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Volumn 23, Issue 3, 1996, Pages 325-350

Reckoning with London: Interpreting the Bills of Mortality before John Graunt

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EID: 27844539301     PISSN: 09639268     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0963926800016898     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (39)

References (166)
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    • London, P[ublic] R[ecords] O[ffice], SP12/287/52, f. 1v. Anthony Rivers to Giovanni Battista Galfredi, 9 March 1602/3
    • London, P[ublic] R[ecords] O[ffice], SP12/287/52, f. 1v. Anthony Rivers to Giovanni Battista Galfredi, 9 March 1602/3.
  • 2
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    • C[orporation of] L[ondon] R[ecords] O[ffice], Remb. [Remembrancia], ii. f. 74, no. 234, 13 April 1603, Lord Mayor to Privy Council
    • C[orporation of] L[ondon] R[ecords] O[ffice], Remb. [Remembrancia], ii. f. 74, no. 234, 13 April 1603, Lord Mayor to Privy Council.
  • 4
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    • London
    • The letter is quoted in part in W. Foster, The East India House: Its History and Associations (London, 1924), 57-8. I am grateful to Mark Jenner for bringing that reference to my attention. For the length of the outbreak see the weekly Bill of Mortality for 8 December 1603 - 15 December 1603 which includes weekly summaries running back to 17 December 1602.
    • (1924) The East India House: Its History and Associations , pp. 57-58
    • Foster, W.1
  • 5
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    • "I.O.C.": The rediscovery of a modest Dutchman in London, Jacobus Colius Ortelianus (1563-1628), merchant-writer
    • J. van de Berg and A. Hamilton (eds), Publications of the Sir Thomas Browne Institute, n.s. 10 Leiden
    • A Calvinist Dutch merchant's reading of the epidemic as a divine verdict on the accession is described by Jan Van Dorsten, '"I.O.C.": the rediscovery of a modest Dutchman in London, Jacobus Colius Ortelianus (1563-1628), merchant-writer', in J. van de Berg and A. Hamilton (eds), The Anglo-Dutch Renaissance: Seven Essays, Publications of the Sir Thomas Browne Institute, n.s. 10 (Leiden, 1988), 8-20.
    • (1988) The Anglo-Dutch Renaissance: Seven Essays , pp. 8-20
    • Van Dorsten, J.1
  • 6
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    • Discourses of the plague in early modern London
    • J.A.I. Champion (ed.), Center for Metropolitan History, Working Papers, London
    • On the general prospect of critics of James's inheritance invoking the plague, M. Healy, 'Discourses of the plague in early modern London', in J.A.I. Champion (ed.), Epidemic Disease in London, Center for Metropolitan History, Working Papers, 1 (London, 1993), 30.
    • (1993) Epidemic Disease in London , vol.1 , pp. 30
    • Healy, M.1
  • 7
    • 27844564381 scopus 로고
    • Plague and punishment
    • P. Lake and M. Dowling (eds), London
    • The importance of metaphors of plague in an earlier generation's critiques of Mary Tudor is discussed in J. Shakespeare, 'Plague and punishment', in P. Lake and M. Dowling (eds), Protestants and the National Church in Sixteenth Century England (London, 1987), 103-23.
    • (1987) Protestants and the National Church in Sixteenth Century England , pp. 103-123
    • Shakespeare, J.1
  • 9
    • 27844510541 scopus 로고
    • New light on Bates's Case
    • In Turkey the employees of the Levant Company would face considerable difficulties when James's scruples as a Christian monarch delayed the renewal of diplomatic contacts with the Sultan. P. Croft, 'New light on Bates's Case', Historical Journal, 30 (1987), 527-8.
    • (1987) Historical Journal , vol.30 , pp. 527-528
    • Croft, P.1
  • 11
    • 27844452499 scopus 로고
    • Coping with plague in sixteenth and seventeenth-century Scotland
    • For the very different experience with plague that James was accustomed to as King of Scots, where Edinburgh was generally free from the disease, although remaining liable to attacks from continental Europe, where the plague remained endemic or, of course, to reinfection via England, see T.C. Smout, 'Coping with plague in sixteenth and seventeenth-century Scotland', Scotia, 2 (1978), 19-33.
    • (1978) Scotia , vol.2 , pp. 19-33
    • Smout, T.C.1
  • 14
    • 84929226478 scopus 로고
    • City orphans and custody laws in medieval England
    • Also, E. Clark, 'City orphans and custody laws in medieval England', American Journal of Legal History, 34 (1990), 168-87,
    • (1990) American Journal of Legal History , vol.34 , pp. 168-187
    • Clark, E.1
  • 17
    • 27844503600 scopus 로고
    • Old and new bills of mortality; movements of population; deaths and fatal diseases in London during the last fourteen years
    • The contrast between the figures that could be drawn from the Bills with the new data produced by the Registrar General's Office is brought out in J. Angus, 'Old and new bills of mortality; movements of population; deaths and fatal diseases in London during the last fourteen years', Journal of the Royal Statistical Society, 17 (1854), 117-42.
