESC, 33 (1978), pp. 216-39; Michel Morineau, 'Budgets de l'Etat et gestion des finances royales en France au dix-huitième siècle', Revue historique, 264 (1980), pp. 304-12; Kathryn Norberg, 'The French Fiscal Crisis of 1788 and the Financial Origins of the Revolution of 1789', in Fiscal Crises, Liberty, and Representative Government 1450-1789, ed. Philip T. Hoffman and Kathryn Norberg (Stanford, 1994), pp. 253-98; James C. Riley, The Seven Years War and the Old Regime in France: the Economic and Financial Toll (Princeton, 1986); James C. Riley, 'French Finances, 1727-1768', Journal of Modern History, 59 (1987), pp. 209-43; David R. Weir, 'Tontines, Public Finance and Revolution in France and England, 1688-1789', Journal of Economic History, 49 (1989), pp. 95-124; David R. Weir, 'Crises économiques et les origines de la révolution française', Annales ESC, 46 (1991), pp. 917-47; François R. Velde and David R. Weir, 'The Financial Market and Government Debt Policy in France, 1746-1793', Journal of Economic History, 52 (1992), pp. 1-40; Eugene Nelson White, 'Was There a Solution to the Ancien Regime's Financial Dilemma', Journal of Economic History, 49 (1989), pp. 545-68; Eugene Nelson White, 'The French Revolution and the Politics of Government Finance', Journal of Economic History, 55 (1995), pp. 227-55. For some more general suggestions about the connections between politics and the eighteenth-century French economy, see L.M. Cullen, 'History, Economic Crises and Revolution: Understanding Eighteenth-Century France', Economic History Review, 46 (1993), pp. 635-57.
34. On the finances and financial administration of the monarchy see Richard Bonney, 'The Eighteenth Century. The Struggle for Great Power Status and the End of the Old Fiscal Regime', in Economic Systems and State Finance, ed. Richard Bonney (Oxford, 1995); John Bosher, French Finances 1770-1795. From Business to Bureaucracy (Cambridge, 1969); John Bosher, The French Revolution (New York, 1989); Frédéric Braesch, Finances et monnaies révolutionnaires. Recherches, etudes et documents (3 vols., Nancy, 1934); Frédéric Braesch, 1789. L'Année cruciale (Paris, 1941); François Crouzet, La Grande Inflation. La Monnaie en France de Louis XVI à Napoléon (Paris, 1993); Herbert Lüthy, La Banque Protestante en France de la Révocation de l'Edit de Nantes à la Révolution (2 vols., Paris, 1961-3). On the technical problems of funding the state's debts see Alain Guéry, 'Les finances de la monarchie française sous l'ancien régime', Annales ESC, 33 (1978), pp. 216-39; Michel Morineau, 'Budgets de l'Etat et gestion des finances royales en France au dix-huitième siècle', Revue historique, 264 (1980), pp. 304-12; Kathryn Norberg, 'The French Fiscal Crisis of 1788 and the Financial Origins of the Revolution of 1789', in Fiscal Crises, Liberty, and Representative Government 1450-1789, ed. Philip T. Hoffman and Kathryn Norberg (Stanford, 1994), pp. 253-98; James C. Riley, The Seven Years War and the Old Regime in France: the Economic and Financial Toll (Princeton, 1986); James C. Riley, 'French Finances, 1727-1768', Journal of Modern History, 59 (1987), pp. 209-43; David R. Weir, 'Tontines, Public Finance and Revolution in France and England, 1688-1789', Journal of Economic History, 49 (1989), pp. 95-124; David R. Weir, 'Crises économiques et les origines de la révolution française', Annales ESC, 46 (1991), pp. 917-47; François R. Velde and David R. Weir, 'The Financial Market and Government Debt Policy in France, 1746-1793', Journal of Economic History, 52 (1992), pp. 1-40; Eugene Nelson White, 'Was There a Solution to the Ancien Regime's Financial Dilemma', Journal of Economic History, 49 (1989), pp. 545-68; Eugene Nelson White, 'The French Revolution and the Politics of Government Finance', Journal of Economic History, 55 (1995), pp. 227-55. For some more general suggestions about the connections between politics and the eighteenth-century French economy, see L.M. Cullen, 'History, Economic Crises and Revolution: Understanding Eighteenth-Century France', Economic History Review, 46 (1993), pp. 635-57.
35. On the finances and financial administration of the monarchy see Richard Bonney, 'The Eighteenth Century. The Struggle for Great Power Status and the End of the Old Fiscal Regime', in Economic Systems and State Finance, ed. Richard Bonney (Oxford, 1995); John Bosher, French Finances 1770-1795. From Business to Bureaucracy (Cambridge, 1969); John Bosher, The French Revolution (New York, 1989); Frédéric Braesch, Finances et monnaies révolutionnaires. Recherches, etudes et documents (3 vols., Nancy, 1934); Frédéric Braesch, 1789. L'Année cruciale (Paris, 1941); François Crouzet, La Grande Inflation. La Monnaie en France de Louis XVI à Napoléon (Paris, 1993); Herbert Lüthy, La Banque Protestante en France de la Révocation de l'Edit de Nantes à la Révolution (2 vols., Paris, 1961-3). On the technical problems of funding the state's debts see Alain Guéry, 'Les finances de la monarchie française sous l'ancien régime', Annales ESC, 33 (1978), pp. 216-39; Michel Morineau, 'Budgets de l'Etat et gestion des finances royales en France au dix-huitième siècle', Revue historique, 264 (1980), pp. 304-12; Kathryn Norberg, 'The French Fiscal Crisis of 1788 and the Financial Origins of the Revolution of 1789', in Fiscal Crises, Liberty, and Representative Government 1450-1789, ed. Philip T. Hoffman and Kathryn Norberg (Stanford, 1994), pp. 253-98; James C. Riley, The Seven Years War and the Old Regime in France: the Economic and Financial Toll (Princeton, 1986); James C. Riley, 'French Finances, 1727-1768', Journal of Modern History, 59 (1987), pp. 209-43; David R. Weir, 'Tontines, Public Finance and Revolution in France and England, 1688-1789', Journal of Economic History, 49 (1989), pp. 95-124; David R. Weir, 'Crises économiques et les origines de la révolution française', Annales ESC, 46 (1991), pp. 917-47; François R. Velde and David R. Weir, 'The Financial Market and Government Debt Policy in France, 1746-1793', Journal of Economic History, 52 (1992), pp. 1-40; Eugene Nelson White, 'Was There a Solution to the Ancien Regime's Financial Dilemma', Journal of Economic History, 49 (1989), pp. 545-68; Eugene Nelson White, 'The French Revolution and the Politics of Government Finance', Journal of Economic History, 55 (1995), pp. 227-55. For some more general suggestions about the connections between politics and the eighteenth-century French economy, see L.M. Cullen, 'History, Economic Crises and Revolution: Understanding Eighteenth-Century France', Economic History Review, 46 (1993), pp. 635-57.
36. On the finances and financial administration of the monarchy see Richard Bonney, 'The Eighteenth Century. The Struggle for Great Power Status and the End of the Old Fiscal Regime', in Economic Systems and State Finance, ed. Richard Bonney (Oxford, 1995); John Bosher, French Finances 1770-1795. From Business to Bureaucracy (Cambridge, 1969); John Bosher, The French Revolution (New York, 1989); Frédéric Braesch, Finances et monnaies révolutionnaires. Recherches, etudes et documents (3 vols., Nancy, 1934); Frédéric Braesch, 1789. L'Année cruciale (Paris, 1941); François Crouzet, La Grande Inflation. La Monnaie en France de Louis XVI à Napoléon (Paris, 1993); Herbert Lüthy, La Banque Protestante en France de la Révocation de l'Edit de Nantes à la Révolution (2 vols., Paris, 1961-3). On the technical problems of funding the state's debts see Alain Guéry, 'Les finances de la monarchie française sous l'ancien régime', Annales ESC, 33 (1978), pp. 216-39; Michel Morineau, 'Budgets de l'Etat et gestion des finances royales en France au dix-huitième siècle', Revue historique, 264 (1980), pp. 304-12; Kathryn Norberg, 'The French Fiscal Crisis of 1788 and the Financial Origins of the Revolution of 1789', in Fiscal Crises, Liberty, and Representative Government 1450-1789, ed. Philip T. Hoffman and Kathryn Norberg (Stanford, 1994), pp. 253-98; James C. Riley, The Seven Years War and the Old Regime in France: the Economic and Financial Toll (Princeton, 1986); James C. Riley, 'French Finances, 1727-1768', Journal of Modern History, 59 (1987), pp. 209-43; David R. Weir, 'Tontines, Public Finance and Revolution in France and England, 1688-1789', Journal of Economic History, 49 (1989), pp. 95-124; David R. Weir, 'Crises économiques et les origines de la révolution française', Annales ESC, 46 (1991), pp. 917-47; François R. Velde and David R. Weir, 'The Financial Market and Government Debt Policy in France, 1746-1793', Journal of Economic History, 52 (1992), pp. 1-40; Eugene Nelson White, 'Was There a Solution to the Ancien Regime's Financial Dilemma', Journal of Economic History, 49 (1989), pp. 545-68; Eugene Nelson White, 'The French Revolution and the Politics of Government Finance', Journal of Economic History, 55 (1995), pp. 227-55. For some more general suggestions about the connections between politics and the eighteenth-century French economy, see L.M. Cullen, 'History, Economic Crises and Revolution: Understanding Eighteenth-Century France', Economic History Review, 46 (1993), pp. 635-57.
37. On the finances and financial administration of the monarchy see Richard Bonney, 'The Eighteenth Century. The Struggle for Great Power Status and the End of the Old Fiscal Regime', in Economic Systems and State Finance, ed. Richard Bonney (Oxford, 1995); John Bosher, French Finances 1770-1795. From Business to Bureaucracy (Cambridge, 1969); John Bosher, The French Revolution (New York, 1989); Frédéric Braesch, Finances et monnaies révolutionnaires. Recherches, etudes et documents (3 vols., Nancy, 1934); Frédéric Braesch, 1789. L'Année cruciale (Paris, 1941); François Crouzet, La Grande Inflation. La Monnaie en France de Louis XVI à Napoléon (Paris, 1993); Herbert Lüthy, La Banque Protestante en France de la Révocation de l'Edit de Nantes à la Révolution (2 vols., Paris, 1961-3). On the technical problems of funding the state's debts see Alain Guéry, 'Les finances de la monarchie française sous l'ancien régime', Annales ESC, 33 (1978), pp. 216-39; Michel Morineau, 'Budgets de l'Etat et gestion des finances royales en France au dix-huitième siècle', Revue historique, 264 (1980), pp. 304-12; Kathryn Norberg, 'The French Fiscal Crisis of 1788 and the Financial Origins of the Revolution of 1789', in Fiscal Crises, Liberty, and Representative Government 1450-1789, ed. Philip T. Hoffman and Kathryn Norberg (Stanford, 1994), pp. 253-98; James C. Riley, The Seven Years War and the Old Regime in France: the Economic and Financial Toll (Princeton, 1986); James C. Riley, 'French Finances, 1727-1768', Journal of Modern History, 59 (1987), pp. 209-43; David R. Weir, 'Tontines, Public Finance and Revolution in France and England, 1688-1789', Journal of Economic History, 49 (1989), pp. 95-124; David R. Weir, 'Crises économiques et les origines de la révolution française', Annales ESC, 46 (1991), pp. 917-47; François R. Velde and David R. Weir, 'The Financial Market and Government Debt Policy in France, 1746-1793', Journal of Economic History, 52 (1992), pp. 1-40; Eugene Nelson White, 'Was There a Solution to the Ancien Regime's Financial Dilemma', Journal of Economic History, 49 (1989), pp. 545-68; Eugene Nelson White, 'The French Revolution and the Politics of Government Finance', Journal of Economic History, 55 (1995), pp. 227-55. For some more general suggestions about the connections between politics and the eighteenth-century French economy, see L.M. Cullen, 'History, Economic Crises and Revolution: Understanding Eighteenth-Century France', Economic History Review, 46 (1993), pp. 635-57.
38. On the finances and financial administration of the monarchy see Richard Bonney, 'The Eighteenth Century. The Struggle for Great Power Status and the End of the Old Fiscal Regime', in Economic Systems and State Finance, ed. Richard Bonney (Oxford, 1995); John Bosher, French Finances 1770-1795. From Business to Bureaucracy (Cambridge, 1969); John Bosher, The French Revolution (New York, 1989); Frédéric Braesch, Finances et monnaies révolutionnaires. Recherches, etudes et documents (3 vols., Nancy, 1934); Frédéric Braesch, 1789. L'Année cruciale (Paris, 1941);
39. On the finances and financial administration of the monarchy see Richard Bonney, 'The Eighteenth Century. The Struggle for Great Power Status and the End of the Old Fiscal Regime', in Economic Systems and State Finance, ed. Richard Bonney (Oxford, 1995); John Bosher, French Finances 1770-1795. From Business to Bureaucracy (Cambridge, 1969); John Bosher, The French Revolution (New York, 1989); Frédéric Braesch, Finances et monnaies révolutionnaires. Recherches, etudes et documents (3 vols., Nancy, 1934); Frédéric Braesch, 1789. L'Année cruciale (Paris, 1941); François Crouzet, La Grande Inflation. La Monnaie en France de Louis XVI à Napoléon (Paris, 1993); Herbert Lüthy, La Banque Protestante en France de la Révocation de l'Edit de Nantes à la Révolution (2 vols., Paris, 1961-3). On the technical problems of funding the state's debts see Alain Guéry, 'Les finances de la monarchie française sous l'ancien régime', Annales ESC, 33 (1978), pp. 216-39; Michel Morineau, 'Budgets de l'Etat et gestion des finances royales en France au dix-huitième siècle', Revue historique, 264 (1980), pp. 304-12; Kathryn Norberg, 'The French Fiscal Crisis of 1788 and the Financial Origins of the Revolution of 1789', in Fiscal Crises, Liberty, and Representative Government 1450-1789, ed. Philip T. Hoffman and Kathryn Norberg (Stanford, 1994), pp. 253-98; James C. Riley, The Seven Years War and the Old Regime in France: the Economic and Financial Toll (Princeton, 1986); James C. Riley, 'French Finances, 1727-1768', Journal of Modern History, 59 (1987), pp. 209-43; David R. Weir, 'Tontines, Public Finance and Revolution in France and England, 1688-1789', Journal of Economic History, 49 (1989), pp. 95-124; David R. Weir, 'Crises économiques et les origines de la révolution française', Annales ESC, 46 (1991), pp. 917-47; François R. Velde and David R. Weir, 'The Financial Market and Government Debt Policy in France, 1746-1793', Journal of Economic History, 52 (1992), pp. 1-40; Eugene Nelson White, 'Was There a Solution to the Ancien Regime's Financial Dilemma', Journal of Economic History, 49 (1989), pp. 545-68; Eugene Nelson White, 'The French Revolution and the Politics of Government Finance', Journal of Economic History, 55 (1995), pp. 227-55. For some more general suggestions about the connections between politics and the eighteenth-century French economy, see L.M. Cullen, 'History, Economic Crises and Revolution: Understanding Eighteenth-Century France', Economic History Review, 46 (1993), pp. 635-57.
40. On the finances and financial administration of the monarchy see Richard Bonney, 'The Eighteenth Century. The Struggle for Great Power Status and the End of the Old Fiscal Regime', in Economic Systems and State Finance, ed. Richard Bonney (Oxford, 1995); John Bosher, French Finances 1770-1795. From Business to Bureaucracy (Cambridge, 1969); John Bosher, The French Revolution (New York, 1989); Frédéric Braesch, Finances et monnaies révolutionnaires. Recherches, etudes et documents (3 vols., Nancy, 1934); Frédéric Braesch, 1789. L'Année cruciale (Paris, 1941); François Crouzet, La Grande Inflation. La Monnaie en France de Louis XVI à Napoléon (Paris, 1993); Herbert Lüthy, La Banque Protestante en France de la Révocation de l'Edit de Nantes à la Révolution (2 vols., Paris, 1961-3). On the technical problems of funding the state's debts see Alain Guéry, 'Les finances de la monarchie française sous l'ancien régime', Annales ESC, 33 (1978), pp. 216-39; Michel Morineau, 'Budgets de l'Etat et gestion des finances royales en France au dix-huitième siècle', Revue historique, 264 (1980), pp. 304-12; Kathryn Norberg, 'The French Fiscal Crisis of 1788 and the Financial Origins of the Revolution of 1789', in Fiscal Crises, Liberty, and Representative Government 1450-1789, ed. Philip T. Hoffman and Kathryn Norberg (Stanford, 1994), pp. 253-98; James C. Riley, The Seven Years War and the Old Regime in France: the Economic and Financial Toll (Princeton, 1986); James C. Riley, 'French Finances, 1727-1768', Journal of Modern History, 59 (1987), pp. 209-43; David R. Weir, 'Tontines, Public Finance and Revolution in France and England, 1688-1789', Journal of Economic History, 49 (1989), pp. 95-124; David R. Weir, 'Crises économiques et les origines de la révolution française', Annales ESC, 46 (1991), pp. 917-47; François R. Velde and David R. Weir, 'The Financial Market and Government Debt Policy in France, 1746-1793', Journal of Economic History, 52 (1992), pp. 1-40; Eugene Nelson White, 'Was There a Solution to the Ancien Regime's Financial Dilemma', Journal of Economic History, 49 (1989), pp. 545-68; Eugene Nelson White, 'The French Revolution and the Politics of Government Finance', Journal of Economic History, 55 (1995), pp. 227-55. For some more general suggestions about the connections between politics and the eighteenth-century French economy, see L.M. Cullen, 'History, Economic Crises and Revolution: Understanding Eighteenth-Century France', Economic History Review, 46 (1993), pp. 635-57.
