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Volumn 14, Issue 45, 2005, Pages 569-584

China and Central Asia: A new Great Game or traditional vassal relations?

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

GEOPOLITICS; INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION; INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS; POLITICAL PROCESS;

EID: 29344436842     PISSN: 10670564     EISSN: 14699400     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/10670560500205001     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (90)

References (107)
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    • Henceforth when dealing with Chinese policy towards Central Asia, the region will, to a great extent, be dealt with as a single unit. Central Asia is, however, far from a heterogeneous unit and the Central Asian states loathe being dealt with as a kind of Central Asian porridge. Chinese foreign policy can, however, to a large extent, be seen as a regional policy as Beijing is dealing with the region increasingly through SCO and has, in many cases, lumped the Central Asian republics together. The Chinese focus on SCO threatens to exclude Turkmenistan, which is not a member of SCO, and China's relations with Turkmenistan are in practice few and of little significance. More problematic is that the regional approach diminishes China's relations with Kazakhstan (economically) and Kyrgyzstan (militarily) which are very significant bilateral relations.
    • Henceforth when dealing with Chinese policy towards Central Asia, the region will, to a great extent, be dealt with as a single unit. Central Asia is, however, far from a heterogeneous unit and the Central Asian states loathe being dealt with as a kind of Central Asian porridge. Chinese foreign policy can, however, to a large extent, be seen as a regional policy as Beijing is dealing with the region increasingly through SCO and has, in many cases, lumped the Central Asian republics together. The Chinese focus on SCO threatens to exclude Turkmenistan, which is not a member of SCO, and China's relations with Turkmenistan are in practice few and of little significance. More problematic is that the regional approach diminishes China's relations with Kazakhstan (economically) and Kyrgyzstan (militarily) which are very significant bilateral relations. These bilateral approaches will, however, be noted in the text, but the fact that China to a large extent views the Central Asian republics as a region is still apparent. See China's Foreign Affairs (Beijing: Department of Policy Planning, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, PRC, 2003), pp. 62-63
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    • Xinjiang has the fourth largest Turkic population in the world after Turkey (53.6 million), Iran (35 million Azeri's) and Uzbekistan (23 million): see (Central Asia-Caucasus Institute, Johns Hopkins University)
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    • As late as during the reign of Lenin and the early days of the PRC, the Central Asian states and Xinjiang where an integrated cultural entity fighting external foes - China and the Soviet Union. (Armonk: M.E. Sharpe, Inc,)
    • As late as during the reign of Lenin and the early days of the PRC, the Central Asian states and Xinjiang where an integrated cultural entity fighting external foes - China and the Soviet Union. Linda Benson, The Illi Rebellion: The Moslem Challenge to Chinese Authority in Xinjiang, 1944-1949 (Armonk: M.E. Sharpe, Inc, 1990)
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    • note
    • Terrorism, separatists, freedom fighters and rebels will be used interchangeably in the text. The purpose of the article is not to determine what status different organizations have, but to discuss an eventual impact from such organizations on the relationship between China and Central Asia, if it has an impact.
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    • interviews with senior military officials claim that the increase of military staff ranges from a 30 to a 50% increase since the Yanda campaign was initiated in 1998. This should be seen in comparison to the reduction of border forces against Russia and the Central Asian states: Chinese Foreign Ministry, 'Summit meetings among China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan', (22 February 2004), http://www.chinaembassy.ee/eng/5715.html. The forces that were dismantled in the border region could have been redeployed in Xinjiang proper and directed towards rebels rather than external enemies.
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    • It should, however, be pointed out that the traffic in small arms is so large that even without Chinese sales it would still be no problem to arm the Uighur rebels.
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    • Sichuan has declared that they have increased their trade by 13 times the figure for the previous year (2001) and China Petroleum Corp has pledged about HK$31 billion to invest in Kazakhstan: see (9 June)
    • Sichuan has declared that they have increased their trade by 13 times the figure for the previous year (2001) and China Petroleum Corp has pledged about HK$31 billion to invest in Kazakhstan: See 'SW China provinces eyes Central Asian market', Xinhua News Agency, (9 June 2003)
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    • The war against terrorism has increased the US presence in Central Asia and US ambassador Lynn Pascoe has argued for close cooperation with the Central Asian states, both on a political level as well as on the military level (Heritage Foundation, 30 August 2002). There is an increased reluctance from both China and Russia with regard to the increased US military presence in Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan, regardless that it is still very limited and is far from a security concern for any of the states in the region: See Hooman Peimani, 'American military presence in Central Asia antagonizes Russia', Analyst, (23 October 2003)
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    • note
    • Russia is not so weak militarily in the region, as its internal situation would prescribe. Russian military forces largely operate Tajikistan's security and border controls, as Tajikistan has no effective control over its territory today. Russia would, however, prefer to limit its troops in Tajikistan as the costs are too high for the Russian economy to swallow and the moral of the Russian troops is very low, with drug smuggling and criminality among its troops corrupting the forces.
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    • The US purpose in the short-term is to secure bases to fight the Taliban and expand their alliances with Muslim states. Over the longer time-span the Americans would like to create anti-fundamentalist and pro-American governments. It is obvious that both China and Russia will try to resist the creation of pro-American governments in Central Asia.
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* 이 정보는 Elsevier사의 SCOPUS DB에서 KISTI가 분석하여 추출한 것입니다.