    • (1854) Journal of the Royal Statistical Society , vol.17 , pp. 117-142
    • Angus, J.1
  • 18
    • 85033061719 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • note
    • G[uildhall] L[ibrary], MS. 4891, Parish Clerks' Charter, 27 February 1635/36, f. 2. The municipal duty of reporting the 'name and surname of such freemen [of London] as shalbe buried in the severall parishes' to the officers of their various guilds was also retained. Their origional sixteenth-century oath, which required them to report names to the Lord Mayor's Court, was also retranscribed without any alteration. C.L.R.O. 37C, Book of Oaths, Seventeenth Century, ff. 162-3.
  • 20
    • 85033037242 scopus 로고
    • from 6 August
    • am grateful to Professor McCusker for sending me a photocopy of the surviving sheet of the weekly Prices Current for London doth, the 'Prezzi di Sete et Drappi di feta in Londra per contanti,' from 6 August 1610: STC 9175z.15, a rare item whose fortuitous survival was due to its being re-used as lining for wallpaper in Amsterdam. The format of this sheet, where the weekly prices from London's Blackwell Hall were added in ink to a pre-printed form, seems very similar to that of the Jacobean Bills of Mortality.
    • (1610) Prezzi di Sete et Drappi di Feta in Londra per Contanti
  • 21
    • 27844446657 scopus 로고
    • 2 December
    • The categories are from a manuscript 'Order of London Certificate for Sickness', 2 December 1591, in the Folger Shakespeare Library, MS. x.d. 519.1 have used a photocopy in the Guildhall Library, G.L. MS. 17,884.
    • (1591) Order of London Certificate for Sickness
  • 22
    • 85033050306 scopus 로고
    • London, Appendix E, 'Extracts from the foreign charge, 1563-71'
    • B.R. Masters (ed.), Chamber Accounts of the Sixteenth Century (London, 1984), Appendix E, 'Extracts from the foreign charge, 1563-71', 123;
    • (1984) Chamber Accounts of the Sixteenth Century , pp. 123
    • Masters, B.R.1
  • 23
    • 27844489617 scopus 로고
    • Parish registers and the London Bills of Mortality
    • I. Sutherland, 'Parish registers and the London Bills of Mortality', Journal of the Society of Archivists, 4 (1970), 65.
    • (1970) Journal of the Society of Archivists , vol.4 , pp. 65
    • Sutherland, I.1
  • 24
    • 85033062458 scopus 로고
    • 8 May
    • C.L.R.O. Rep. xiii. f. 46v. 8 May 1553, Parish Clerks' Ordinances .
    • (1553) C.L.R.O. Rep. , vol.13
  • 25
    • 0003771448 scopus 로고
    • London
    • The procedure for listing and reporting plague deaths in the City was probably initiated by Cardinal Wolsey in 1512, when Henry VIII's Court was resident at the new Bridewell Palace just outside the City walls. P.A. Slack, The Impact of Plague in Tudor and Stuart England (London, 1985), 148.
    • (1985) The Impact of Plague in Tudor and Stuart England , pp. 148
    • P.A. Slack1
  • 26
    • 3042548220 scopus 로고
    • Medicine and the rise of statistics
    • A.G. Debus (ed.), Berkeley
    • (Although James Cassedy would attribute this development to the successive efforts of Thomas More and Thomas Cromwell, he offers no evidence for this suggestion: J.H. Cassedy, 'Medicine and the rise of statistics', in A.G. Debus (ed.), Medicine in Seventeenth Century England: A Symposium Held at UCLA in Honor of C.D. O'Malley (Berkeley, 1974), 285-6).
    • (1974) Medicine in Seventeenth Century England: A Symposium Held at UCLA in Honor of C.D. O'Malley , pp. 285-286
    • Cassedy, J.H.1
  • 27
    • 85033060946 scopus 로고
    • 1 August
    • C.L.R.O. Rep. xvii, f. 46v. 1 August 1570;
    • (1570) C.L.R.O. Rep. , vol.17
  • 28
    • 15944424883 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Slack, Impact of Plague, 156, for the suggestion that in London 'the distribution of plague mortality changed markedly in the later sixteenth century, and specifically between 1563 and 1593'.
    • Impact of Plague , pp. 156
    • Slack1
  • 29
    • 85033045652 scopus 로고
    • 15 July
    • C.L.R.O. Jor[nals of the Common Council] xxii f. 401, 15 July 1590, repeating an earlier mayoral precept from May 1578.
    • (1590) C.L.R.O. Jor[nals of the Common Council] , vol.22 , pp. 401
  • 30
    • 0016120676 scopus 로고
    • The searchers
    • The scrappy information on the women searchers is collected in T.R. Forbes, 'The searchers', Bulletin of the New York Academy of Medicine, 2nd ser., 50 (1974), 1031-8. I am grateful to Richard Smith and Margaret Pelling for bringing this article to my attention.
    • (1974) Bulletin of the New York Academy of Medicine, 2nd Ser. , vol.50 , pp. 1031-1038
    • Forbes, T.R.1
  • 31
    • 15944424883 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • P.R.O. SP16/571/81, f. 131, n.d. [November 1636?], Lord Mayor and Aldermen to Privy Council. On the distrust for some women searchers of the dead in some provincial centres, see Slack, Impact of Plague, 274-5.
    • Impact of Plague , pp. 274-275
    • Slack1
  • 33
    • 85033063599 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • note
    • The pamphlet's further publication of City-wide totals from the 1563 epidemic - whose weekly figures were subsequently incorporated into broadsheets during later epidemics - implies that the comparative value of such figures was already appreciated.