41. On the finances and financial administration of the monarchy see Richard Bonney, 'The Eighteenth Century. The Struggle for Great Power Status and the End of the Old Fiscal Regime', in Economic Systems and State Finance, ed. Richard Bonney (Oxford, 1995); John Bosher, French Finances 1770-1795. From Business to Bureaucracy (Cambridge, 1969); John Bosher, The French Revolution (New York, 1989); Frédéric Braesch, Finances et monnaies révolutionnaires. Recherches, etudes et documents (3 vols., Nancy, 1934); Frédéric Braesch, 1789. L'Année cruciale (Paris, 1941); François Crouzet, La Grande Inflation. La Monnaie en France de Louis XVI à Napoléon (Paris, 1993); Herbert Lüthy, La Banque Protestante en France de la Révocation de l'Edit de Nantes à la Révolution (2 vols., Paris, 1961-3). On the technical problems of funding the state's debts see Alain Guéry, 'Les finances de la monarchie française sous l'ancien régime', Annales ESC, 33 (1978), pp. 216-39; Michel Morineau, 'Budgets de l'Etat et gestion des finances royales en France au dix-huitième siècle', Revue historique, 264 (1980), pp. 304-12; Kathryn Norberg, 'The French Fiscal Crisis of 1788 and the Financial Origins of the Revolution of 1789', in Fiscal Crises, Liberty, and Representative Government 1450-1789, ed. Philip T. Hoffman and Kathryn Norberg (Stanford, 1994), pp. 253-98; James C. Riley, The Seven Years War and the Old Regime in France: the Economic and Financial Toll (Princeton, 1986); James C. Riley, 'French Finances, 1727-1768', Journal of Modern History, 59 (1987), pp. 209-43; David R. Weir, 'Tontines, Public Finance and Revolution in France and England, 1688-1789', Journal of Economic History, 49 (1989), pp. 95-124; David R. Weir, 'Crises économiques et les origines de la révolution française', Annales ESC, 46 (1991), pp. 917-47; François R. Velde and David R. Weir, 'The Financial Market and Government Debt Policy in France, 1746-1793', Journal of Economic History, 52 (1992), pp. 1-40; Eugene Nelson White, 'Was There a Solution to the Ancien Regime's Financial Dilemma', Journal of Economic History, 49 (1989), pp. 545-68; Eugene Nelson White, 'The French Revolution and the Politics of Government Finance', Journal of Economic History, 55 (1995), pp. 227-55. For some more general suggestions about the connections between politics and the eighteenth-century French economy, see L.M. Cullen, 'History, Economic Crises and Revolution: Understanding Eighteenth-Century France', Economic History Review, 46 (1993), pp. 635-57.
42. Alessandro Pizzorno, 'Politics Unbound', in Changing Boundaries of the Political, ed. Charles S. Maier (Cambridge, 1987), pp. 27-62; and, notoriously, Carl Schmitt, Political Theology. Four Chapters on the Concept of Sovereignty (Cambridge, Mass., 1985 (1st edn., 1922)).
43. Alessandro Pizzorno, 'Politics Unbound', in Changing Boundaries of the Political, ed. Charles S. Maier (Cambridge, 1987), pp. 27-62; and, notoriously, Carl Schmitt, Political Theology. Four Chapters on the Concept of Sovereignty (Cambridge, Mass., 1985 (1st edn., 1922)).
44. See, classically, Alexis de Tocqueville, L'Ancien Régime (Paris, 1856).
45. The subject has not been fully examined. See, however, Paul Harsin, Les Doctrines monétaires et financières en France du xvie au xviiie siècle (Paris, 1928); Paul Harsin, Crédit public et banque d'état en France du xvie au xviiie siècle (Paris, 1933); Lionel Rothkrug, Opposition to Louis XIV. The Political and Social Origins of the French Enlightenment (Princeton, 1965); Simone Meyssonnier, La Balance et l'horlorge. La Genèse de la pensée libérale en France au xviiie siècle (Paris, 1989); Jean-Claude Perrot, Une histoire intellectuelle de l'économie politique (Paris, 1992); Catherine Larrère, L'invention de l'économie au xviiie siècle. Du droit naturel à la physiocratie (Paris, 1992); Etat, finances et économie pendant la révolution française, ed. Guy Antonetti (Paris, 1991); the special issue of Dix-Huitième Siècle, 26 (1994) entitled 'Economie et Politique'; La Pensée économique pendant la révolution française, ed. Gilbert Faccarello and Philippe Steiner (Grenoble, 1990); and, in particular, Manuela Albertone, Moneta e Politica in Francia. Dalla Cassa di Sconto agli Assegnati (1776-1792) (Bologna, 1992).
46. The subject has not been fully examined. See, however, Paul Harsin, Les Doctrines monétaires et financières en France du xvie au xviiie siècle (Paris, 1928); Paul Harsin, Crédit public et banque d'état en France du xvie au xviiie siècle (Paris, 1933); Lionel Rothkrug, Opposition to Louis XIV. The Political and Social Origins of the French Enlightenment (Princeton, 1965); Simone Meyssonnier, La Balance et l'horlorge. La Genèse de la pensée libérale en France au xviiie siècle (Paris, 1989); Jean-Claude Perrot, Une histoire intellectuelle de l'économie politique (Paris, 1992); Catherine Larrère, L'invention de l'économie au xviiie siècle. Du droit naturel à la physiocratie (Paris, 1992); Etat, finances et économie pendant la révolution française, ed. Guy Antonetti (Paris, 1991); the special issue of Dix-Huitième Siècle, 26 (1994) entitled 'Economie et Politique'; La Pensée économique pendant la révolution française, ed. Gilbert Faccarello and Philippe Steiner (Grenoble, 1990); and, in particular, Manuela Albertone, Moneta e Politica in Francia. Dalla Cassa di Sconto agli Assegnati (1776-1792) (Bologna, 1992).
47. The subject has not been fully examined. See, however, Paul Harsin, Les Doctrines monétaires et financières en France du xvie au xviiie siècle (Paris, 1928); Paul Harsin, Crédit public et banque d'état en France du xvie au xviiie siècle (Paris, 1933); Lionel Rothkrug, Opposition to Louis XIV. The Political and Social Origins of the French Enlightenment (Princeton, 1965); Simone Meyssonnier, La Balance et l'horlorge. La Genèse de la pensée libérale en France au xviiie siècle (Paris, 1989); Jean-Claude Perrot, Une histoire intellectuelle de l'économie politique (Paris, 1992); Catherine Larrère, L'invention de l'économie au xviiie siècle. Du droit naturel à la physiocratie (Paris, 1992); Etat, finances et économie pendant la révolution française, ed. Guy Antonetti (Paris, 1991); the special issue of Dix-Huitième Siècle, 26 (1994) entitled 'Economie et Politique'; La Pensée économique pendant la révolution française, ed. Gilbert Faccarello and Philippe Steiner (Grenoble, 1990); and, in particular, Manuela Albertone, Moneta e Politica in Francia. Dalla Cassa di Sconto agli Assegnati (1776-1792) (Bologna, 1992).
48. The subject has not been fully examined. See, however, Paul Harsin, Les Doctrines monétaires et financières en France du xvie au xviiie siècle (Paris, 1928); Paul Harsin, Crédit public et banque d'état en France du xvie au xviiie siècle (Paris, 1933); Lionel Rothkrug, Opposition to Louis XIV. The Political and Social Origins of the French Enlightenment (Princeton, 1965); Simone Meyssonnier, La Balance et l'horlorge. La Genèse de la pensée libérale en France au xviiie siècle (Paris, 1989); Jean-Claude Perrot, Une histoire intellectuelle de l'économie politique (Paris, 1992); Catherine Larrère, L'invention de l'économie au xviiie siècle. Du droit naturel à la physiocratie (Paris, 1992); Etat, finances et économie pendant la révolution française, ed. Guy Antonetti (Paris, 1991); the special issue of Dix-Huitième Siècle, 26 (1994) entitled 'Economie et Politique'; La Pensée économique pendant la révolution française, ed. Gilbert Faccarello and Philippe Steiner (Grenoble, 1990); and, in particular, Manuela Albertone, Moneta e Politica in Francia. Dalla Cassa di Sconto agli Assegnati (1776-1792) (Bologna, 1992).
49. The subject has not been fully examined. See, however, Paul Harsin, Les Doctrines monétaires et financières en France du xvie au xviiie siècle (Paris, 1928); Paul Harsin, Crédit public et banque d'état en France du xvie au xviiie siècle (Paris, 1933); Lionel Rothkrug, Opposition to Louis XIV. The Political and Social Origins of the French Enlightenment (Princeton, 1965); Simone Meyssonnier, La Balance et l'horlorge. La Genèse de la pensée libérale en France au xviiie siècle (Paris, 1989); Jean-Claude Perrot, Une histoire intellectuelle de l'économie politique (Paris, 1992); Catherine Larrère, L'invention de l'économie au xviiie siècle. Du droit naturel à la physiocratie (Paris, 1992); Etat, finances et économie pendant la révolution française, ed. Guy Antonetti (Paris, 1991); the special issue of Dix-Huitième Siècle, 26 (1994) entitled 'Economie et Politique'; La Pensée économique pendant la révolution française, ed. Gilbert Faccarello and Philippe Steiner (Grenoble, 1990); and, in particular, Manuela Albertone, Moneta e Politica in Francia. Dalla Cassa di Sconto agli Assegnati (1776-1792) (Bologna, 1992).
50. The subject has not been fully examined. See, however, Paul Harsin, Les Doctrines monétaires et financières en France du xvie au xviiie siècle (Paris, 1928); Paul Harsin, Crédit public et banque d'état en France du xvie au xviiie siècle (Paris, 1933); Lionel Rothkrug, Opposition to Louis XIV. The Political and Social Origins of the French Enlightenment (Princeton, 1965); Simone Meyssonnier, La Balance et l'horlorge. La Genèse de la pensée libérale en France au xviiie siècle (Paris, 1989); Jean-Claude Perrot, Une histoire intellectuelle de l'économie politique (Paris, 1992); Catherine Larrère, L'invention de l'économie au xviiie siècle. Du droit naturel à la physiocratie (Paris, 1992); Etat, finances et économie pendant la révolution française, ed. Guy Antonetti (Paris, 1991); the special issue of Dix-Huitième Siècle, 26 (1994) entitled 'Economie et Politique'; La Pensée économique pendant la révolution française, ed. Gilbert Faccarello and Philippe Steiner (Grenoble, 1990); and, in particular, Manuela Albertone, Moneta e Politica in Francia. Dalla Cassa di Sconto agli Assegnati (1776-1792) (Bologna, 1992).
51. The subject has not been fully examined. See, however, Paul Harsin, Les Doctrines monétaires et financières en France du xvie au xviiie siècle (Paris, 1928); Paul Harsin, Crédit public et banque d'état en France du xvie au xviiie siècle (Paris, 1933); Lionel Rothkrug, Opposition to Louis XIV. The Political and Social Origins of the French Enlightenment (Princeton, 1965); Simone Meyssonnier, La Balance et l'horlorge. La Genèse de la pensée libérale en France au xviiie siècle (Paris, 1989); Jean-Claude Perrot, Une histoire intellectuelle de l'économie politique (Paris, 1992); Catherine Larrère, L'invention de l'économie au xviiie siècle. Du droit naturel à la physiocratie (Paris, 1992); Etat, finances et économie pendant la révolution française, ed. Guy Antonetti (Paris, 1991); the special issue of Dix-Huitième Siècle, 26 (1994) entitled 'Economie et Politique'; La Pensée économique pendant la révolution française, ed. Gilbert Faccarello and Philippe Steiner (Grenoble, 1990); and, in particular, Manuela Albertone, Moneta e Politica in Francia. Dalla Cassa di Sconto agli Assegnati (1776-1792) (Bologna, 1992).
52. The subject has not been fully examined. See, however, Paul Harsin, Les Doctrines monétaires et financières en France du xvie au xviiie siècle (Paris, 1928); Paul Harsin, Crédit public et banque d'état en France du xvie au xviiie siècle (Paris, 1933); Lionel Rothkrug, Opposition to Louis XIV. The Political and Social Origins of the French Enlightenment (Princeton, 1965); Simone Meyssonnier, La Balance et l'horlorge. La Genèse de la pensée libérale en France au xviiie siècle (Paris, 1989); Jean-Claude Perrot, Une histoire intellectuelle de l'économie politique (Paris, 1992); Catherine Larrère, L'invention de l'économie au xviiie siècle. Du droit naturel à la physiocratie (Paris, 1992); Etat, finances et économie pendant la révolution française, ed. Guy Antonetti (Paris, 1991); the special issue of Dix-Huitième Siècle, 26 (1994) entitled 'Economie et Politique'; La Pensée économique pendant la révolution française, ed. Gilbert Faccarello and Philippe Steiner (Grenoble, 1990); and, in particular, Manuela Albertone, Moneta e Politica in Francia. Dalla Cassa di Sconto agli Assegnati (1776-1792) (Bologna, 1992).
53. The subject has not been fully examined. See, however, Paul Harsin, Les Doctrines monétaires et financières en France du xvie au xviiie siècle (Paris, 1928); Paul Harsin, Crédit public et banque d'état en France du xvie au xviiie siècle (Paris, 1933); Lionel Rothkrug, Opposition to Louis XIV. The Political and Social Origins of the French Enlightenment (Princeton, 1965); Simone Meyssonnier, La Balance et l'horlorge. La Genèse de la pensée libérale en France au xviiie siècle (Paris, 1989); Jean-Claude Perrot, Une histoire intellectuelle de l'économie politique (Paris, 1992); Catherine Larrère, L'invention de l'économie au xviiie siècle. Du droit naturel à la physiocratie (Paris, 1992); Etat, finances et économie pendant la révolution française, ed. Guy Antonetti (Paris, 1991); the special issue of Dix-Huitième Siècle, 26 (1994) entitled 'Economie et Politique'; La Pensée économique pendant la révolution française, ed. Gilbert Faccarello and Philippe Steiner (Grenoble, 1990); and, in particular, Manuela Albertone, Moneta e Politica in Francia. Dalla Cassa di Sconto agli Assegnati (1776-1792) (Bologna, 1992).
54. The subject has not been fully examined. See, however, Paul Harsin, Les Doctrines monétaires et financières en France du xvie au xviiie siècle (Paris, 1928); Paul Harsin, Crédit public et banque d'état en France du xvie au xviiie siècle (Paris, 1933); Lionel Rothkrug, Opposition to Louis XIV. The Political and Social Origins of the French Enlightenment (Princeton, 1965); Simone Meyssonnier, La Balance et l'horlorge. La Genèse de la pensée libérale en France au xviiie siècle (Paris, 1989); Jean-Claude Perrot, Une histoire intellectuelle de l'économie politique (Paris, 1992); Catherine Larrère, L'invention de l'économie au xviiie siècle. Du droit naturel à la physiocratie (Paris, 1992); Etat, finances et économie pendant la révolution française, ed. Guy Antonetti (Paris, 1991); the special issue of Dix-Huitième Siècle, 26 (1994) entitled 'Economie et Politique'; La Pensée économique pendant la révolution française, ed. Gilbert Faccarello and Philippe Steiner (Grenoble, 1990); and, in particular, Manuela Albertone, Moneta e Politica in Francia. Dalla Cassa di Sconto agli Assegnati (1776-1792) (Bologna, 1992).
55. Edgar Faure, La Banqueroute de Law (Paris, 1977); Thomas E. Kaiser, 'Money, Despotism and Public Opinion in Early Eighteenth-Century France: John Law and the Debate on Royal Credit', Journal of Modern History, 63 (1991), pp. 1-28.
56. Edgar Faure, La Banqueroute de Law (Paris, 1977); Thomas E. Kaiser, 'Money, Despotism and Public Opinion in Early Eighteenth-Century France: John Law and the Debate on Royal Credit', Journal of Modern History, 63 (1991), pp. 1-28.
57. John Law, Money and Trade, Considered with a Proposal for Supplying the Nation with Money (1705), in John Law, Oeuvres complètes, ed. Paul Harsin (3 vols., Paris, 1934), Vol. 1, p. 80.
58. John Law, Money and Trade, Considered with a Proposal for Supplying the Nation with Money (1705), in John Law, Oeuvres complètes, ed. Paul Harsin (3 vols., Paris, 1934), Vol. 1, p. 80.
59. Ibid., pp. 104-6.
60. [John Law], The Present State of the French Revenues and Trade, and of the Controversy betwixt the Parlement of Paris, and Mr. Law (London, 1720), p. 38.
61. Ibid., p. 42.
62. François de Salignac de la Mothe Fénelon, Les Aventures de Télémaque, fils d'Ulysse (the work was first published in truncated form in 1699 and given its final, eighteenth-century arrangement in the edition prepared for publication in Paris in 1717 by Fénelon's nephew, the marquis de Fénelon, two years after the archbishop of Cambrai's death in 1715). On Fénelon's ideas, see Lucien Jaume, 'Fénelon, critique de la déraison d'Etat', in Raison et Déraison d'Etat, ed. Yves Charles Zarka (Paris, 1994), pp. 395-422.
63. François de Salignac de la Mothe Fénelon, Les Aventures de Télémaque, fils d'Ulysse (the work was first published in truncated form in 1699 and given its final, eighteenth-century arrangement in the edition prepared for publication in Paris in 1717 by Fénelon's nephew, the marquis de Fénelon, two years after the archbishop of Cambrai's death in 1715). On Fénelon's ideas, see Lucien Jaume, 'Fénelon, critique de la déraison d'Etat', in Raison et Déraison d'Etat, ed. Yves Charles Zarka (Paris, 1994), pp. 395-422.
64. 'Discours de la Poésie Epique et de l'Excellence du Poème Telemaque', in Fénelon, Télémaque (Amsterdam, 1725), pp. xxxviii-xxxix. This passage is taken from a contemporary English translation, Fénelon, The Adventures of Telemachus, the Son of Ulysses (2 vols., London, 3rd edn., 1720), pp. xlii-xliv.
65. 'Discours de la Poésie Epique et de l'Excellence du Poème Telemaque', in Fénelon, Télémaque (Amsterdam, 1725), pp. xxxviii-xxxix. This passage is taken from a contemporary English translation, Fénelon, The Adventures of Telemachus, the Son of Ulysses (2 vols., London, 3rd edn., 1720), pp. xlii-xliv.
66. For a more general discussion of these matters, see Istvan Hont and Michael Ignatieff, 'Needs and Justice in the Wealth of Nations: An Introductory Essay', Wealth and Virtue. The Shaping of Political Economy in the Scottish Enlightenment, ed. Istvan Hont and Michael Ignatieff (Cambridge, 1983), pp. 1-44.
67. The best study of the political thought of the marquis d'Argenson is Nannerl O. Henry, 'Democratic Monarchy: The Political Theory of the Marquis d'Argenson' (Yale University PhD, 1968); see too Nannerl O. Keohane, Philosophy and the State in France (Princeton, 1980), pp. 376-91.
68. The best study of the political thought of the marquis d'Argenson is Nannerl O. Henry, 'Democratic Monarchy: The Political Theory of the Marquis d'Argenson' (Yale University PhD, 1968); see too Nannerl O. Keohane, Philosophy and the State in France (Princeton, 1980), pp. 376-91.
69. Cited in Journal et Mémoires du Marquis d'Argenson, ed. E.J.B. Rathery (9 vols., Paris, 1859-67), Vol. 1, p. xxxi.
70. Bibliothèque universitaire de Poitiers, Fonds d'Argenson, P. 60, chemise ix, Angleterre II and III.
71. Ibid., Angleterre II.
72. Ibid., Angleterre II, fol. 4.
73. 'Reflexions', fol. 63.
74. Ibid., fol. 68.
75. Ibid.
76. Ibid., fols. 81 and 84.
77. Ibid., fol. 55.
78. 'If today I was the favourite of the king, his prime minister or was entrusted with his finances and the most accredited of his ministers, as was Maximilian de Sully with Henri IV', he noted in 1744, 'I would persuade his majesty to think solely, for ten years, of paying off his debts and improving his estates, so that after those ten years, he would be the greatest king on earth . . . Every year he would keep the public informed of the progress made in reducing the state's debts and obligations; reimburse the most onorous and dangerous of the venal offices; turn perpetual into life annuities; alienate the royal domain in perpetuity and burn its titles; authorise the repurchase of all feudal dues on the land, and a hundred other things: my system of democracy; increase the funds, establish a royal fiduciary bank to enjoy vast interest-free sums . . . keeping the army as a militia and the navy in the shipyards.' Journal et Mémoires du Marquis d'Argenson, ed. Rathery, Vol. 4, pp. 107-9 (5 August 1744).
79. For some of these schemes, see Perrot, Une histoire intellectuelle de l'économie politique, pp. 195-215; on the Cercle social, see Gary Kates, The Cercle Social, the Girondins and the French Revolution (Princeton, 1985).
80. For some of these schemes, see Perrot, Une histoire intellectuelle de l'économie politique, pp. 195-215; on the Cercle social, see Gary Kates, The Cercle Social, the Girondins and the French Revolution (Princeton, 1985).
81. For a compendium of Harringtonian ideas in France in the second half of the eighteenth century see Jacques Philibert Aubert de Vitry, Jean Jacques Rousseau à l'assemblée nationale (Paris, 1789).
82. Charles Louis de Secondat, baron de Montesquieu, 'Mémoire sur les dettes de l'état', in Montesquieu, Oeuvres, ed. Roger Caillois (2 vols., Paris, 1949), Vol. 1, pp. 66-71.
83. Charles Louis de Secondat, baron de Montesquieu, The Spirit of the Laws (1748) (Cambridge, 1989), Bk. 2, ch. 4, p. 19; see too Bk. 11, ch. 6; Bk. 19, ch. 27; pp. 156-66, 325-33.
84. David Bien, 'The secrétaires du roy: Absolutism, Corps and Privilege under the Ancien Régime', in Vom ancien Regime zur franzosischen Revolution, ed. A Cremer and Ernst Hindrichs (Gottingen, 1978), pp. 153-68; D. Bien, 'Offices, Corps, and a System of State Credit: The Uses of Privilege under the Ancien Regime', in The Political Culture of the Old Regime, ed. Keith Michael Baker (Oxford, 1987), pp. 89-114; D. Bien, 'Old Regime Origins of Democratic Liberty', in The French Idea of Liberty, ed. Dale Van Kley (Stanford, 1995), pp. 23-71; D. Bien, 'Property in Office Under the Ancien Régime. The Case of the Stockbrokers', in Early Modern Conceptions of Property, ed. John Brewer and Susan Staves (London and New York, 1995), pp. 481-94.
85. David Bien, 'The secrétaires du roy: Absolutism, Corps and Privilege under the Ancien Régime', in Vom ancien Regime zur franzosischen Revolution, ed. A Cremer and Ernst Hindrichs (Gottingen, 1978), pp. 153-68; D. Bien, 'Offices, Corps, and a System of State Credit: The Uses of Privilege under the Ancien Regime', in The Political Culture of the Old Regime, ed. Keith Michael Baker (Oxford, 1987), pp. 89-114; D. Bien, 'Old Regime Origins of Democratic Liberty', in The French Idea of Liberty, ed. Dale Van Kley (Stanford, 1995), pp. 23-71; D. Bien, 'Property in Office Under the Ancien Régime. The Case of the Stockbrokers', in Early Modern Conceptions of Property, ed. John Brewer and Susan Staves (London and New York, 1995), pp. 481-94.
86. David Bien, 'The secrétaires du roy: Absolutism, Corps and Privilege under the Ancien Régime', in Vom ancien Regime zur franzosischen Revolution, ed. A Cremer and Ernst Hindrichs (Gottingen, 1978), pp. 153-68; D. Bien, 'Offices, Corps, and a System of State Credit: The Uses of Privilege under the Ancien Regime', in The Political Culture of the Old Regime, ed. Keith Michael Baker (Oxford, 1987), pp. 89-114; D. Bien, 'Old Regime Origins of Democratic Liberty', in The French Idea of Liberty, ed. Dale Van Kley (Stanford, 1995), pp. 23-71; D. Bien, 'Property in Office Under the Ancien Régime. The Case of the Stockbrokers', in Early Modern Conceptions of Property, ed. John Brewer and Susan Staves (London and New York, 1995), pp. 481-94.
87. David Bien, 'The secrétaires du roy: Absolutism, Corps and Privilege under the Ancien Régime', in Vom ancien Regime zur franzosischen Revolution, ed. A Cremer and Ernst Hindrichs (Gottingen, 1978), pp. 153-68; D. Bien, 'Offices, Corps, and a System of State Credit: The Uses of Privilege under the Ancien Regime', in The Political Culture of the Old Regime, ed. Keith Michael Baker (Oxford, 1987), pp. 89-114; D. Bien, 'Old Regime Origins of Democratic Liberty', in The French Idea of Liberty, ed. Dale Van Kley (Stanford, 1995), pp. 23-71; D. Bien, 'Property in Office Under the Ancien Régime. The Case of the Stockbrokers', in Early Modern Conceptions of Property, ed. John Brewer and Susan Staves (London and New York, 1995), pp. 481-94.
88. See the translator's note appended to Isaac Pinto, An Essay on Circulation and Credit in Four Parts and a Letter on the Jealousy of Commerce (London, 1774), p. 36.
89. For a neat description of this sequence, see François-Jean de Chastellux, De la félicité publique ou considérations sur le sort des hommes dans les différentes époques de l'histoire (1772), ed. Roger Basoni (Paris, 1989), p. 480 and n. 1. His remarks prefigure the tension between finance and banque which underpins the argument of Herbert Lüthy, La Banque protestante en France, Vol. 2 (Paris, 1963); on problems of funding the costs of war see too Michel Morineau, 'Budgets de l'Etat et gestion des finances royales en France au dix-huitième siècle', Revue historique, 264 (1980), pp. 304-12; R.D. Harris, 'French Finances and the American War', Journal of Modern History (1976), pp. 233-58; B. Behrens, 'Nobles, Privileges and Taxes in France at the end of the Old Regime', Economic History Review, XV (1962-3), pp. 451-75; P. Mathias and P. O'Brien, 'Taxation in Britain and France 1715-1810', Journal of European Economic History, V (1976), pp. 601-50.
90. For a neat description of this sequence, see François-Jean de Chastellux, De la félicité publique ou considérations sur le sort des hommes dans les différentes époques de l'histoire (1772), ed. Roger Basoni (Paris, 1989), p. 480 and n. 1. His remarks prefigure the tension between finance and banque which underpins the argument of Herbert Lüthy, La Banque protestante en France, Vol. 2 (Paris, 1963); on problems of funding the costs of war see too Michel Morineau, 'Budgets de l'Etat et gestion des finances royales en France au dix-huitième siècle', Revue historique, 264 (1980), pp. 304-12; R.D. Harris, 'French Finances and the American War', Journal of Modern History (1976), pp. 233-58; B. Behrens, 'Nobles, Privileges and Taxes in France at the end of the Old Regime', Economic History Review, XV (1962-3), pp. 451-75; P. Mathias and P. O'Brien, 'Taxation in Britain and France 1715-1810', Journal of European Economic History, V (1976), pp. 601-50.
91. For a neat description of this sequence, see François-Jean de Chastellux, De la félicité publique ou considérations sur le sort des hommes dans les différentes époques de l'histoire (1772), ed. Roger Basoni (Paris, 1989), p. 480 and n. 1. His remarks prefigure the tension between finance and banque which underpins the argument of Herbert Lüthy, La Banque protestante en France, Vol. 2 (Paris, 1963); on problems of funding the costs of war see too Michel Morineau, 'Budgets de l'Etat et gestion des finances royales en France au dix-huitième siècle', Revue historique, 264 (1980), pp. 304-12; R.D. Harris, 'French Finances and the American War', Journal of Modern History (1976), pp. 233-58; B. Behrens, 'Nobles, Privileges and Taxes in France at the end of the Old Regime', Economic History Review, XV (1962-3), pp. 451-75; P. Mathias and P. O'Brien, 'Taxation in Britain and France 1715-1810', Journal of European Economic History, V (1976), pp. 601-50.
92. For a neat description of this sequence, see François-Jean de Chastellux, De la félicité publique ou considérations sur le sort des hommes dans les différentes époques de l'histoire (1772), ed. Roger Basoni (Paris, 1989), p. 480 and n. 1. His remarks prefigure the tension between finance and banque which underpins the argument of Herbert Lüthy, La Banque protestante en France, Vol. 2 (Paris, 1963); on problems of funding the costs of war see too Michel Morineau, 'Budgets de l'Etat et gestion des finances royales en France au dix-huitième siècle', Revue historique, 264 (1980), pp. 304-12; R.D. Harris, 'French Finances and the American War', Journal of Modern History (1976), pp. 233-58; B. Behrens, 'Nobles, Privileges and Taxes in France at the end of the Old Regime', Economic History Review, XV (1962-3), pp. 451-75; P. Mathias and P. O'Brien, 'Taxation in Britain and France 1715-1810', Journal of European Economic History, V (1976), pp. 601-50.
93. For a neat description of this sequence, see François-Jean de Chastellux, De la félicité publique ou considérations sur le sort des hommes dans les différentes époques de l'histoire (1772), ed. Roger Basoni (Paris, 1989), p. 480 and n. 1. His remarks prefigure the tension between finance and banque which underpins the argument of Herbert Lüthy, La Banque protestante en France, Vol. 2 (Paris, 1963); on problems of funding the costs of war see too Michel Morineau, 'Budgets de l'Etat et gestion des finances royales en France au dix-huitième siècle', Revue historique, 264 (1980), pp. 304-12; R.D. Harris, 'French Finances and the American War', Journal of Modern History (1976), pp. 233-58; B. Behrens, 'Nobles, Privileges and Taxes in France at the end of the Old Regime', Economic History Review, XV (1962-3), pp. 451-75; P. Mathias and P. O'Brien, 'Taxation in Britain and France 1715-1810', Journal of European Economic History, V (1976), pp. 601-50.
94. For a neat description of this sequence, see François-Jean de Chastellux, De la félicité publique ou considérations sur le sort des hommes dans les différentes époques de l'histoire (1772), ed. Roger Basoni (Paris, 1989), p. 480 and n. 1. His remarks prefigure the tension between finance and banque which underpins the argument of Herbert Lüthy, La Banque protestante en France, Vol. 2 (Paris, 1963); on problems of funding the costs of war see too Michel Morineau, 'Budgets de l'Etat et gestion des finances royales en France au dix-huitième siècle', Revue historique, 264 (1980), pp. 304-12; R.D. Harris, 'French Finances and the American War', Journal of Modern History (1976), pp. 233-58; B. Behrens, 'Nobles, Privileges and Taxes in France at the end of the Old Regime', Economic History Review, XV (1962-3), pp. 451-75; P. Mathias and P. O'Brien, 'Taxation in Britain and France 1715-1810', Journal of European Economic History, V (1976), pp. 601-50.
95. David Hume, 'Of Public Credit' [1752], in D. Hume, Essays. Moral, Political and Literary, ed. E.F. Miller (Indianapolis, 1975); and Bolingbroke, 'Some Reflections of the Present State of the Nation, Principally with Regard to her Taxes and her Debts, and on the Causes and Consequences of them', in The Works of the late Right Honourable Henry St. John, Lord Viscount Bolingbroke, ed. David Mallet (4 vols., London, 1754), Vol. 3, pp. 143-79. Both appeared in a translation by Mauvillon in the first and second volumes respectively of [Anon.], Discours politiques (2 vols., Amsterdam, 1754 and 1756); Bolingbroke's 'Reflections' first appeared in French as the Testament politique de Milord Bolingbroke (London, 1754).