  • 34
    • 85033034291 scopus 로고
    • London, Thomas Lambert, G.L. B'side, 28.48
    • Lord Have Mercy Upon Us (London, Thomas Lambert, 1603), G.L. B'side, 28.48.
    • (1603) Lord Have Mercy Upon us
  • 35
    • 85033036916 scopus 로고
    • P.R.O. SP14/28/89 5 November to 12 November
    • P.R.O. SP14/28/89 [p. 154], Bill of Mortality, 5 November to 12 November 1607.
    • (1607) Bill of Mortality , pp. 154
  • 37
    • 85033049641 scopus 로고
    • P.R.O. SP16/11/71 London
    • P.R.O. SP16/11/71 [p. 144], A General or Great Bill . . . (London, 1625).
    • (1625) A General or Great Bill . . . , pp. 144
  • 38
    • 27844458612 scopus 로고
    • The plague of 1625 and the story of John Boston, parish clerk of St. Savior's, Southwark
    • On one parish clerk during an epidemic, see W. Caldin and H. Raine, 'The plague of 1625 and the story of John Boston, parish clerk of St. Savior's, Southwark', Transactions of the London and Middlesex Archaeological Society, 23 (1971), 90-9.
    • (1971) Transactions of the London and Middlesex Archaeological Society , vol.23 , pp. 90-99
    • Caldin, W.1    Raine, H.2
  • 39
    • 0016583303 scopus 로고
    • Nutrition and disease: The case of London, 1550-1750
    • On both the tendency for diagnoses of 'spotted fever' to rise during an epidemic and also for the degree that diagnoses of smallpox, whose symptoms would not be mistaken for the 'tokens' of the plague, still remained stable, which suggests the overall utility of publishing consolidated lists of other causes of death, see A.B. Appleby, 'Nutrition and disease: the case of London, 1550-1750', Journal of Interdisciplinary History, 6 (1975), 11-15.
    • (1975) Journal of Interdisciplinary History , vol.6 , pp. 11-15
    • Appleby, A.B.1
  • 41
    • 85033049691 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Plague in London: Spatial and temporal aspects
    • Champion
    • and G. Twigg, 'Plague in London: spatial and temporal aspects', in Champion, Epidemic Disease in London, 13.
    • Epidemic Disease in London , pp. 13
    • Twigg, G.1
  • 42
    • 0003399918 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • London
    • Plague was not the only cause for selective reporting and John Graunt also noted that deaths from syphilis tended to be reported as anodyne 'ulcers' or 'sores', see his Natural and Political Observations (London, 1662),
    • (1662) Natural and Political Observations
  • 44
    • 85033037617 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • G.L. MS. 4891, Charter, f. 2
    • G.L. MS. 4891, Charter, f. 2.
  • 49
    • 85033048168 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Christie, Parish Clerks, In 1663 the Archbishop of Canterbury was added to the list: ibid., 140-1.
    • Parish Clerks , pp. 140-141
    • Christie1
  • 50
    • 27844445738 scopus 로고
    • 4 December
    • C.L.R.O. Rep. Iviii. f. 30, 4 December 1645.
    • (1645) C.L.R.O. Rep. IVIII , pp. 30
  • 51
    • 85033044756 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • note
    • The accounts submitted by successive Sergeants of the Channel, the municipal official who actually delivered the City's pamphlet to the monarch, which survive from 1676, indicate that the new Bill would be taken to wherever the monarch was that week, rather than simply carried to Whitehall to be forwarded on with other incoming correspondence. C.L.R.O. Misc. MS. 155.19, 'Bills of Sergeant of the Channel for delivering the weekly Bills of Mortality.'
  • 52
    • 85033064266 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • G.L. MS. 3604/2
    • Christie, Parish Clerks, 136. G.L. MS. 3604/2 (part i), Bills of Mortality.
    • Parish Clerks , Issue.1 PART , pp. 136
    • Christie1
  • 54
    • 85033064759 scopus 로고
    • 27 October
    • C.L.R.O. Rep. xlv. f. 563v. 27 October 1631.
    • (1631) C.L.R.O. Rep. , vol.45
  • 55
    • 85033058664 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Epidemics and the built environment in 1665
    • idem
    • On female death rates, see J.A.I. Champion, 'Epidemics and the built environment in 1665' in idem, Epidemic Disease in London, 49-52,
    • Epidemic Disease in London , pp. 49-52
  • 56
    • 15944424883 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • as well as Slack, Impact of Plague, 179-81, who was less persuaded.
    • Impact of Plague , pp. 179-181
    • Slack1
  • 59
    • 27844563717 scopus 로고
    • 4 June
    • C.L.R.O. Rep. xxxiii f. 307, 4 June 1618, for the Parish Clerks' annual fee;
    • (1618) C.L.R.O. Rep. , vol.307
  • 61
    • 85033048168 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • For single sheets, Christie, Parish Clerks, 139. Sir John Franklyn paid 3d. in 1625, Society of Antiquaries, MS. 133, Domestic and Personal Accounts of Sir John Franklyn of Willsden, Middlesex, 1624-1648, f. 7v., 27 June 1625.