96. David Hume, 'Of Public Credit' [1752], in D. Hume, Essays. Moral, Political and Literary, ed. E.F. Miller (Indianapolis, 1975); and Bolingbroke, 'Some Reflections of the Present State of the Nation, Principally with Regard to her Taxes and her Debts, and on the Causes and Consequences of them', in The Works of the late Right Honourable Henry St. John, Lord Viscount Bolingbroke, ed. David Mallet (4 vols., London, 1754), Vol. 3, pp. 143-79. Both appeared in a translation by Mauvillon in the first and second volumes respectively of [Anon.], Discours politiques (2 vols., Amsterdam, 1754 and 1756); Bolingbroke's 'Reflections' first appeared in French as the Testament politique de Milord Bolingbroke (London, 1754).
97. David Hume, 'Of Public Credit' [1752], in D. Hume, Essays. Moral, Political and Literary, ed. E.F. Miller (Indianapolis, 1975); and Bolingbroke, 'Some Reflections of the Present State of the Nation, Principally with Regard to her Taxes and her Debts, and on the Causes and Consequences of them', in The Works of the late Right Honourable Henry St. John, Lord Viscount Bolingbroke, ed. David Mallet (4 vols., London, 1754), Vol. 3, pp. 143-79. Both appeared in a translation by Mauvillon in the first and second volumes respectively of [Anon.], Discours politiques (2 vols., Amsterdam, 1754 and 1756); Bolingbroke's 'Reflections' first appeared in French as the Testament politique de Milord Bolingbroke (London, 1754).
98. David Hume, 'Of Public Credit' [1752], in D. Hume, Essays. Moral, Political and Literary, ed. E.F. Miller (Indianapolis, 1975); and Bolingbroke, 'Some Reflections of the Present State of the Nation, Principally with Regard to her Taxes and her Debts, and on the Causes and Consequences of them', in The Works of the late Right Honourable Henry St. John, Lord Viscount Bolingbroke, ed. David Mallet (4 vols., London, 1754), Vol. 3, pp. 143-79. Both appeared in a translation by Mauvillon in the first and second volumes respectively of [Anon.], Discours politiques (2 vols., Amsterdam, 1754 and 1756); Bolingbroke's 'Reflections' first appeared in French as the Testament politique de Milord Bolingbroke (London, 1754).
99. Montesquieu, The Spirit of the Laws, Part I, ch. 4, pp. 18-19.
100. In this section I follow Istvan Hont, 'The Rhapsody of Public Debt: David Hume and Voluntary State Bankruptcy', in Political Discourse in Early Modern Britain, ed. Nicholas Phillipson and Quentin Skinner (Cambridge, 1993), pp. 321-48.
101. David Hume, 'Of Civil Liberty', in Hume, Essays. Moral Political and Literary, ed. Miller, p. 96. The essay was also published in French translation in 1754 and reprinted in edited form in Condorcet's Bibliothèque de l'homme public, Vol. 1, no. 2 (Paris, 1790) (p. 99 for the passage in question).
102. David Hume, 'Of Civil Liberty', in Hume, Essays. Moral Political and Literary, ed. Miller, p. 96. The essay was also published in French translation in 1754 and reprinted in edited form in Condorcet's Bibliothèque de l'homme public, Vol. 1, no. 2 (Paris, 1790) (p. 99 for the passage in question).
103. Bolingbroke, 'Some Reflections', pp. 168, 174.
104. Ibid., p. 165.
105. The starting point for a full study of the cult of Henri IV and Sully in the eighteenth century is Marcel Reinhard, La Légende de Henri IV (Paris, 1935). See Encyclopédie méthodique. Finances, 'crédit', p. 440; Bolingbroke, 'Some Reflections', pp. 159-61; and Jacques Léonard Thomas, 'Eloge de Sully' (1763), reprinted in Jacques Léonard Thomas, Oeuvres (4 vols., Paris, 1792), Vol. 3, pp. 81-188.
106. The starting point for a full study of the cult of Henri IV and Sully in the eighteenth century is Marcel Reinhard, La Légende de Henri IV (Paris, 1935). See Encyclopédie méthodique. Finances, 'crédit', p. 440; Bolingbroke, 'Some Reflections', pp. 159-61; and Jacques Léonard Thomas, 'Eloge de Sully' (1763), reprinted in Jacques Léonard Thomas, Oeuvres (4 vols., Paris, 1792), Vol. 3, pp. 81-188.
107. The starting point for a full study of the cult of Henri IV and Sully in the eighteenth century is Marcel Reinhard, La Légende de Henri IV (Paris, 1935). See Encyclopédie méthodique. Finances, 'crédit', p. 440; Bolingbroke, 'Some Reflections', pp. 159-61; and Jacques Léonard Thomas, 'Eloge de Sully' (1763), reprinted in Jacques Léonard Thomas, Oeuvres (4 vols., Paris, 1792), Vol. 3, pp. 81-188.
108. The starting point for a full study of the cult of Henri IV and Sully in the eighteenth century is Marcel Reinhard, La Légende de Henri IV (Paris, 1935). See Encyclopédie méthodique. Finances, 'crédit', p. 440; Bolingbroke, 'Some Reflections', pp. 159-61; and Jacques Léonard Thomas, 'Eloge de Sully' (1763), reprinted in Jacques Léonard Thomas, Oeuvres (4 vols., Paris, 1792), Vol. 3, pp. 81-188.
109. The starting point for a full study of the cult of Henri IV and Sully in the eighteenth century is Marcel Reinhard, La Légende de Henri IV (Paris, 1935). See Encyclopédie méthodique. Finances, 'crédit', p. 440; Bolingbroke, 'Some Reflections', pp. 159-61; and Jacques Léonard Thomas, 'Eloge de Sully' (1763), reprinted in Jacques Léonard Thomas, Oeuvres (4 vols., Paris, 1792), Vol. 3, pp. 81-188.
110. Oddly, the vital subject of dynastic politics has been more-or-less written out of eighteenth-century French history; see, however, Amédée Britsch, La jeunesse de Philippe-Egalité (1747-1785) (Paris, 1926). For the hopes associated with the Dauphin (involving highly complex factional manoeuvre encompassing, among many others, François Quesnay and the marquis de Mirabeau) see E. de Brogue, Le fils de Louis XV (Paris, 1877); Abel Dechêne, Le Dauphin fils de Louis XV (Paris, 1931), p. 199; Jacques Silvestre de Sacy, Le comte d'Angiviller dernier directeur général des bâtiments du roi (Paris, 1953), pp. 12-27; Mémoires de Charles Claude Flahaut, comte de la Billarderie d'Angiviller, ed. Louis Bobé (Paris and Copenhagen, 1933), pp. 10-32.
111. Oddly, the vital subject of dynastic politics has been more-or-less written out of eighteenth-century French history; see, however, Amédée Britsch, La jeunesse de Philippe-Egalité (1747-1785) (Paris, 1926). For the hopes associated with the Dauphin (involving highly complex factional manoeuvre encompassing, among many others, François Quesnay and the marquis de Mirabeau) see E. de Brogue, Le fils de Louis XV (Paris, 1877); Abel Dechêne, Le Dauphin fils de Louis XV (Paris, 1931), p. 199; Jacques Silvestre de Sacy, Le comte d'Angiviller dernier directeur général des bâtiments du roi (Paris, 1953), pp. 12-27; Mémoires de Charles Claude Flahaut, comte de la Billarderie d'Angiviller, ed. Louis Bobé (Paris and Copenhagen, 1933), pp. 10-32.
112. Oddly, the vital subject of dynastic politics has been more-or-less written out of eighteenth-century French history; see, however, Amédée Britsch, La jeunesse de Philippe-Egalité (1747-1785) (Paris, 1926). For the hopes associated with the Dauphin (involving highly complex factional manoeuvre encompassing, among many others, François Quesnay and the marquis de Mirabeau) see E. de Brogue, Le fils de Louis XV (Paris, 1877); Abel Dechêne, Le Dauphin fils de Louis XV (Paris, 1931), p. 199; Jacques Silvestre de Sacy, Le comte d'Angiviller dernier directeur général des bâtiments du roi (Paris, 1953), pp. 12-27; Mémoires de Charles Claude Flahaut, comte de la Billarderie d'Angiviller, ed. Louis Bobé (Paris and Copenhagen, 1933), pp. 10-32.
113. Oddly, the vital subject of dynastic politics has been more-or-less written out of eighteenth-century French history; see, however, Amédée Britsch, La jeunesse de Philippe-Egalité (1747-1785) (Paris, 1926). For the hopes associated with the Dauphin (involving highly complex factional manoeuvre encompassing, among many others, François Quesnay and the marquis de Mirabeau) see E. de Brogue, Le fils de Louis XV (Paris, 1877); Abel Dechêne, Le Dauphin fils de Louis XV (Paris, 1931), p. 199; Jacques Silvestre de Sacy, Le comte d'Angiviller dernier directeur général des bâtiments du roi (Paris, 1953), pp. 12-27; Mémoires de Charles Claude Flahaut, comte de la Billarderie d'Angiviller, ed. Louis Bobé (Paris and Copenhagen, 1933), pp. 10-32.
114. Oddly, the vital subject of dynastic politics has been more-or-less written out of eighteenth-century French history; see, however, Amédée Britsch, La jeunesse de Philippe-Egalité (1747-1785) (Paris, 1926). For the hopes associated with the Dauphin (involving highly complex factional manoeuvre encompassing, among many others, François Quesnay and the marquis de Mirabeau) see E. de Brogue, Le fils de Louis XV (Paris, 1877); Abel Dechêne, Le Dauphin fils de Louis XV (Paris, 1931), p. 199; Jacques Silvestre de Sacy, Le comte d'Angiviller dernier directeur général des bâtiments du roi (Paris, 1953), pp. 12-27; Mémoires de Charles Claude Flahaut, comte de la Billarderie d'Angiviller, ed. Louis Bobé (Paris and Copenhagen, 1933), pp. 10-32.
115. Gabriel Bonnot de Mably, Des droits et des devoirs du citoyen (1789), ed. Jean Louis Lecercle (Paris, 1972). For a discussion of the text, see Baker, Inventing the French Revolution, Ch. 4.
116. Gabriel Bonnot de Mably, Des droits et des devoirs du citoyen (1789), ed. Jean Louis Lecercle (Paris, 1972). For a discussion of the text, see Baker, Inventing the French Revolution, Ch. 4.
117. On Mably's connections with Mme de Marchais (who was also a protector of the economists) through d'Angiviller, see Charles Claude Flahaut de la Billarderie, comte d'Angiviller, 'Episodes de ma vie', in Efterladte Papirer fra den Reventlowske Familiekreds, ed. Louis Bobé (10 vols., Copenhagen, 1895-1931), Vol. 7, pp. 186-93; Claude François Lysarde de Radonvilliers, Oeuvres diverses (3 vols., Paris, 1807); Jean-Luc Malvache, 'Correspondance inédite de Mably à Fellenberg', Francia, 19 (1992), pp. 47-93.
118. On Mably's connections with Mme de Marchais (who was also a protector of the economists) through d'Angiviller, see Charles Claude Flahaut de la Billarderie, comte d'Angiviller, 'Episodes de ma vie', in Efterladte Papirer fra den Reventlowske Familiekreds, ed. Louis Bobé (10 vols., Copenhagen, 1895-1931), Vol. 7, pp. 186-93; Claude François Lysarde de Radonvilliers, Oeuvres diverses (3 vols., Paris, 1807); Jean-Luc Malvache, 'Correspondance inédite de Mably à Fellenberg', Francia, 19 (1992), pp. 47-93.
119. On Mably's connections with Mme de Marchais (who was also a protector of the economists) through d'Angiviller, see Charles Claude Flahaut de la Billarderie, comte d'Angiviller, 'Episodes de ma vie', in Efterladte Papirer fra den Reventlowske Familiekreds, ed. Louis Bobé (10 vols., Copenhagen, 1895-1931), Vol. 7, pp. 186-93; Claude François Lysarde de Radonvilliers, Oeuvres diverses (3 vols., Paris, 1807); Jean-Luc Malvache, 'Correspondance inédite de Mably à Fellenberg', Francia, 19 (1992), pp. 47-93.
120. 'Mais je veux, continua Milord, qu'un bas intérêt anime des hommes à qui l'étude des lois doit inspirer quelque gout pour l'ordre et la justice; faudroit il leur supposer une mesure d'esprit surnaturelle, pour qu'ils jugeassent qu'en demandant et obtenant par leur perserverance la convocation des Etats Généraux, ils augmenteroient considerablement cette autorité dont vous les croyez si jaloux, et ne craindroient plus qu'une Banqueroute ne dérangeât l'hôtel de ville et leur fortune?' Mably, Droits et Devoirs, ed. Lecercle, p. 167.
121. Gabriel Bonnot de Mably, Observations sur le Gouvernment et les Lois des Etats-Unis d'Amérique (1784), reprinted in Mably, Oeuvres (15 vols., Aalen, 1977), Vol. 8, p. 421.
122. Gabriel Bonnot de Mably, Observations sur le Gouvernment et les Lois des Etats-Unis d'Amérique (1784), reprinted in Mably, Oeuvres (15 vols., Aalen, 1977), Vol. 8, p. 421.
123. Hume, 'Of Public Credit', p. 359.
124. Sir James Steuart, An Inquiry into the Principles of Political Oeconomy, ed. Andrew Skinner (Edinburgh and Chicago, 1966), Bk. II, ch. xiv, pp. 226-7.
125. The subject is worth re-examining; the argument in David Bien, 'The Army in the French Enlightenment: Reform, Reaction and Revolution', Past and Present, 85 (1979), pp. 68-98 is mainly concerned with modern historiographical debates.
126. Essai général de tactique (1770), in Jacques Antoine Hyppolite de Guibert, Ecrits Stratégiques, ed. Jean-Paul Charnay (Paris, 1977), p. 137. There is no intellectual biography of Guibert; see however Matti Lauerma, Jacques-Antoine-Hyppolite de Guibert 1743-1790 (Helsinki, 1989) (thanks to Colin Jones for pointing this work out to me).
127. Essai général de tactique (1770), in Jacques Antoine Hyppolite de Guibert, Ecrits Stratégiques, ed. Jean-Paul Charnay (Paris, 1977), p. 137. There is no intellectual biography of Guibert; see however Matti Lauerma, Jacques-Antoine-Hyppolite de Guibert 1743-1790 (Helsinki, 1989) (thanks to Colin Jones for pointing this work out to me).
128. Essai général de tactique (1770), in Jacques Antoine Hyppolite de Guibert, Ecrits Stratégiques, ed. Jean-Paul Charnay (Paris, 1977), p. 137. There is no intellectual biography of Guibert; see however Matti Lauerma, Jacques-Antoine-Hyppolite de Guibert 1743-1790 (Helsinki, 1989) (thanks to Colin Jones for pointing this work out to me).
129. 'Elle arrivera sans nous cette révolution immanquable et entièrement destructive pour des peuples qui ne sont pas constitués de manière à avoir prévu et à soutenir l'ebranlement du jubilé de Moise': Mirabeau to Longo, 12 November 1776. Musée Arbaud, Fonds Mirabeau, 19, fol. 52. For the idea of a 'general crisis' of the old regime states, see Franco Venturi, The End of the Old Regime in Europe (3 vols., Princeton, 1989-91); Reinhart Koselleck, Critique and Crisis. Enlightenment and the Pathogenesis of Modern Society (Cambridge, Mass., 1988); and, for the value of a prospective historiography, Reinhart Koselleck, Futures Past (Cambridge, Mass., 1985; first published 1979).
130. 'Elle arrivera sans nous cette révolution immanquable et entièrement destructive pour des peuples qui ne sont pas constitués de manière à avoir prévu et à soutenir l'ebranlement du jubilé de Moise': Mirabeau to Longo, 12 November 1776. Musée Arbaud, Fonds Mirabeau, 19, fol. 52. For the idea of a 'general crisis' of the old regime states, see Franco Venturi, The End of the Old Regime in Europe (3 vols., Princeton, 1989-91); Reinhart Koselleck, Critique and Crisis. Enlightenment and the Pathogenesis of Modern Society (Cambridge, Mass., 1988); and, for the value of a prospective historiography, Reinhart Koselleck, Futures Past (Cambridge, Mass., 1985; first published 1979).