    • Parish Clerks , pp. 139
    • Christie1
  • 62
    • 85033047598 scopus 로고
    • 8 January /6 and 5 March 1665/ 6
    • The Parish Clerks' original ordinances and Court minutes were destroyed during the Blitz. Some antiquarian notes from the minutes transcribed before the war have been deposited at the Guildhall Library Manuscripts Room. G.L. MS. 3706, William McMurray, 'Notes extracted from MS. destroyed in 1940', f. 10, 8 January 1665/6 and 5 March 1665/ 6.
    • (1665) Notes Extracted from MS. Destroyed in 1940 , pp. 10
  • 63
    • 85033048206 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • G.L. MS. 4893
    • For the Parish Clerks' successive charters, P.R.O. SO3/5, December 1611; SO3/11, February 1635/6; S03/12, f. 25, February 1638/9. Moreover the number of charters obtained by an otherwise minor guild testifies to the access that the parish clerks could gain to the Court. Cf. G.L. MS. 4893 'Original Documents Connected with the London Parish Clerks' Charter, 1635',
    • Original Documents Connected with the London Parish Clerks' Charter, 1635
  • 65
    • 85033067431 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • note
    • P.R.O. PSO5/7, February 1638/8, Parish Clerks' Charter. The wording in this, the abstract in the docket made when it passed the Privy Seal, differs from that noted in the Signet Office Docket Books cited above.
  • 66
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    • In 1604 in the aftermath of one of the worst bouts of plague of the whole century three extramural precincts and eight suburban parishes were added to the regular lists in the Bills: St Bartholomew the Great, Bridewell and Holy Trinity Minories, along with St Clement Danes, St Giles in the Fields and St Martin in the Fields to the west, St James Clerkenwell to the north, St Katherine by the Tower, St Leonard Shoreditch, St Mary Whitechapel to the east and, south of the river, St Mary Magdalen, Bermondsey. Two years later, after another epidemic, the royal Duchy of Lancaster's chapel of St John Baptist of the Savoy followed. The City of Westminster was added in 1626. Graunt, Natural and Political Observations, 8.
    • Natural and Political Observations , pp. 8
  • 67
    • 85033043333 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • By 1636 four more parishes to the north and east - Hackney, Islington, Rotherhithe and Stepney - had been included, besides two more Surrey parishes, Newington and, still more significantly, Lambeth, a ferry-ride across the Thames from Whitehall Palace. When St Paul's, Covent Garden, was made an independent parish it was also included. 'By what degree the Bills came to what they are now', f. 6;
    • By What Degree the Bills Came to What they are Now , pp. 6
  • 68
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    • The population of London, 1550-1700: A review of the published evidence
    • 'Appendix 2: the parish groupings of the Bills of Mortality'
    • V.A. Harding, 'The population of London, 1550-1700: a review of the published evidence', London Journal, 15 (1990), 'Appendix 2: the parish groupings of the Bills of Mortality', 125.
    • (1990) London Journal , vol.15 , pp. 125
    • Harding, V.A.1
  • 69
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    • note
    • The phrase is used in the Company's petition to King Charles, endorsed 13 November 1635, in G.L. MS. 4893, 'Original Documents Connected with the London Parish Clerks' Charter, 1635'. The same phrase was repeated in their new Charter, G.L. MS. 4891, f. 1.
  • 70
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    • Seven Alterations and Augmentations of the published Bills between the years 1592 and 1662
    • a, 'Index'
    • Although John Graunt did comment that there had been 'Seven Alterations and Augmentations of the published Bills between the years 1592 and 1662', in Natural and Political Observations, a, 'Index'.
    • Natural and Political Observations
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    • ed. R.C. Latham and W. Matthews, 11 vols London
    • Although, when encountered at the Crown Tavern, he was 'telling pretty stories' about suicides. S. Pepys, The Diary of Samuel Pepys, ed. R.C. Latham and W. Matthews, 11 vols (London, 1970-83), 9, 1668-1669, 175, 26 April 1668.
    • (1970) The Diary of Samuel Pepys , pp. 9
    • Pepys, S.1
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    • John Graunt and his Natural and Political Observations
    • ser. B
    • D. V. Glass, 'John Graunt and his Natural and Political Observations', Proceedings of the Royal Society, ser. B, 49 (1963), 2-32.
    • (1963) Proceedings of the Royal Society , vol.49 , pp. 2-32
    • Glass, D.V.1
  • 79
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    • Christie, Parish Clerks, 136-7, citing a Company ordinance of 1609.
    • Parish Clerks , pp. 136-137
    • Christie1
  • 80
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    • ed. L. Landa Oxford, pbk. 1st pub. 1722
    • D. Defoe, A Journal of the Plague Year, ed. L. Landa (Oxford, 1969, pbk. 1990; 1st pub. 1722), 7.
    • (1969) A Journal of the Plague Year , pp. 7
    • Defoe, D.1
  • 83
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    • The response to plague in early modern England: Public policies and their consequences
    • J. Walter and R. Schofield (eds), Cambridge
    • P.A. Slack, 'The response to plague in early modern England: public policies and their consequences', in J. Walter and R. Schofield (eds), Famine, Disease and the Social Order in Early Modern Society (Cambridge, 1989), 168-84.
    • (1989) Famine, Disease and the Social Order in Early Modern Society , pp. 168-184
    • Slack, P.A.1
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    • The disappearance of plague: A continuing puzzle
    • 2nd. ser.