131. 'Elle arrivera sans nous cette révolution immanquable et entièrement destructive pour des peuples qui ne sont pas constitués de manière à avoir prévu et à soutenir l'ebranlement du jubilé de Moise': Mirabeau to Longo, 12 November 1776. Musée Arbaud, Fonds Mirabeau, 19, fol. 52. For the idea of a 'general crisis' of the old regime states, see Franco Venturi, The End of the Old Regime in Europe (3 vols., Princeton, 1989-91); Reinhart Koselleck, Critique
132. 'Elle arrivera sans nous cette révolution immanquable et entièrement destructive pour des peuples qui ne sont pas constitués de manière à avoir prévu et à soutenir l'ebranlement du jubilé de Moise': Mirabeau to Longo, 12 November 1776. Musée Arbaud, Fonds Mirabeau, 19, fol. 52. For the idea of a 'general crisis' of the old regime states, see Franco Venturi, The End of the Old Regime in Europe (3 vols., Princeton, 1989-91); Reinhart Koselleck, Critique and Crisis. Enlightenment and the Pathogenesis of Modern Society (Cambridge, Mass., 1988); and, for the value of a prospective historiography, Reinhart Koselleck, Futures Past (Cambridge, Mass., 1985; first published 1979).
133. Jean Jacques Rousseau, Emile ou de l'éducation (1762) (Paris, 1966), Bk. III, p. 252 and note. See also the citations of eighteenth-century prognostications of revolution in Karl-Ludwig von Haller, Restauration de la science politique ou théorie de l'état social naturel opposée à la fiction d'un état civil factice (5 vols., Lyon and Paris, 1824-75), Vol. 1, p. 257; and E. Lerminier, De l'influence de la philosophie du xviiie siècle sur la legislation et la sociabilité du xixe (Brussels, 1834), p. 10.
134. Jean Jacques Rousseau, Emile ou de l'éducation (1762) (Paris, 1966), Bk. III, p. 252 and note. See also the citations of eighteenth-century prognostications of revolution in Karl-Ludwig von Haller, Restauration de la science politique ou théorie de l'état social naturel opposée à la fiction d'un état civil factice (5 vols., Lyon and Paris, 1824-75), Vol. 1, p. 257; and E. Lerminier, De l'influence de la philosophie du xviiie siècle sur la legislation et la sociabilité du xixe (Brussels, 1834), p. 10.
135. Jean Jacques Rousseau, Emile ou de l'éducation (1762) (Paris, 1966), Bk. III, p. 252 and note. See also the citations of eighteenth-century prognostications of revolution in Karl-Ludwig von Haller, Restauration de la science politique ou théorie de l'état social naturel opposée à la fiction d'un état civil factice (5 vols., Lyon and Paris, 1824-75), Vol. 1, p. 257; and E. Lerminier, De l'influence de la philosophie du xviiie siècle sur la legislation et la sociabilité du xixe (Brussels, 1834), p. 10.
136. Guibert, Essai général de tactique, ed. Charnay, p. 137.
137. See, for example, Antoine Court de Gebelin, Le Monde primitif analysé et comparé avec le monde moderne (9 vols., Paris, 1773-82): 'Ne voyons-nous pas tous les jours les souverains qui devroient tous former une société de frères et d'amis, se faire une guerre cruelle, se dispenser de toutes les formalités prescrites par la nature, se battre avec de l'argent et non avec des hommes, étouffer le génie, enlever aux savants la liberté d'écrire sur toute matière, de mettre leurs idées à jour, les forcer au silence, dans la crainte qu'ils auroient ou de ne pas être entendus, ou de passer pour novateurs?' (Vol. 9, p. 212). But such obstacles could not finally prevent 'le moment de la grande révolution' since 'le rétablissement du grand ordre est reservé à notre siècle' (Vol. 8, p. 69).
138. See, for example, Antoine Court de Gebelin, Le Monde primitif analysé et comparé avec le monde moderne (9 vols., Paris, 1773-82): 'Ne voyons-nous pas tous les jours les souverains qui devroient tous former une société de frères et d'amis, se faire une guerre cruelle, se dispenser de toutes les formalités prescrites par la nature, se battre avec de l'argent et non avec des hommes, étouffer le génie, enlever aux savants la liberté d'écrire sur toute matière, de mettre leurs idées à jour, les forcer au silence, dans la crainte qu'ils auroient ou de ne pas être entendus, ou de passer pour novateurs?' (Vol. 9, p. 212). But such obstacles could not finally prevent 'le moment de la grande révolution' since 'le rétablissement du grand ordre est reservé à notre siècle' (Vol. 8, p. 69).
139. Guillaume Thomas Raynal, Histoire philosophique et politique des établissements et du commerce des Européens dans les Deux Indes (Maastricht, 1774: 3rd edn., Geneva, 1780), Vol. 10, book xix, pp. 397-8 (citing Hume, 'Of Public Credit', p. 362). Raynal envisaged a world stripped of empire (of either land or sea) subject to the benign hegemony of France and Britain: 'Si les lumières étoient assez répandus en Europe, & que chaque nation connût ses droits & ses vrais biens, ni le continent, ni l'océan ne se feroient mutuellement la loi: mais il s'établiroit une influence réciproque entre les peuples de la terre & de la mer, un équilibre d'industrie & de puissance, qui les feroit tous communiquer ensemble pour l'utilité générale' (Vol. 10, pp. 170-1).
140. Guillaume Thomas Raynal, Histoire philosophique et politique des établissements et du commerce des Européens dans les Deux Indes (Maastricht, 1774: 3rd edn., Geneva, 1780), Vol. 10, book xix, pp. 397-8 (citing Hume, 'Of Public Credit', p. 362). Raynal envisaged a world stripped of empire (of either land or sea) subject to the benign hegemony of France and Britain: 'Si les lumières étoient assez répandus en Europe, & que chaque nation connût ses droits & ses vrais biens, ni le continent, ni l'océan ne se feroient mutuellement la loi: mais il s'établiroit une influence réciproque entre les peuples de la terre & de la mer, un équilibre d'industrie & de puissance, qui les feroit tous communiquer ensemble pour l'utilité générale' (Vol. 10, pp. 170-1).
141. Guillaume Thomas Raynal, Histoire philosophique et politique des établissements et du commerce des Européens dans les Deux Indes (Maastricht, 1774: 3rd edn., Geneva, 1780), Vol. 10, book xix, pp. 397-8 (citing Hume, 'Of Public Credit', p. 362). Raynal envisaged a world stripped of empire (of either land or sea) subject to the benign hegemony of France and Britain: 'Si les lumières étoient assez répandus en Europe, & que chaque nation connût ses droits & ses vrais biens, ni le continent, ni l'océan ne se feroient mutuellement la loi: mais il s'établiroit une influence réciproque entre les peuples de la terre & de la mer, un équilibre d'industrie & de puissance, qui les feroit tous communiquer ensemble pour l'utilité générale' (Vol. 10, pp. 170-1).
142. Encyclopédie méthodique. Finances (Paris, 1784), art. on 'dette publique', pp. 526-7. It is possible that the author of the article, as well as the section of Raynal's Histoire philosophique et politique dealing with public credit, was Guibert who, it would seem, was one of the several authors of the latter work: see B.L. F70**(12), G.T. Raynal démasqué, ou lettres sur la vie et les ouvrages de cet écrivain (Paris, 1791), p. 6; Encyclopédie méthodique. Finances (Paris, 1784), art. on 'crédit', p. 440. As the author of the article on 'Angleterre' in the Encyclopédie méthodique, Economie Politique (Paris, 1784) pointed out 'de toutes les questions politiques, celle qui regarde les dettes nationales est peut-être la moins éclaircie, et nous n'avons point encore de livres qui la traitent d'une manière satisfaisante'. The point was well-illustrated by the divergent treatment of the subject in the various volumes devoted to Finances and Economie Politique. The last word on the subject was given to Adam Smith in an additional entry to the fourth (and final) volume of the series dealing with Economie Politique published in 1788, which Condorcet may have edited. There is a need for a full study of the subject's treatment in the Encyclopédie méthodique, for which the starting point is Robert Darnton, The Business of Enlightenment. A Publishing History of the Encyclopédie 1775-1800 (Cambridge, Mass., 1979), Ch. 8.
143. Encyclopédie méthodique. Finances (Paris, 1784), art. on 'dette publique', pp. 526-7. It is possible that the author of the article, as well as the section of Raynal's Histoire philosophique et politique dealing with public credit, was Guibert who, it would seem, was one of the several authors of the latter work: see B.L. F70**(12), G.T. Raynal démasqué, ou lettres sur la vie et les ouvrages de cet écrivain (Paris, 1791), p. 6; Encyclopédie méthodique. Finances (Paris, 1784), art. on 'crédit', p. 440. As the author of the article on 'Angleterre' in the Encyclopédie méthodique, Economie Politique (Paris, 1784) pointed out 'de toutes les questions politiques, celle qui regarde les dettes nationales est peut-être la moins éclaircie, et nous n'avons point encore de livres qui la traitent d'une manière satisfaisante'. The point was well-illustrated by the divergent treatment of the subject in the various volumes devoted to Finances and Economie Politique. The last word on the subject was given to Adam Smith in an additional entry to the fourth (and final) volume of the series dealing with Economie Politique published in 1788, which Condorcet may have edited. There is a need for a full study of the subject's treatment in the Encyclopédie méthodique, for which the starting point is Robert Darnton, The Business of Enlightenment. A Publishing History of the Encyclopédie 1775-1800 (Cambridge, Mass., 1979), Ch. 8.
144. Encyclopédie méthodique. Finances (Paris, 1784), art. on 'dette publique', pp. 526-7. It is possible that the author of the article, as well as the section of Raynal's Histoire philosophique et politique dealing with public credit, was Guibert who, it would seem, was one of the several authors of the latter work: see B.L. F70**(12), G.T. Raynal démasqué, ou lettres sur la vie et les ouvrages de cet écrivain (Paris, 1791), p. 6; Encyclopédie méthodique. Finances (Paris, 1784), art. on 'crédit', p. 440. As the author of the article on 'Angleterre' in the Encyclopédie méthodique, Economie Politique (Paris, 1784) pointed out 'de toutes les questions politiques, celle qui regarde les dettes nationales est peut-être la moins éclaircie, et nous n'avons point encore de livres qui la traitent d'une manière satisfaisante'. The point was well-illustrated by the divergent treatment of the subject in the various volumes devoted to Finances and Economie Politique. The last word on the subject was given to Adam Smith in an additional entry to the fourth (and final) volume of the series dealing with Economie Politique published in 1788, which Condorcet may have edited. There is a need for a full study of the subject's treatment in the Encyclopédie méthodique, for which the starting point is Robert Darnton, The Business of Enlightenment. A Publishing History of the Encyclopédie 1775-1800 (Cambridge, Mass., 1979), Ch. 8.
145. Encyclopédie méthodique. Finances (Paris, 1784), art. on 'dette publique', pp. 526-7. It is possible that the author of the article, as well as the section of Raynal's Histoire philosophique et politique dealing with public credit, was Guibert who, it would seem, was one of the several authors of the latter work: see B.L. F70**(12), G.T. Raynal démasqué, ou lettres sur la vie et les ouvrages de cet écrivain (Paris, 1791), p. 6; Encyclopédie méthodique. Finances (Paris, 1784), art. on 'crédit', p. 440. As the author of the article on 'Angleterre' in the Encyclopédie méthodique, Economie Politique (Paris, 1784) pointed out 'de toutes les questions politiques, celle qui regarde les dettes nationales est peut-être la moins éclaircie, et nous n'avons point encore de livres qui la traitent d'une manière satisfaisante'. The point was well-illustrated by the divergent treatment of the subject in the various volumes devoted to Finances and Economie Politique. The last word on the subject was given to Adam Smith in an additional entry to the fourth (and final) volume of the series dealing with Economie Politique published in 1788, which Condorcet may have edited. There is a need for a full study of the subject's treatment in the Encyclopédie méthodique, for which the starting point is Robert Darnton, The Business of Enlightenment. A Publishing History of the Encyclopédie 1775-1800 (Cambridge, Mass., 1979), Ch. 8.
146. Encyclopédie méthodique. Finances (Paris, 1784), art. on 'dette publique', pp. 526-7. It is possible that the author of the article, as well as the section of Raynal's Histoire philosophique et politique dealing with public credit, was Guibert who, it would seem, was one of the several authors of the latter work: see B.L. F70**(12), G.T. Raynal démasqué, ou lettres sur la vie et les ouvrages de cet écrivain (Paris, 1791), p. 6; Encyclopédie méthodique. Finances (Paris, 1784), art. on 'crédit', p. 440. As the author of the article on 'Angleterre' in the Encyclopédie méthodique, Economie Politique (Paris, 1784) pointed out 'de toutes les questions politiques, celle qui regarde les dettes nationales est peut-être la moins éclaircie, et nous n'avons point encore de livres qui la traitent d'une manière satisfaisante'. The point was well-illustrated by the divergent treatment of the subject in the various volumes devoted to Finances and Economie Politique. The last word on the subject was given to Adam Smith in an additional entry to the fourth (and final) volume of the series dealing with Economie Politique published in 1788, which Condorcet may have edited. There is a need for a full study of the subject's treatment in the Encyclopédie méthodique, for which the starting point is Robert Darnton, The Business of Enlightenment. A Publishing History of the Encyclopédie 1775-1800 (Cambridge, Mass., 1979), Ch. 8.
147. The best study of these clashes is Julian Swann, Politics and the Parlement of Paris under Louis XV, 1754-1774 (Cambridge, 1995). There is still, however, room for a study of the relationship between Terray's financial measures of 1770 and subsequent events.
148. See Steven L. Kaplan, Bread, Politics and Political Economy in the Reign of Louis XV (2 vols., The Hague, 1976), a work whose riches have yet to be assimilated into the historiography of high politics during and after the Seven Years' War. On attempts to reform the system of poor relief at this time, see Robert M. Schwarz, Policing the Poor of Eighteenth-Century France (Chapel Hill and London, 1988), pp. 1-2, 158-9; Thomas McStay Adams, Bureaucrats and Beggars. French Social Policy in the Age of the Enlightenment (New York and Oxford, 1990), Ch. 10.
149. See Steven L. Kaplan, Bread, Politics and Political Economy in the Reign of Louis XV (2 vols., The Hague, 1976), a work whose riches have yet to be assimilated into the historiography of high politics during and after the Seven Years' War. On attempts to reform the system of poor relief at this time, see Robert M. Schwarz, Policing the Poor of Eighteenth-Century France (Chapel Hill and London, 1988), pp. 1-2, 158-9; Thomas McStay Adams, Bureaucrats and Beggars. French Social Policy in the Age of the Enlightenment (New York and Oxford, 1990), Ch. 10.
150. See Steven L. Kaplan, Bread, Politics and Political Economy in the Reign of Louis XV (2 vols., The Hague, 1976), a work whose riches have yet to be assimilated into the historiography of high politics during and after the Seven Years' War. On attempts to reform the system of poor relief at this time, see Robert M. Schwarz, Policing the Poor of Eighteenth-Century France (Chapel Hill and London, 1988), pp. 1-2, 158-9; Thomas McStay Adams, Bureaucrats and Beggars. French Social Policy in the Age of the Enlightenment (New York and Oxford, 1990), Ch. 10.
151. On the attitudes of the magistracy to public credit, see Marcel Marion, Histoire financière de la France depuis 1715 (6 vols., Paris, 1927-31), Vol. 1, pp. 233-5 (p. 234). As the parlement of Paris put it in remonstrating against the additional vingtième in 1759, 'toute la classe des citoyens les plus opulents, dont la fortune consiste principalement dans ces papiers publics qui ne se sont que trop multipliés depuis quelques années, est presque entièrement à couvert de cette imposition, tandis que les sujets les plus attachés à l'Etat par l'espèce des biens qu'ils y possèdent, les propriétaires des fonds, déjà épuisés par des charges de toute nature, sont prêts à succomber sous le poids d'impositions qu'ils ont la douleur de voir s'accumuler toujours et ne cesser jamais': Remontrances du Parlement de Paris au xviiie siècle, ed. Jules Flammermont and Maurice Tourneux (3 vols., Paris, 1888-98), Vol. 2, pp. 229-30 (4 September 1759).
152. On the attitudes of the magistracy to public credit, see Marcel Marion, Histoire financière de la France depuis 1715 (6 vols., Paris, 1927-31), Vol. 1, pp. 233-5 (p. 234). As the parlement of Paris put it in remonstrating against the additional vingtième in 1759, 'toute la classe des citoyens les plus opulents, dont la fortune consiste principalement dans ces papiers publics qui ne se sont que trop multipliés depuis quelques années, est presque entièrement à couvert de cette imposition, tandis que les sujets les plus attachés à l'Etat par l'espèce des biens qu'ils y possèdent, les propriétaires des fonds, déjà épuisés par des charges de toute nature, sont prêts à succomber sous le poids d'impositions qu'ils ont la douleur de voir s'accumuler toujours et ne cesser jamais': Remontrances du Parlement de Paris au xviiie siècle, ed. Jules Flammermont and Maurice Tourneux (3 vols., Paris, 1888-98), Vol. 2, pp. 229-30 (4 September 1759).
153. The magistrates' divided sense of duty towards maintaining 'public faith' on the one hand and promoting 'economy' on the other meant that 'necessity' could cut in several different ways. Thus Terray, for example, appears to have seen no contradiction between unilaterally converting a substantial proportion of the short-term debt into life annuities, suspending treasury payments on government paper in 1770, re-establishing restrictions on the grain trade and owning Brenet's paintings of Cincinnatus crée dictateur and Caius Furius Cressinius, works whose subject matter, according to a contemporary commentator on his collection, was particularly precious in an age when agriculture and 'economism' were so highly revered: see Colin Bailey, 'Aspects of the Patronage and Collecting of French Paintings in France at the end of the Ancien Regime' (Oxford PhD Thesis, 1985), pp 93-9 (p. 97).
154. Jean Domat's Les lois civiles dans leur ordre naturel (1689) went through at least sixty-four printings between its publication and 1777: see Bernard Baudelot, Un grand jurisconsulte du xviie siècle: Jean Domat (Paris, 1938); Michael Sonenscher, Work and Wages. Politics, Natural Law and the Eighteenth-Century French Trades (Cambridge, 1989), p. 69.
155. Jean Domat's Les lois civiles dans leur ordre naturel (1689) went through at least sixty-four printings between its publication and 1777: see Bernard Baudelot, Un grand jurisconsulte du xviie siècle: Jean Domat (Paris, 1938); Michael Sonenscher, Work and Wages. Politics, Natural Law and the Eighteenth-Century French Trades (Cambridge, 1989), p. 69.
156. Jean Domat's Les lois civiles dans leur ordre naturel (1689) went through at least sixty-four printings between its publication and 1777: see Bernard Baudelot, Un grand jurisconsulte du xviie siècle: Jean Domat (Paris, 1938); Michael Sonenscher, Work and Wages. Politics, Natural Law and the Eighteenth-Century French Trades (Cambridge, 1989), p. 69.
157. Domat's political thought is not discussed in Dale Van Kley, 'The Jansenist Constitutional Legacy in the French Prerevolution 1750-1789', Historical Reflections/Réflexions historiques, 13 (1986), pp. 393-453. For the Jansenist 'constitutional legacy' of the seventeenth century, see Gérard Ferreyrolles, Pascal et la raison du politique (Paris, 1984); Christian Lazzeri, Force et justice dans la politique de Pascal (Paris, 1993); and, particularly, L. Thirouin, Le hasard et les règles: le modèle du jeu dans la pensée de Pascal (Paris, 1991).
158. Domat's political thought is not discussed in Dale Van Kley, 'The Jansenist Constitutional Legacy in the French Prerevolution 1750-1789', Historical Reflections/ Réflexions historiques, 13 (1986), pp. 393-453. For the Jansenist 'constitutional legacy' of the seventeenth century, see Gérard Ferreyrolles, Pascal et la raison du politique (Paris, 1984); Christian Lazzeri, Force et justice dans la politique de Pascal (Paris, 1993); and, particularly, L. Thirouin, Le hasard et les règles: le modèle du jeu dans la pensée de Pascal (Paris, 1991).
159. Domat's political thought is not discussed in Dale Van Kley, 'The Jansenist Constitutional Legacy in the French Prerevolution 1750-1789', Historical Reflections/ Réflexions historiques, 13 (1986), pp. 393-453. For the Jansenist 'constitutional legacy' of the seventeenth century, see Gérard Ferreyrolles, Pascal et la raison du politique (Paris, 1984); Christian Lazzeri, Force et justice dans la politique de Pascal (Paris, 1993); and, particularly, L. Thirouin, Le hasard et les règles: le modèle du jeu dans la pensée de Pascal (Paris, 1991).
160. Domat's political thought is not discussed in Dale Van Kley, 'The Jansenist Constitutional Legacy in the French Prerevolution 1750-1789', Historical Reflections/ Réflexions historiques, 13 (1986), pp. 393-453. For the Jansenist 'constitutional legacy' of the seventeenth century, see Gérard Ferreyrolles, Pascal et la raison du politique (Paris, 1984); Christian Lazzeri, Force et justice dans la politique de Pascal (Paris, 1993); and, particularly, L. Thirouin, Le hasard et les règles: le modèle du jeu dans la pensée de Pascal (Paris, 1991).
161. See particularly Claude Mey et al. Maximes du droit public françois (2 vols., Amsterdam, 2nd edn., 1775).
162. Osvald Siren, 'Ur Markis de Mirabeau's Brev till Grève Carl Fredrik Scheffer', Lychnios (1948-9), pp. 51-84 (Mirabeau to Carl Fredrik Scheffer, 22 September 1772); see too Antonella Alimento, 'La fisiocrazia in Svezia dopo il colpo di stato di Gustavo III attraverso la corrispondenza di V. Riquetti de Mirabeau con C.F. Scheffer', Annali della Fondazione L. Einaudi, 23 (1989), pp. 297-369; Barbro Ohlin, 'Du Pont de Nemours écrit à Carl Fredrik, comte de Scheffer', in Influences. Relations culturelles entre la France et la Suède, ed. Gunnar von Proschwitz (Goteborg, 1988).
163. Osvald Siren, 'Ur Markis de Mirabeau's Brev till Grève Carl Fredrik Scheffer', Lychnios (1948-9), pp. 51-84 (Mirabeau to Carl Fredrik Scheffer, 22 September 1772); see too Antonella Alimento, 'La fisiocrazia in Svezia dopo il colpo di stato di Gustavo III attraverso la corrispondenza di V. Riquetti de Mirabeau con C.F. Scheffer', Annali della Fondazione L. Einaudi, 23 (1989), pp. 297-369; Barbro Ohlin, 'Du Pont de Nemours écrit à Carl Fredrik, comte de Scheffer', in Influences. Relations culturelles entre la France et la Suède, ed. Gunnar von Proschwitz (Goteborg, 1988).
164. Osvald Siren, 'Ur Markis de Mirabeau's Brev till Grève Carl Fredrik Scheffer', Lychnios (1948-9), pp. 51-84 (Mirabeau to Carl Fredrik Scheffer, 22 September 1772); see too Antonella Alimento, 'La fisiocrazia in Svezia dopo il colpo di stato di Gustavo III attraverso la corrispondenza di V. Riquetti de Mirabeau con C.F. Scheffer', Annali della Fondazione L. Einaudi, 23 (1989), pp. 297-369; Barbro Ohlin, 'Du Pont de Nemours écrit à Carl Fredrik, comte de Scheffer', in Influences. Relations culturelles entre la France et la Suède, ed. Gunnar von Proschwitz (Goteborg, 1988).
165. Victor Riquetti, marquis de Mirabeau, L'Ami des hommes (Avignon, 1756), Part II, p. 189.
166. [Jacques Antoine Dulaure], Ephemérides universelles (12 vols., Paris, 1828-33), Vol. 7, p. 260.
167. Victor Riquetti, marquis de Mirabeau, Lettres sur la legislation, ou l'ordre légal, dépravé, rétabli et perpetué (3 vols., Berne, 1775), Vol. 1, pp. xxxv-vi.
168. Victor Riquetti, marquis de Mirabeau, Entretiens d'un jeune prince avec son gouverneur (4 vols., Lausanne, 1785), Vol. 4, p. 302.
169. Ibid., Vol. 3, p. 234.
170. Ibid., p. 318.
171. Quesnay's noble patrons can be identified from the dedications of his various medical publications: see Oeuvres économiques et philosophiques de François Quesnay, ed. Auguste Oncken (Frankfurt and Paris, 1888), pp. 809-14; see also G.H. de Romance, marquis de Mesmon, Eloge de François Quesnay (London and Paris, 1775), p. 92, n. 1. On Mirabeau's connections, see [Lucas de Montigny] Mémoires biographiques, littéraires et politiques de Mirabeau (8 vols., Paris, 1834-5), Vol. 1, pp. 205, 223, 228, 369-70; Louis de Loménie, Les Mirabeau (Paris, 1879), Vol. 2, pp. 229, 235, 263, 507; and Louis de Loménie, La Comtesse de Rochefort et ses amis (Paris, 1870), pp. 78-80, 98, 116-31; 'Par exemple', Mirabeau informed his brother in September 1760, 'le duc d'Ayen me disoit l'autre jour, il n'y a que vous qui puisse sauver l'état, et la plus saine partie du parlement le pense comme moi': Musée Arbaud, Fonds Mirabeau, 25, fol. 341 (Mirabeau to the chevalier de Mirabeau, 9 September 1760); see too Fonds Mirabeau, 25, fol. 159 (chevalier de Mirabeau to the marquis de Mirabeau, 11 October 1759); Fonds Mirabeau, 25, fols. 400-2; and the letters printed in Charles Laurent, Les Voyages en Bretagne du chevalier de Mirabeau 1758-1760 (Mayenne, 1983), pp. 82, 86-7, 89, 137, 140, 146, 189, 210-12.
172. Quesnay's noble patrons can be identified from the dedications of his various medical publications: see Oeuvres économiques et philosophiques de François Quesnay, ed. Auguste Oncken (Frankfurt and Paris, 1888), pp. 809-14; see also G.H. de Romance, marquis de Mesmon, Eloge de François Quesnay (London and Paris, 1775), p. 92, n. 1. On Mirabeau's connections, see [Lucas de Montigny] Mémoires biographiques, littéraires et politiques de Mirabeau (8 vols., Paris, 1834-5), Vol. 1, pp. 205, 223, 228, 369-70; Louis de Loménie, Les Mirabeau (Paris, 1879), Vol. 2, pp. 229, 235, 263, 507; and Louis de Loménie, La Comtesse de Rochefort et ses amis (Paris, 1870), pp. 78-80, 98, 116-31; 'Par exemple', Mirabeau informed his brother in September 1760, 'le duc d'Ayen me disoit l'autre jour, il n'y a que vous qui puisse sauver l'état, et la plus saine partie du parlement le pense comme moi': Musée Arbaud, Fonds Mirabeau, 25, fol. 341 (Mirabeau to the chevalier de Mirabeau, 9 September 1760); see too Fonds Mirabeau, 25, fol. 159 (chevalier de Mirabeau to the marquis de Mirabeau, 11 October 1759); Fonds Mirabeau, 25, fols. 400-2; and the letters printed in Charles Laurent, Les Voyages en Bretagne du chevalier de Mirabeau 1758-1760 (Mayenne, 1983), pp. 82, 86-7, 89, 137, 140, 146, 189, 210-12.
173. Quesnay's noble patrons can be identified from the dedications of his various medical publications: see Oeuvres économiques et philosophiques de François Quesnay, ed. Auguste Oncken (Frankfurt and Paris, 1888), pp. 809-14; see also G.H. de Romance, marquis de Mesmon, Eloge de François Quesnay (London and Paris, 1775), p. 92, n. 1. On Mirabeau's connections, see [Lucas de Montigny] Mémoires biographiques, littéraires et politiques de Mirabeau (8 vols., Paris, 1834-5), Vol. 1, pp. 205, 223, 228, 369-70; Louis de Loménie, Les Mirabeau (Paris, 1879), Vol. 2, pp. 229, 235, 263, 507; and Louis de Loménie, La Comtesse de Rochefort et ses amis (Paris, 1870), pp. 78-80, 98, 116-31; 'Par exemple', Mirabeau informed his brother in September 1760, 'le duc d'Ayen me disoit l'autre jour, il n'y a que vous qui puisse sauver l'état, et la plus saine partie du parlement le pense comme moi': Musée Arbaud, Fonds Mirabeau, 25, fol. 341 (Mirabeau to the chevalier de Mirabeau, 9 September 1760); see too Fonds Mirabeau, 25, fol. 159 (chevalier de Mirabeau to the marquis de Mirabeau, 11 October 1759); Fonds Mirabeau, 25, fols. 400-2; and the letters printed in Charles Laurent, Les Voyages en Bretagne du chevalier de Mirabeau 1758-1760 (Mayenne, 1983), pp. 82, 86-7, 89, 137, 140, 146, 189, 210-12.
174. Quesnay's noble patrons can be identified from the dedications of his various medical publications: see Oeuvres économiques et philosophiques de François Quesnay, ed. Auguste Oncken (Frankfurt and Paris, 1888), pp. 809-14; see also G.H. de Romance, marquis de Mesmon, Eloge de François Quesnay (London and Paris, 1775), p. 92, n. 1. On Mirabeau's connections, see [Lucas de Montigny] Mémoires biographiques, littéraires et politiques de Mirabeau (8 vols., Paris, 1834-5), Vol. 1, pp. 205, 223, 228, 369-70; Louis de Loménie, Les Mirabeau (Paris, 1879), Vol. 2, pp. 229, 235, 263, 507; and Louis de Loménie, La Comtesse de Rochefort et ses amis (Paris, 1870), pp. 78-80, 98, 116-31; 'Par exemple', Mirabeau informed his brother in September 1760, 'le duc d'Ayen me disoit l'autre jour, il n'y a que vous qui puisse sauver l'état, et la plus saine partie du parlement le pense comme moi': Musée Arbaud, Fonds Mirabeau, 25, fol. 341 (Mirabeau to the chevalier de Mirabeau, 9 September 1760); see too Fonds Mirabeau, 25, fol. 159 (chevalier de Mirabeau to the marquis de Mirabeau, 11 October 1759); Fonds Mirabeau, 25, fols. 400-2; and the letters printed in Charles Laurent, Les Voyages en Bretagne du chevalier de Mirabeau 1758-1760 (Mayenne, 1983), pp. 82, 86-7, 89, 137, 140, 146, 189, 210-12.
175. Quesnay's noble patrons can be identified from the dedications of his various medical publications: see Oeuvres économiques et philosophiques de François Quesnay, ed. Auguste Oncken (Frankfurt and Paris, 1888), pp. 809-14; see also G.H. de Romance, marquis de Mesmon, Eloge de François Quesnay (London and Paris, 1775), p. 92, n. 1. On Mirabeau's connections, see [Lucas de Montigny] Mémoires biographiques, littéraires et politiques de Mirabeau (8 vols., Paris, 1834-5), Vol. 1, pp. 205, 223, 228, 369-70; Louis de Loménie, Les Mirabeau (Paris, 1879), Vol. 2, pp. 229, 235, 263, 507; and Louis de Loménie, La Comtesse de Rochefort et ses amis (Paris, 1870), pp. 78-80, 98, 116-31; 'Par exemple', Mirabeau informed his brother in September 1760, 'le duc d'Ayen me disoit l'autre jour, il n'y a que vous qui puisse sauver l'état, et la plus saine partie du parlement le pense comme moi': Musée Arbaud, Fonds Mirabeau, 25, fol. 341 (Mirabeau to the chevalier de Mirabeau, 9 September 1760); see too Fonds Mirabeau, 25, fol. 159 (chevalier de Mirabeau to the marquis de Mirabeau, 11 October 1759); Fonds Mirabeau, 25, fols. 400-2; and the letters printed in Charles Laurent, Les Voyages en Bretagne du chevalier de Mirabeau 1758-1760 (Mayenne, 1983), pp. 82, 86-7, 89, 137, 140, 146, 189, 210-12.
176. Quesnay's noble patrons can be identified from the dedications of his various medical publications: see Oeuvres économiques et philosophiques de François Quesnay, ed. Auguste Oncken (Frankfurt and Paris, 1888), pp. 809-14; see also G.H. de Romance, marquis de Mesmon, Eloge de François Quesnay (London and Paris, 1775), p. 92, n. 1. On Mirabeau's connections, see [Lucas de Montigny] Mémoires biographiques, littéraires et politiques de Mirabeau (8 vols., Paris, 1834-5), Vol. 1, pp. 205, 223, 228, 369-70; Louis de Loménie, Les Mirabeau (Paris, 1879), Vol. 2, pp. 229, 235, 263, 507; and Louis de Loménie, La Comtesse de Rochefort et ses amis (Paris, 1870), pp. 78-80, 98, 116-31; 'Par exemple', Mirabeau informed his brother in September 1760, 'le duc d'Ayen me disoit l'autre jour, il n'y a que vous qui puisse sauver l'état, et la plus saine partie du parlement le pense comme moi': Musée Arbaud, Fonds Mirabeau, 25, fol. 341 (Mirabeau to the chevalier de Mirabeau, 9 September 1760); see too Fonds Mirabeau, 25, fol. 159 (chevalier de Mirabeau to the marquis de Mirabeau, 11 October 1759); Fonds Mirabeau, 25, fols. 400-2; and the letters printed in Charles Laurent, Les Voyages en Bretagne du chevalier de Mirabeau 1758-1760 (Mayenne, 1983), pp. 82, 86-7, 89, 137, 140, 146, 189, 210-12.