    • The gradual extension of the early stages of an attack of the plague - spreading from house to house and parish to parish - is invoked by Andrew Appleby as evidence for its initially finding a hold among the rodent population: A.B. Appleby, 'The disappearance of plague: a continuing puzzle', Economic History Review, 2nd. ser., 33 (1980), 164.
    • (1980) Economic History Review , vol.33 , pp. 164
    • Appleby, A.B.1
  • 89
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    • ed. J. Jacobs, 2 vols London, 1 May 1619
    • J. Howell, Epistolae Ho-Elianae: the Familiar Letters of James Howell, ed. J. Jacobs, 2 vols (London, 1892), I, 29, '1 May 1619'. Although the individual letters are all assigned dates, Howell's whole compilation dates from the 1640s.
    • (1892) Epistolae Ho-Elianae: The Familiar Letters of James Howell
    • Howell, J.1
  • 90
    • 84984422536 scopus 로고
    • A London plague bill for 1592, Crich and Goodwyffe Hurde
    • During the 1592 epidemic recipients of manuscript copies of the weekly plague lists included residents of a small village in Somerset: H. Berry, 'A London plague bill for 1592, Crich and Goodwyffe Hurde', English Literary Renaissance, 25 (1995), 3-25.
    • (1995) English Literary Renaissance , vol.25 , pp. 3-25
    • Berry, H.1
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    • Dorchester
    • Notes of the weekly totals of deaths from the plague in London between April 1625 and early March 1625/26 were included among miscellaneous memoranda at the back of the diary of William Whiteway, a Dorchester merchant: while Whiteway's access to reliable news about national politics was uncertain, he still received the metropolitan plague totals over forty-nine successive weeks. W. Whiteway, William Whiteway of Dorchester: His Diary, 1618-1635 (Dorchester, 1991), 165.
    • (1991) William Whiteway of Dorchester: His Diary, 1618-1635 , pp. 165
    • Whiteway, W.1
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    • News and politics in early seventeenth-century England
    • On provincials' access to metropolitan news at this period, see R.P. Cust, 'News and politics in early seventeenth-century England', Past & Present, 112 (1986), 60-90.
    • (1986) Past & Present , vol.112 , pp. 60-90
    • Cust, R.P.1
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    • Comparisons were also possible, so that in September 1582, Maurice Browne wrote to John Thynne that 'The plage increseth in London there died the last weake 160 of the plage' as well as being 'very hott in fraunce', see D.B. Quinn et al. (eds), New American World: A Documentary History of North America to 1612: 3,
    • New American World: A Documentary History of North America to 1612 , pp. 3
    • Quinn, D.B.1
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    • Medical metaphors in English moral theology, 1560-1660
    • Part of this passage is quoted in D.N. Harley, 'Medical metaphors in English moral theology, 1560-1660', Journal of the History of Medicine, 98 (1993), 408.
    • (1993) Journal of the History of Medicine , vol.98 , pp. 408
    • Harley, D.N.1
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    • 4 vols Oxford
    • am grateful to Mark Jenner for feeding me this reference. In his matriculation record White did describe himself as being from London: J. Foster, Alumni Oxoniensis 1500-1714, 4 vols (Oxford, 1891-92), iii. 1613.
    • (1891) Alumni Oxoniensis 1500-1714
    • Foster, J.1
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    • Suicide and the rise of the popular press in England
    • White's list also seems a foretaste of the wider circulation of reports of suicides in the provincial press, often based themselves on the London Bills of Mortality, that Michael MacDonald sees as central to changing perceptions of suicides by juries in Restoration and eighteenth-century England: M. MacDonald, 'Suicide and the rise of the popular press in England', Representations, 22 (1988), 36-55.
    • (1988) Representations , vol.22 , pp. 36-55
    • MacDonald, M.1
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    • The local incidence of epidemic disease: The case of Bristol 1540-1650
    • Slack, idem. 'The local incidence of epidemic disease: the case of Bristol 1540-1650', in The Plague Reconsidered, 57.
    • The Plague Reconsidered , pp. 57
    • Slack1
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    • Plague in perspective: The case of Manchester in 1605
    • J.I. Kermode and C.B. Phillips (eds), Liverpool
    • On the effectiveness for the richer sort of flight from an urban centre that did not have the administrative means of enforcing quarantine available to most municipal governments, see T.S. Willan, 'Plague in perspective: the case of Manchester in 1605', in J.I. Kermode and C.B. Phillips (eds), Seventeenth Century Lancashire: Essays Presented to J.J. Bagley, Transactions of the Historic Society of Lancashire and Cheshire, 132 (Liverpool, 1983), 29-40.
    • (1983) Seventeenth Century Lancashire: Essays Presented to J.J. Bagley, Transactions of the Historic Society of Lancashire and Cheshire , vol.132 , pp. 29-40
    • Willan, T.S.1
  • 108
    • 27844541798 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 2 vols, ed. N.E.
    • P.R.O. C115, N4/8607, 13 May 1636, Sir John Burgh to Viscount Scudamore. In 1606, during another bout of plague, John Chamberlain observed that 'this last weekes increase makes us all startle.' J. Chamberlain, The Letters of John Chamberlain, 2 vols, ed. N.E.
    • The Letters of John Chamberlain
    • Chamberlain, J.1
  • 109
    • 27844597447 scopus 로고
    • Philadelphia
    • McClure, American Philosophical Society, Memoirs, 12, pts i and ii (Philadelphia, 1939), i, 234. A partial run of weekly Bills from the summer of 1636 are in Bodleian Library, Gough Add. 4o 95.