177. Quesnay's noble patrons can be identified from the dedications of his various medical publications: see Oeuvres économiques et philosophiques de François Quesnay, ed. Auguste Oncken (Frankfurt and Paris, 1888), pp. 809-14; see also G.H. de Romance, marquis de Mesmon, Eloge de François Quesnay (London and Paris, 1775), p. 92, n. 1. On Mirabeau's connections, see [Lucas de Montigny] Mémoires biographiques, littéraires et politiques de Mirabeau (8 vols., Paris, 1834-5), Vol. 1, pp. 205, 223, 228, 369-70; Louis de Loménie, Les Mirabeau (Paris, 1879), Vol. 2, pp. 229, 235, 263, 507; and Louis de Loménie, La Comtesse de Rochefort et ses amis (Paris, 1870), pp. 78-80, 98, 116-31; 'Par exemple', Mirabeau informed his brother in September 1760, 'le duc d'Ayen me disoit l'autre jour, il n'y a que vous qui puisse sauver l'état, et la plus saine partie du parlement le pense comme moi': Musée Arbaud, Fonds Mirabeau, 25, fol. 341 (Mirabeau to the chevalier de Mirabeau, 9 September 1760); see too Fonds Mirabeau, 25, fol. 159 (chevalier de Mirabeau to the marquis de Mirabeau, 11 October 1759); Fonds Mirabeau, 25, fols. 400-2; and the letters printed in Charles Laurent, Les Voyages en Bretagne du chevalier de Mirabeau 1758-1760 (Mayenne, 1983), pp. 82, 86-7, 89, 137, 140, 146, 189, 210-12.
178. Quesnay's noble patrons can be identified from the dedications of his various medical publications: see Oeuvres économiques et philosophiques de François Quesnay, ed. Auguste Oncken (Frankfurt and Paris, 1888), pp. 809-14; see also G.H. de Romance, marquis de Mesmon, Eloge de François Quesnay (London and Paris, 1775), p. 92, n. 1. On Mirabeau's connections, see [Lucas de Montigny] Mémoires biographiques, littéraires et politiques de Mirabeau (8 vols., Paris, 1834-5), Vol. 1, pp. 205, 223, 228, 369-70; Louis de Loménie, Les Mirabeau (Paris, 1879), Vol. 2, pp. 229, 235, 263, 507; and Louis de Loménie, La Comtesse de Rochefort et ses amis (Paris, 1870), pp. 78-80, 98, 116-31; 'Par exemple', Mirabeau informed his brother in September 1760, 'le duc d'Ayen me disoit l'autre jour, il n'y a que vous qui puisse sauver l'état, et la plus saine partie du parlement le pense comme moi': Musée Arbaud, Fonds Mirabeau, 25, fol. 341 (Mirabeau to the chevalier de Mirabeau, 9 September 1760); see too Fonds Mirabeau, 25, fol. 159 (chevalier de Mirabeau to the marquis de Mirabeau, 11 October 1759); Fonds Mirabeau, 25, fols. 400-2; and the letters printed in Charles Laurent, Les Voyages en Bretagne du chevalier de Mirabeau 1758-1760 (Mayenne, 1983), pp. 82, 86-7, 89, 137, 140, 146, 189, 210-12.
179. Quesnay's noble patrons can be identified from the dedications of his various medical publications: see Oeuvres économiques et philosophiques de François Quesnay, ed. Auguste Oncken (Frankfurt and Paris, 1888), pp. 809-14; see also G.H. de Romance, marquis de Mesmon, Eloge de François Quesnay (London and Paris, 1775), p. 92, n. 1. On Mirabeau's connections, see [Lucas de Montigny] Mémoires biographiques, littéraires et politiques de Mirabeau (8 vols., Paris, 1834-5), Vol. 1, pp. 205, 223, 228, 369-70; Louis de Loménie, Les Mirabeau (Paris, 1879), Vol. 2, pp. 229, 235, 263, 507; and Louis de Loménie, La Comtesse de Rochefort et ses amis (Paris, 1870), pp. 78-80, 98, 116-31; 'Par exemple', Mirabeau informed his brother in September 1760, 'le duc d'Ayen me disoit l'autre jour, il n'y a que vous qui puisse sauver l'état, et la plus saine partie du parlement le pense comme moi': Musée Arbaud, Fonds Mirabeau, 25, fol. 341 (Mirabeau to the chevalier de Mirabeau, 9 September 1760); see too Fonds Mirabeau, 25, fol. 159 (chevalier de Mirabeau to the marquis de Mirabeau, 11 October 1759); Fonds Mirabeau, 25, fols. 400-2; and the letters printed in Charles Laurent, Les Voyages en Bretagne du chevalier de Mirabeau 1758-1760 (Mayenne, 1983), pp. 82, 86-7, 89, 137, 140, 146, 189, 210-12.
180. 'Si je m'oubliois assez moi-même pour vouloir être le Pitt des françois, et arriver aux affaires en faisant tomber les opérations de ceux qui en sont surchargés, j'ai encore le pain et le couteau pour cela'. Musée Arbaud, Fonds Mirabeau, 25, fol. 57 (to the bailli de Mirabeau, 15 June 1759). See too Loménie, Les Mirabeau, Vol. 2, p. 398, n. 2.
181. 'Si je m'oubliois assez moi-même pour vouloir être le Pitt des françois, et arriver aux affaires en faisant tomber les opérations de ceux qui en sont surchargés, j'ai encore le pain et le couteau pour cela'. Musée Arbaud, Fonds Mirabeau, 25, fol. 57 (to the bailli de Mirabeau, 15 June 1759). See too Loménie, Les Mirabeau, Vol. 2, p. 398, n. 2.
182. Musée Arbaud, Fonds Mirabeau, 25, fol. 151 (to the bailli de Mirabeau, 29 October 1759). The plan fits a later characterization of the economists' aims, printed in Mémoires historiques et anecdotiques de la cour de France pendant la faveur de la marquise de Pompadour (n.p., 1802) (compiled by Antoine Pecquet, but edited by the assiduous collector of compromising documents Gerard Soulavie), pp. 396-401, consisting of an undated (but not implausible) memorandum warning Louis XV that the economists aimed to use Mme de Pompadour's anger at her humiliation at the hands of the great court nobles to further their own ends: 'Les économistes sont si avisés sur les évenemens politiques dépendans de leurs systêmes, qu'on assure qu'ils ont un plan tout dressé d'états-généraux, où il n'y aura que de grands propriétaires, soit pour faire banqueroute sur le passé si le paiement des dettes de l'Etat étoit déclaré impossible et hors de la balance avec les recettes; soit pour fixer, comme à Londres les dépenses du roi . . . Quant au docteur Quesnay, ce bonhomme est réellement aigri en secret de tout ce qu'il voit à la cour, qui tend réellement à une banqueroute terrible, à l'insu du roi et au mépris de ses intentions; mais il est bien loin, ainsi que les plus remarquables de son parti, de vouloir renverser l'état actuel des choses' (pp. 400-1). For a similar account, also suggesting that the author of the memorandum may have been the contrôleur-général Henri Léonard Jean-Baptiste Bertin (sometimes said to be an ally of the economists), see Lievain Bonaventure Proyart, Louis XVI et ses vertus aux prises avec la perversité de son siècle (4 vols, Paris, new edn. 1808), Vol. 2, pp. 25-6.
183. Musée Arbaud, Fonds Mirabeau, 25, fol. 151 (to the bailli de Mirabeau, 29 October 1759). The plan fits a later characterization of the economists' aims, printed in Mémoires historiques et anecdotiques de la cour de France pendant la faveur de la marquise de Pompadour (n.p., 1802) (compiled by Antoine Pecquet, but edited by the assiduous collector of compromising documents Gerard Soulavie), pp. 396-401, consisting of an undated (but not implausible) memorandum warning Louis XV that the economists aimed to use Mme de Pompadour's anger at her humiliation at the hands of the great court nobles to further their own ends: 'Les économistes sont si avisés sur les évenemens politiques dépendans de leurs systêmes, qu'on assure qu'ils ont un plan tout dressé d'états-généraux, où il n'y aura que de grands propriétaires, soit pour faire banqueroute sur le passé si le paiement des dettes de l'Etat étoit déclaré impossible et hors de la balance avec les recettes; soit pour fixer, comme à Londres les dépenses du roi . . . Quant au docteur Quesnay, ce bonhomme est réellement aigri en secret de tout ce qu'il voit à la cour, qui tend réellement à une banqueroute terrible, à l'insu du roi et au mépris de ses intentions; mais il est bien loin, ainsi que les plus remarquables de son parti, de vouloir renverser l'état actuel des choses' (pp. 400-1). For a similar account, also suggesting that the author of the memorandum may have been the contrôleur-général Henri Léonard Jean-Baptiste Bertin (sometimes said to be an ally of the economists), see Lievain Bonaventure Proyart, Louis XVI et ses vertus aux prises avec la perversité de son siècle (4 vols, Paris, new edn. 1808), Vol. 2, pp. 25-6.
184. Musée Arbaud, Fonds Mirabeau, 25, fol. 151 (to the bailli de Mirabeau, 29 October 1759). The plan fits a later characterization of the economists' aims, printed in Mémoires historiques et anecdotiques de la cour de France pendant la faveur de la marquise de Pompadour (n.p., 1802) (compiled by Antoine Pecquet, but edited by the assiduous collector of compromising documents Gerard Soulavie), pp. 396-401, consisting of an undated (but not implausible) memorandum warning Louis XV that the economists aimed to use Mme de Pompadour's anger at her humiliation at the hands of the great court nobles to further their own ends: 'Les économistes sont si avisés sur les évenemens politiques dépendans de leurs systêmes, qu'on assure qu'ils ont un plan tout dressé d'états-généraux, où il n'y aura que de grands propriétaires, soit pour faire banqueroute sur le passé si le paiement des dettes de l'Etat étoit déclaré impossible et hors de la balance avec les recettes; soit pour fixer, comme à Londres les dépenses du roi . . . Quant au docteur Quesnay, ce bonhomme est réellement aigri en secret de tout ce qu'il voit à la cour, qui tend réellement à une banqueroute terrible, à l'insu du roi et au mépris de ses intentions; mais il est bien loin, ainsi que les plus remarquables de son parti, de vouloir renverser l'état actuel des choses' (pp. 400-1). For a similar account, also suggesting that the author of the memorandum may have been the contrôleur-général Henri Léonard Jean-Baptiste Bertin (sometimes said to be an ally of the economists), see Lievain Bonaventure Proyart, Louis XVI et ses vertus aux prises avec la perversité de son siècle (4 vols, Paris, new edn. 1808), Vol. 2, pp. 25-6.
185. Musée Arbaud, Fonds Mirabeau, 25, fols. 159 and 165 (to the bailli de Mirabeau, 9 and 20 November 1759).
186. There is a need for a detailed study of the hectic politics of this period. On Silhouette's plan, see James C. Riley, The Seven Years War and the Old Regime in France (Princeton, 1986), pp. 149-59.
187. Musée Arbaud, Fonds Mirabeau, 25, fol. 341 (to the bailli de Mirabeau, 9 September 1760).
188. Musée Arbaud, Fonds Mirabeau, 25, fol. 319 (to the bailli de Mirabeau, 19 October 1760).
189. Musée Arbaud, Fonds Mirabeau, 25, fol. 309 (to the bailli de Mirabeau, 9 October 1760).
190. Victor Riquetti, marquis de Mirabeau, The Oeconomical Table (London, 1766), p. 119. The original was published as Part VI of Victor de Riquetti, marquis de Mirabeau, L'Ami des hommes (Avignon, 1760).
191. Victor Riquetti, marquis de Mirabeau, The Oeconomical Table (London, 1766), p. 119. The original was published as Part VI of Victor de Riquetti, marquis de Mirabeau, L'Ami des hommes (Avignon, 1760).
192. 'Il ne peut qu'accélerer la ruine de la Nation, celle de l'Etat et de ses créanciers. Le rentier ne peut pas même se dissimuler qu'il vaudrait mieux éviter ce mal général, par un mal particulier inévitable. Salus populi, suprema lex esto'. Mirabeau, Philosophie rurale ou économie générale et politique de l'agriculture (3 vols., Amsterdam, 1766), Vol. 1, p. 288. Mirabeau was never, however, an advocate of such a course: 'Un gouvernement qui manque, abdique l'autorité légitime, & renonce a son être primordial. Non, tel que puisse être l'epuisement comparé avec les nécessités urgentes, l'équité est le premier des biens, l'honneur le second, le courage le troisième'. Mirabeau, Théorie de l'impôt (n.p., 1760), pp. 327-8.
193. 'Il ne peut qu'accélerer la ruine de la Nation, celle de l'Etat et de ses créanciers. Le rentier ne peut pas même se dissimuler qu'il vaudrait mieux éviter ce mal général, par un mal particulier inévitable. Salus populi, suprema lex esto'. Mirabeau, Philosophie rurale ou économie générale et politique de l'agriculture (3 vols., Amsterdam, 1766), Vol. 1, p. 288. Mirabeau was never, however, an advocate of such a course: 'Un gouvernement qui manque, abdique l'autorité légitime, & renonce a son être primordial. Non, tel que puisse être l'epuisement comparé avec les nécessités urgentes, l'équité est le premier des biens, l'honneur le second, le courage le troisième'. Mirabeau, Théorie de l'impôt (n.p., 1760), pp. 327-8.
194. Mirabeau, Oeconomical Table, p. 120.
195. Istvan Hont, 'The Political Economy of the "Unnatural and Retrograde" Order: Adam Smith and Natural Liberty', in Französische Revolution und Politische Ökonomie, ed. Marion Barzen (Trier, 1989), pp. 122-49.
196. Victor de Riquetti, marquis de Mirabeau, L'Ami des hommes (Avignon, 1756), Part II, ch. 1, p. 33.
197. 'Refutation de quelques articles des Discours politiques de M. David Hume, traduits de l'anglois l'année dernière 1754', Bibliothèque de l'Arsénal, Mss. 4591, fols. 181 ff. and 284 ff. According to Forbonnais, 'il est cependant aisé d'appercevoir dans Mr Hume un Tory outré. Son Héros est feu Mylord Bolyngbrock, homme d'un mérite supérieur, mais qui luy même étoit un Tory déterminé'.
198. Louis Philippe, comte de Ségur, Mémoires (3 vols., Paris, 1825), Vol. 1, p. 40.
199. Simon-Nicolas-Henri Linguet, Annales politiques, civiles et littéraires du xviiie siècle, 1 (1777), p. 38. On Linguet, see Darlene Gay Levy, The Ideas and Careers of Simon-Nicolas-Henri Linguet (Chicago and London, 1980).
200. Simon-Nicolas-Henri Linguet, Annales politiques, civiles et littéraires du xviiie siècle, 1 (1777), p. 38. On Linguet, see Darlene Gay Levy, The Ideas and Careers of Simon-Nicolas-Henri Linguet (Chicago and London, 1980).
201. Linguet, Annales, p. 49. See too Louis de Cardénal, 'Les idées de Linguet sur le crédit public', La Révolution française, 87 (1934), pp. 195-209.
202. Linguet, Annales, p. 49. See too Louis de Cardénal, 'Les idées de Linguet sur le crédit public', La Révolution française, 87 (1934), pp. 195-209.
203. Isaac de Pinto, An Essay on Circulation and Credit (1774), ed. S. Baggs, pp. 104-5.
204. Ibid., pp. 129-33, 146.
205. Raynal, Histoire philosophique et politique (1780 edn.), Vol. 10, pp. 243-4.
206. François-Jean de Chastellux, De la félicité publique (1776), ed. Roger Basoni (Paris, 1989), pp. 495-6. The passage in question is from a postscript added to the 1776 edition. Subsequent quotations are taken from the English translation of the first edition, published as An Essay on Public Happiness, investigating the state of human nature, under each of its particular appearances, through the several periods of history to the present times (London, 1774), with page references to the 1989 French edition in brackets.
207. François-Jean de Chastellux, De la félicité publique (1776), ed. Roger Basoni (Paris, 1989), pp. 495-6. The passage in question is from a postscript added to the 1776 edition. Subsequent quotations are taken from the English translation of the first edition, published as An Essay on Public Happiness, investigating the state of human nature, under each of its particular appearances, through the several periods of history to the present times (London, 1774), with page references to the 1989 French edition in brackets.
208. Chastellux, An Essay on Public Happiness, Vol. 1, pp. 142-3 (p. 195).
209. Ibid., Vol. 2, p. 115 (p. 372).
210. Ibid., p. 172 (pp. 396-7).
211. Ibid. (p. 396, n. 1).
212. Ibid., Vol. 1, p. 140 (p. 194).
213. Ibid., pp. 182-3 (p. 217).
214. Ibid., p. v (p. 119).
215. Ibid., p. 40 (p. 147).
216. è siecle, le chevalier de Chastellux (Paris, 1936), pp. 22-3. See too the interesting compilation of (mainly unacknowledged) passages from Montesquieu, Rousseau, d' Alembert and Chastellux by Joseph de Lanjuinais, Le Monarque accompli, ou prodiges de bonté, de savoir et de sagesse qui sont l'éloge de sa majesté imperiale Joseph II (2 vols., Lausanne, 1774), Vol. 2, pp. 212-20, rejecting Hume's prognostications.
217. è siecle, le chevalier de Chastellux (Paris, 1936), pp. 22-3. See too the interesting compilation of (mainly unacknowledged) passages from Montesquieu, Rousseau, d' Alembert and Chastellux by Joseph de Lanjuinais, Le Monarque accompli, ou prodiges de bonté, de savoir et de sagesse qui sont l'éloge de sa majesté imperiale Joseph II (2 vols., Lausanne, 1774), Vol. 2, pp. 212-20, rejecting Hume's prognostications.
218. Dominique Audibert to Chastellux, Marseille, 23 January 1786. Archives Chastellux, dossier 171.
219. Chastellux, De la félicité publique, pp. 494-7.
220. Jacques Necker, Eloge de Colbert (Paris, 1773). Chastellux accompanied Necker on his very public visit to London in 1776 at the time of Turgot's fall: Varnum, Un philosophe, p. 67. On Suard, see Alfred C. Hunter, J.B.A. Suard. Un introducteur de la littérature anglaise en France (Paris, 1925); and, for a fascinating indication of his interests, Pol-Pierre Gossiaux, 'Du pouvoir et du gouvernement selon J-B-A Suard (1733-1817), pages inédites, 1789-1791', Lias, 6 (1979), pp. 199-236.
221. Jacques Necker, Eloge de Colbert (Paris, 1773). Chastellux accompanied Necker on his very public visit to London in 1776 at the time of Turgot's fall: Varnum, Un philosophe, p. 67. On Suard, see Alfred C. Hunter, J.B.A. Suard. Un introducteur de la littérature anglaise en France (Paris, 1925); and, for a fascinating indication of his interests, Pol-Pierre Gossiaux, 'Du pouvoir et du gouvernement selon J-B-A Suard (1733-1817), pages inédites, 1789-1791', Lias, 6 (1979), pp. 199-236.
222. Jacques Necker, Eloge de Colbert (Paris, 1773). Chastellux accompanied Necker on his very public visit to London in 1776 at the time of Turgot's fall: Varnum, Un philosophe, p. 67. On Suard, see Alfred C. Hunter, J.B.A. Suard. Un introducteur de la littérature anglaise en France (Paris, 1925); and, for a fascinating indication of his interests, Pol-Pierre Gossiaux, 'Du pouvoir et du gouvernement selon J-B-A Suard (1733-1817), pages inédites, 1789-1791', Lias, 6 (1979), pp. 199-236.
223. Jacques Necker, Eloge de Colbert (Paris, 1773). Chastellux accompanied Necker on his very public visit to London in 1776 at the time of Turgot's fall: Varnum, Un philosophe, p. 67. On Suard, see Alfred C. Hunter, J.B.A. Suard. Un introducteur de la littérature anglaise en France (Paris, 1925); and, for a fascinating indication of his interests, Pol-Pierre Gossiaux, 'Du pouvoir et du gouvernement selon J-B-A Suard (1733-1817), pages inédites, 1789-1791', Lias, 6 (1979), pp. 199-236.
224. Edmund Burke, Speech on presenting to the House of Commons on the 11th February, 1780 a plan for the better security of the independence of Parliament, and the economical reformation of the civil and other establishments. Edmund Burke, Works of the Rt. Hon. Edmund Burke (6 vols., London, 1899), Vol. II, pp. 275-6. The speech was speedily translated into French and published in the 7 March 1780 issue of Brissot's Courier de l'Europe, Vol. 7 (1780), pp. 160-2, where the translator embellished the last lines of the passage in question by making Burke say 'je crains bien que ce que je remarque en Angleterre et en France, ne soit quelque chose qui rassemble à un commencement de ces deux révolutions'.
225. Edmund Burke, Speech on presenting to the House of Commons on the 11th February, 1780 a plan for the better security of the independence of Parliament, and the economical reformation of the civil and other establishments. Edmund Burke, Works of the Rt. Hon. Edmund Burke (6 vols., London, 1899), Vol. II, pp. 275-6. The speech was speedily translated into French and published in the 7 March 1780 issue of Brissot's Courier de l'Europe, Vol. 7 (1780), pp. 160-2, where the translator embellished the last lines of the passage in question by making Burke say 'je crains bien que ce que je remarque en Angleterre et en France, ne soit quelque chose qui rassemble à un commencement de ces deux révolutions'.
226. Edmund Burke, Speech on presenting to the House of Commons on the 11th February, 1780 a plan for the better security of the independence of Parliament, and the economical reformation of the civil and other establishments. Edmund Burke, Works of the Rt. Hon. Edmund Burke (6 vols., London, 1899), Vol. II, pp. 275-6. The speech was speedily translated into French and published in the 7 March 1780 issue of Brissot's Courier de l'Europe, Vol. 7 (1780), pp. 160-2,
227. Mably, 'Le Compte-rendu' (1781), printed in his Oeuvres, Vol. 15, p. 107.
228. 'Il faut se renfermer en soi-même et se faire par la philosophie un bonheur particulier qui ne tient qu'à quelques amis qui nous sont liés par leur probité et l'amour des lettres. Tella a été la conduite de tous les philosophes que nous respectons le plus, quand ils ont desesperé du salut de leur république': Mably, 'La Retraite de M. Necker' (1781), printed in his Oeuvres, Vol. 15, p. 133.
229. Jacques Necker, De l'administration des finances (3 vols., n.p., 1784), Vol. 1, pp. lviii-lxvi. Which, it might be noted in passing, explains why the concept of public opinion acquired its distinctively eighteenth-century meaning. It did so in the context of discussions of sovereignty and not, as some historians have suggested, out of a putative increase in the number of readers and writers and the formation of a 'bourgeois public sphere' understood in sociological, rather than political, terms (how many readers and writers make a public sphere?). See, most recently, Baker, Inventing the French Revolution, Ch. 8; Roger Chartier, The Cultural Origins of the French Revolution (Durham and London, 1991); Robert Darnton, Edition et Sédition. L'Univers de la littérature clandestine au xviiie siècle (Paris, 1991).
230. Jacques Necker, De l'administration des finances (3 vols., n.p., 1784), Vol. 1, pp. lviii-lxvi. Which, it might be noted in passing, explains why the concept of public opinion acquired its distinctively eighteenth-century meaning. It did so in the context of discussions of sovereignty and not, as some historians have suggested, out of a putative increase in the number of readers and writers and the formation of a 'bourgeois public sphere' understood in sociological, rather than political, terms (how many readers and writers make a public sphere?). See, most recently, Baker, Inventing the French Revolution, Ch. 8; Roger Chartier, The Cultural Origins of the French Revolution (Durham and London, 1991); Robert Darnton, Edition et Sédition. L'Univers de la littérature clandestine au xviiie siècle (Paris, 1991).
231. Jacques Necker, De l'administration des finances (3 vols., n.p., 1784), Vol. 1, pp. lviii-lxvi. Which, it might be noted in passing, explains why the concept of public opinion acquired its distinctively eighteenth-century meaning. It did so in the context of discussions of sovereignty and not, as some historians have suggested, out of a putative increase in the number of readers and writers and the formation of a 'bourgeois public sphere' understood in sociological, rather than political, terms (how many readers and writers make a public sphere?). See, most recently, Baker, Inventing the French Revolution, Ch. 8; Roger Chartier, The Cultural Origins of the French Revolution (Durham and London, 1991); Robert Darnton, Edition et Sédition. L'Univers de la littérature clandestine au xviiie siècle (Paris, 1991).
232. Jacques Necker, De l'administration des finances (3 vols., n.p., 1784), Vol. 1, pp. lviii-lxvi. Which, it might be noted in passing, explains why the concept of public opinion acquired its distinctively eighteenth-century meaning. It did so in the context of discussions of sovereignty and not, as some historians have suggested, out of a putative increase in the number of readers and writers and the formation of a 'bourgeois public sphere' understood in sociological, rather than political, terms (how many readers and writers make a public sphere?). See, most recently, Baker, Inventing the French Revolution, Ch. 8; Roger Chartier, The Cultural Origins of the French Revolution (Durham and London, 1991); Robert Darnton, Edition et Sédition. L'Univers de la littérature clandestine au xviiie siècle (Paris, 1991).
233. It was, according to Mably, 'la plus sotte guerre du monde': Mably, 'La retraite de Mr Necker', pp. 130-1. For a different perspective, suggesting that promoting liberty abroad served to entrench authority at home, see Guillaume Thomas Raynal, Révolution de l'Amérique (London, 1781) translated as The Revolution of America (Edinburgh, 1783), pp. 136-41 and, on the argument it provoked, Alfred Owen Aldridge, 'La Signification historique, diplomatique et littéraire de la Lettre adressée à l'abbé Raynal de Thomas Paine', Etudes anglaises, 5 (1955), pp. 223-32.
234. It was, according to Mably, 'la plus sotte guerre du monde': Mably, 'La retraite de Mr Necker', pp. 130-1. For a different perspective, suggesting that promoting liberty abroad served to entrench authority at home, see Guillaume Thomas Raynal, Révolution de l'Amérique (London, 1781) translated as The Revolution of America (Edinburgh, 1783), pp. 136-41 and, on the argument it provoked, Alfred Owen Aldridge, 'La Signification historique, diplomatique et littéraire de la Lettre adressée à l'abbé Raynal de Thomas Paine', Etudes anglaises, 5 (1955), pp. 223-32.
235. It was, according to Mably, 'la plus sotte guerre du monde': Mably, 'La retraite de Mr Necker', pp. 130-1. For a different perspective, suggesting that promoting liberty abroad served to entrench authority at home, see Guillaume Thomas Raynal, Révolution de l'Amérique (London, 1781) translated as The Revolution of America (Edinburgh, 1783), pp. 136-41 and, on the argument it provoked, Alfred Owen Aldridge, 'La Signification historique, diplomatique et littéraire de la Lettre adressée à l'abbé Raynal de Thomas Paine', Etudes anglaises, 5 (1955), pp. 223-32.
236. It was, according to Mably, 'la plus sotte guerre du monde': Mably, 'La retraite de Mr Necker', pp. 130-1. For a different perspective, suggesting that promoting liberty abroad served to entrench authority at home, see Guillaume Thomas Raynal, Révolution de l'Amérique (London, 1781) translated as The Revolution of America (Edinburgh, 1783), pp. 136-41 and, on the argument it provoked, Alfred Owen Aldridge, 'La Signification historique, diplomatique et littéraire de la Lettre adressée à l'abbé Raynal de Thomas Paine', Etudes anglaises, 5 (1955), pp. 223-32.
237. [Claude Carloman de Rulhière], Le comte de Vergennes, première cause des états-généraux (n.p., 1789), reprinted in his Oeuvres (6 vols., Paris, 1819), Vol. 6, pp. 133-91.
238. [Claude Carloman de Rulhière], Le comte de Vergennes, première cause des états-généraux (n.p., 1789), reprinted in his Oeuvres (6 vols., Paris, 1819), Vol. 6, pp. 133-91.
239. Claude Carloman de Rulhière, 'De l'action de l'opinion sur les gouvernements' (1788), reprinted in his Oeuvres, Vol. 6, pp. 203-74 (204-5). Rulhière's pamphlet has recently been attributed to Jean-Pierre Papon: see J.A.W. Gunn, 'Queen of the World: Opinion in the Public Life of France from the Renaissance to the Revolution', Studies on Voltaire and the Eighteenth Century, 328 (Oxford, 1995), pp. 126-8. It is, however, more likely that the editors of Rulhière's works made the correct attribution.
240. Claude Carloman de Rulhière, 'De l'action de l'opinion sur les gouvernements' (1788), reprinted in his Oeuvres, Vol. 6, pp. 203-74 (204-5). Rulhière's pamphlet has recently been attributed to Jean-Pierre Papon: see J.A.W. Gunn, 'Queen of the World: Opinion in the Public Life of France from the Renaissance to the Revolution', Studies on Voltaire and the Eighteenth Century, 328 (Oxford, 1995), pp. 126-8. It is, however, more likely that the editors of Rulhière's works made the correct attribution.
241. Claude Carloman de Rulhière, 'De l'action de l'opinion sur les gouvernements' (1788), reprinted in his Oeuvres, Vol. 6, pp. 203-74 (204-5). Rulhière's pamphlet has recently been attributed to Jean-Pierre Papon: see J.A.W. Gunn, 'Queen of the World: Opinion in the Public Life of France from the Renaissance to the Revolution', Studies on Voltaire and the Eighteenth Century, 328 (Oxford, 1995), pp. 126-8. It is, however, more likely that the editors of Rulhière's works made the correct attribution.
242. Ibid., p. 269. 'Cette opinion . . . prit naissance avec la question qu'on éleva sur l'abolition des dettes, et ensuite sur le partage des terres': ibid., pp. 258-9. Rulhière presented the agrarian laws fruitlessly proposed by the Gracchi as public spirited reforms designed to counteract the damaging effects of the failure to abolish debts and avert the slide towards democracy: ibid., pp. 262-3.
243. Ibid., p. 269. 'Cette opinion . . . prit naissance avec la question qu'on éleva sur l'abolition des dettes, et ensuite sur le partage des terres': ibid., pp. 258-9. Rulhière presented the agrarian laws fruitlessly proposed by the Gracchi as public spirited reforms designed to counteract the damaging effects of the failure to abolish debts and avert the slide towards democracy: ibid., pp. 262-3.
244. Ibid., p. 269. 'Cette opinion . . . prit naissance avec la question qu'on éleva sur l'abolition des dettes, et ensuite sur le partage des terres': ibid., pp. 258-9. Rulhière presented the agrarian laws fruitlessly proposed by the Gracchi as public spirited reforms designed to counteract the damaging effects of the failure to abolish debts and avert the slide towards democracy: ibid., pp. 262-3.
245. Ibid., p. 213.
246. Ibid., pp. 213-14.
247. See Marc, marquis de Bombelles, Journal, ed. J. Grassion and F. Durif (2 vols., Paris and Geneva, 1978-82), Vol. 2, p. 207; Alice Chevalier, Claude Carloman de Rulhière premier historien de la Pologne, sa vie et son oeuvre historique (Paris, 1939), esp. pp. 41, 75, 94-5, 127, 175-9, 182-3. Robert Griffiths, Le centre perdu. Malouet et les 'monarchiens' dans la Révolution française (Grenoble, 1988), pp. 121, 124.
248. See Marc, marquis de Bombelles, Journal, ed. J. Grassion and F. Durif (2 vols., Paris and Geneva, 1978-82), Vol. 2, p. 207; Alice Chevalier, Claude Carloman de Rulhière premier historien de la Pologne, sa vie et son oeuvre historique (Paris, 1939), esp. pp. 41, 75, 94-5, 127, 175-9, 182-3. Robert Griffiths, Le centre perdu. Malouet et les 'monarchiens' dans la Révolution française (Grenoble, 1988), pp. 121, 124.
249. See Marc, marquis de Bombelles, Journal, ed. J. Grassion and F. Durif (2 vols., Paris and Geneva, 1978-82), Vol. 2, p. 207; Alice Chevalier, Claude Carloman de Rulhière premier historien de la Pologne, sa vie et son oeuvre historique (Paris, 1939), esp. pp. 41, 75, 94-5, 127, 175-9, 182-3. Robert Griffiths, Le centre perdu. Malouet et les 'monarchiens' dans la Révolution française (Grenoble, 1988), pp. 121, 124.