    • (1939) American Philosophical Society, Memoirs , vol.12 , Issue.1-2 PART
    • McClure1
  • 110
    • 27844603371 scopus 로고
    • May
    • Arundel Castle Archives, Autograph Letters, 1632-1723, no. 362, 27 May 1636, Viscount Chaworth to Earl of Arundel. (I would like to thank the Duke of Norfolk for his kind permission to see these papers.) That week there was one plague death in the parishes within the City walls - in St Michael, Cornhill - otherwise all the deaths from the plague were in parishes to the east of the City or else south of the Thames: Bill of Mortality, 19-26 May 1636.
    • (1636) Bill of Mortality , pp. 19-26
  • 111
    • 85033065607 scopus 로고
    • 16-23 June
    • Arundel Castle Archives, Autograph Letters, 1632-1723, no. 365, 10 June 1636, Viscount Chaworth to Earl of Arundel. By the second last week of June, which is where we have the next surviving Bill, there was still only one plague death among the parishes within the walls, but there was now a plague death reported in the western parish of St Andrew, Holborn: Bill, 16-23 June 1636.
    • (1636) Bill
  • 112
    • 27844517122 scopus 로고
    • 4 November
    • C.L.R.O. Rep. xlv. f. 3, 4 November 1630. They also cited a similar distinction being drawn between Whitefriars and the large parish of St Dunstan's in the West.
    • (1630) C.L.R.O. Rep. , vol.45 , pp. 3
  • 113
    • 85033049587 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Defoe, Journal of the Plague Year, 6-7. The desultory scholarly debate on Defoe's citing places in London in his Journal has, unfortunately, focused on the topographical accuracy of each instance rather than considering their utility within the analysis in his narrative.
    • Journal of the Plague Year , pp. 6-7
    • Defoe1
  • 114
    • 27844520459 scopus 로고
    • Defoe's Journal of the Plague Year, topography and intention
    • Cf. M. Schonhorn, 'Defoe's Journal of the Plague Year, topography and intention', Review of English Studies, 19 (1968), 387-402.
    • (1968) Review of English Studies , vol.19 , pp. 387-402
    • Schonhorn, M.1
  • 115
    • 27844503602 scopus 로고
    • Account of a Grocer in Wood Street, Cheapside, who preserved himself and his Family from Infection during the great Plague in 1665
    • See also an anonymous 'Account of a Grocer in Wood Street, Cheapside, who preserved himself and his Family from Infection during the great Plague in 1665', Gentleman's Magazine, 95 (1825), 311-16 at p. 312, for an elaborate set of precautions that only went into effect in mid-July 1665, when the number dying within the walls reached fifty. For the charged context of Defoe's writing during the debates over government-enforced quarantine as a precaution against the 1720 epidemic in Marseilles,
    • (1825) Gentleman's Magazine , vol.95 , pp. 311-316
  • 118
    • 85033037322 scopus 로고
    • 13-20 December
    • The various reshufflings and reorganizations that the collection where this correspondence survives, P.R.O. C115, 'The Duchess of Norfolk's Deeds,' has been subjected to means that it is difficult to tell whether Flower's observations were summaries of the information in the weekly Bills that he was adding to his letters to Scudamore, or if they were his comments on the main trends that he observed in copies of the Bills that were being forwarded with Scudamore's weekly packets of letters from the City. A copy of a weekly Bill of Mortality remains among Flower's letters, P.R.O. C115 M32/8211, Bill of Mortality, 13-20 December 1632. But this could be either an exceptional survivor from a longer series that has not been weeded out along with the other printed material that Flower and his fellow intelligencers were sending to Scudamore, or this sheet might equally be a stray copy, sent when Scudamore may have considered coming up from Herefordshire to London after Christmas. Scudamore's household accounts during his embassy in Paris do note considerable outlays on 'intelligence' but do not include any entries for his correspondents in London, who were probably paid through his agent in Westminster: Hereford Public Library, MS. Scudamore Accounts, 1635-1637, passim.
    • (1632) Bill of Mortality
  • 119
    • 85033057738 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • P.R.O. C115 M30/8076, Flower to Scudamore, 22 January 1630/1; M32/8184, same to same, 12 February 1630/31; M30/8077, same to same, 23 April 1631; M31/8133, same to same, 26 April 1631; M32/8187, same to same, 3 June 1631; M32 8188,26 July 1631; M30/ 8083, same to same, 6 August 1631
    • P.R.O. C115 M30/8076, Flower to Scudamore, 22 January 1630/1; M32/8184, same to same, 12 February 1630/31; M30/8077, same to same, 23 April 1631; M31/8133, same to same, 26 April 1631; M32/8187, same to same, 3 June 1631; M32 8188,26 July 1631; M30/ 8083, same to same, 6 August 1631.
  • 120
    • 85033055461 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • P.R.O. C115 M30/8072, 29 July 1630, M32/8185, Flower to Scudamore; M32/8185, 26 February 1630/1, same to same
    • P.R.O. C115 M30/8072, 29 July 1630, M32/8185, Flower to Scudamore; M32/8185, 26 February 1630/1, same to same.
  • 121
    • 85033060961 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • P.R.O. C115 M30/8070, Flower to Scudamore, 24 July 1636; M31/8130, same to same, 8 January 1630/1
    • P.R.O. C115 M30/8070, Flower to Scudamore, 24 July 1636; M31/8130, same to same, 8 January 1630/1.
  • 122
    • 85033059084 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • P.R.O. C115 M32/8177, 20 May 1630, Flower to Scudamore, and M32/8178, 4 September 1630, same to same
    • P.R.O. C115 M32/8177, 20 May 1630, Flower to Scudamore, and M32/8178, 4 September 1630, same to same.
  • 123
    • 0003399918 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • This emphasis contrasts with the striking of trial balances customary in appraising double entry accounts - the 'Mathematiques of my Shop-Arithmatique' that Graunt self-deprecatingly invoked - to which Philip Kreager has assigned a central role in the development of Graunt's analysis. Natural and Political Observations, A6;
    • Natural and Political Observations
  • 124
    • 0023967922 scopus 로고
    • New Light on Graunt
    • P. Kreager, 'New Light on Graunt', Population Studies, 42 (1988), 133-7.
    • (1988) Population Studies , vol.42 , pp. 133-137
    • Kreager, P.1
  • 125
    • 85033068529 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • P.R.O. C115 M31/8125, 20 March 1629/30, Flower to Scudamore; M30/8075, 17 December 1530, same to same. On city walls as an effective barrier to rodent-born diseases, see Slack, 'The response to plague in early modern England', 180.
    • The Response to Plague in Early Modern England , pp. 180
    • Slack1
  • 126
    • 3042647408 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • P.R.O. C115 M31/8136, 18 June 1631, Flower to Scudamore. The following week he observed that 'onlie one' died of the plague 'in the pest house all other places continuing yet dear': M31/8135, 25 June 1631, same to same. Although the plague bacillus was resilient, and infected fleas could survive unfed for up to twenty-nine days, medical historians stress that for infected people 'the first and third weeks were . . . the most lethal' and news about waning death rates of this sort could indeed mark more than a remission: Slack, Impact of Plague, 421, n. 34.
    • Impact of Plague , Issue.34 , pp. 421
    • Slack1
  • 127
    • 15944424883 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • The phrase is from Biraben, 'Current medical and epidemiological views', 28, citing data from 61 cases in 1899. He also observes that the bacillus can survive in 'the microclimate of rodents' burrows': Slack, Impact of Plague, ibid., 26.
    • Impact of Plague , pp. 26
    • Slack1
  • 129
    • 85033067621 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • note
    • He could assume that Viscount Scudamore knew his way around London, so that a week when the total number of deaths within the City walls rose could be explained as the reinfection of 'an in[n] in Milkstreet', just north of Cheapside. P.R.O. C115 M30/8081, 2 July 1631, Flower to Scudamore.
  • 130
    • 85033056007 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • P.R.O. C115 M31/8124, 13 March 1629/30, Flower to Scudamore, and M31/8125, 20 March 1629/30, same to same, for Whitechapel and Shoreditch; M30/8085, 24 September 1631, same to same, for Southwark; M32/8189, n.d., same to same, Out places'
    • P.R.O. C115 M31/8124, 13 March 1629/30, Flower to Scudamore, and M31/8125, 20 March 1629/30, same to same, for Whitechapel and Shoreditch; M30/8085, 24 September 1631, same to same, for Southwark; M32/8189, n.d., same to same, Out places'.
  • 131
    • 85033060683 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • note
    • Other correspondents of Scudamore could also draw wider comparisons, particularly in proffering the unfamiliar argument that London offered 'the healthiest dwelling' when 'ague' left Gloucestershire with 'at one tyme eyght hundred sick in its howses[,] in Sussex four hundred'. The currency of comparative categories was suggested in a further observation that 'divers other towns and villages' were infected 'proportional'. P.R.O. C115 N8/8822, Sir John Finet to Scudamore, 5 September 1638.
  • 132
    • 85033065148 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • I have used the run at the Guildhall Library
    • I have used the run at the Guildhall Library.
  • 133
    • 85033056511 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Bill for 10-17 November 1603
    • Bill for 10-17 November 1603.
  • 135
    • 85033049509 scopus 로고
    • for 22 March /4-29 March
    • Weekly totals for burials for all causes between March to June remained under a hundred and in at least one instance fell to twenty-four, while the numbers reported as dying from the plague fluctuated between nine and twenty. Bills of Mortality for 22 March 1603/4-29 March 1604; 29 March-5 April 1604; 5-12 April 1604; 24-31 May 1604; 31 May-7 June 1604; 7-14 June 1604.
    • (1603) Bills of Mortality
  • 136
    • 15944424883 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Paul Slack points out that Southampton, with its cross-Channel contacts and sizable émigré population was particularly liable to the plague: Impact of Plague, 142.
    • Impact of Plague , pp. 142
  • 137
    • 85033067099 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Plague did reach Southampton that summer and the wife of Lambert's steward was among the casualties: Rutherford, Stockwell Papers, I, 23-7.
    • Stockwell Papers , vol.1 , pp. 23-27
    • Rutherford1
  • 138
    • 85033048924 scopus 로고
    • ed. F.F. Fox Bristol
    • W. Adams, Adams's Chronicle of Bristol, ed. F.F. Fox (Bristol, 1910), 178. None of the 'tickets' appears to survive.
    • (1910) Adams's Chronicle of Bristol , pp. 178
    • Adams, W.1
  • 140
  • 145
    • 85033068694 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Howell, Epistolae Ho-Elianae, I, 218. Howell assigns a date of 11 December 1625 to this letter.
    • Epistolae Ho-Elianae , vol.1 , pp. 218
    • Howell1
  • 147
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    • The accuracy of the London parish registers, 1580-1553
    • Cf. R.A.P. Finlay, 'The accuracy of the London parish registers, 1580-1553', Population Studies, 32 (1978), 95-112.
    • (1978) Population Studies , vol.32 , pp. 95-112
    • Finlay, R.A.P.1
  • 148
    • 0020457224 scopus 로고
    • Death and burial in a London parish: St. Mary Woolnoth 1653-99
    • On the standards of parochial registration in one prosperous London parish in the later seventeenth century, see S. Porter, 'Death and burial in a London parish: St. Mary Woolnoth 1653-99', London Journal, 8 (1982), 76-80.
    • (1982) London Journal , vol.8 , pp. 76-80
    • Porter, S.1
  • 149
    • 27844510774 scopus 로고
    • 8 November
    • C.L.R.O. Rep. Ixx, f. 3, 8 November 1664;
    • (1664) C.L.R.O. Rep. IXX , pp. 3
  • 150
    • 85033044078 scopus 로고
    • 10 August
    • C.L.R.O. Rep. IXX f. 152v., 10 August 1665.
    • (1665) C.L.R.O. Rep. IXX
  • 151
    • 0039398263 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Forbes, 'The searchers', 1031-8. The bulk of these critical comments come from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, when plague was no longer a major threat.
    • The Searchers , pp. 1031-1038
    • Forbes1
  • 152
    • 0015697820 scopus 로고
    • Sexton's day books for 1685-1687 and 1694-1703 from the parish of St. Martin-in-the-Fields, London
    • Bodleian Library, Rawlinson C. 406, ff. 84-5. Two late seventeenth-century sextons' day books from a suburban parish suggest that Betts's hopes to compile data at this level might well have proved feasible in parishes where the inhabitants continued to be buried in the parish graveyard. T.R. Forbes, 'Sexton's day books for 1685-1687 and 1694-1703 from the parish of St. Martin-in-the-Fields, London', Yale Journal of Biology and Medicine, 46 (1973), 142-50.
    • (1973) Yale Journal of Biology and Medicine , vol.46 , pp. 142-150
    • Forbes, T.R.1
  • 154
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    • "And one more may be laid there": The location of burials in early modern London
    • On these problems, see V.A. Harding, '"And one more may be laid there": the location of burials in early modern London', London Journal, 14 (1989), 112-29,
    • (1989) London Journal , vol.14 , pp. 112-129
    • Harding, V.A.1
  • 155
    • 27844534074 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Burial of the plague dead in early modern London
    • Champion
    • V.A. Harding, and idem, 'Burial of the plague dead in early modern London', in Champion, Epidemic Disease in London, 53-64.
    • Epidemic Disease in London , pp. 53-64
    • Harding, V.A.1
  • 157
    • 85033054978 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • C.L.R.O. Remb. vi. f. 5, no. 63,
    • C.L.R.O. Remb. , vol.6 , Issue.63 , pp. 5
  • 158
    • 85033058045 scopus 로고
    • Privy Council to Lord Mayor, 20 July
    • Lord Mayor to Privy Council, n.d., but in reply, C.L.R.O. Remb. ibid., ff. 4-5, no. 62, Privy Council to Lord Mayor, 20 July 1625.
    • (1625) C.L.R.O. Remb. , Issue.62 , pp. 4-5
  • 160
    • 0005420858 scopus 로고
    • The prerogative and environmental control of London building in the early seventeenth century: The lost opportunity
    • T.G. Barnes, 'The prerogative and environmental control of London building in the early seventeenth century: the lost opportunity', California Law Review, 58 (1970), 1332-63;
    • (1970) California Law Review , vol.58 , pp. 1332-1363
    • Barnes, T.G.1
  • 161
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    • Books of orders: The making of English social policy, 1577-1631
    • 5th. ser.
    • P.A. Slack, 'Books of orders: the making of English social policy, 1577-1631', Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 5th. ser., 30 (1980), 1-22;
    • (1980) Transactions of the Royal Historical Society , vol.30 , pp. 1-22
    • Slack, P.A.1
  • 163
    • 85033053478 scopus 로고
    • Clitherow Lord Mayor and commonality of the Citizens of London to Charles, 26 April
    • C.L.R.O. Remb. vii (Clitherow) f. 12, no. 178, Lord Mayor and commonality of the Citizens of London to Charles, 26 April 1636.
    • (1636) C.L.R.O. Remb. , vol.7 , Issue.178 , pp. 12
  • 166
    • 0003271014 scopus 로고
    • Seventeenth-century political arithmetic: Civil strife and vital statistics
    • In Graunt's instance see also, P. Buck, 'Seventeenth-century political arithmetic: civil strife and vital statistics', Isis, 68 (1977), 67-84, for an argument linking the certainties that political arithmetic offered to the goals of post-Restoration government.
    • (1977) Isis , vol.68 , pp. 67-84
    • Buck, P.1


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