Political culture and neo-patrimonialism under Leonid Kuchma

Problems of Post-Communism

Volumn 52, Issue 5, 2005, Pages 12-22

  Van Zon, Hans ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF SUNDERLAND   (United Kingdom)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 27144455773     PISSN: 10758216     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/10758216.2005.11052210     Document Type: Review

References (46)

1. See Jan Winiecki, "Determinants of Catching Up or Falling Behind: Interaction of Formal and Informal Institutions," Post-Communist Economies 16, no. 2 (June 2004): 137-52.
2. See Oleh Protsyk, "Ruling with Decrees: Presidential Decree Making in Russia and Ukraine," Europe-Asia Studies 56, no. 5 (July 2004): 637-60.
3. Ukrayinska pravda (February 16, 2005).
4. Tor Bukkvoll, "Private Interests, Public Policy: Ukraine and the Common Economic Space Agreement," Problems of Post-Communism 51, no. 5 (September/October 2004): 11-22.
5. Russian and Eurasian Review (April 30, 2003).
6. Keith Darden, "Blackmail as a Tool of State Domination: Ukraine Under Kuchma," East European Constitutional Review 10, nos. 2-3 (spring/ summer 2001): 67-71.
7. Taras Kuzio, "Former Party of Power Divided over Supporting Yanukovych," Eurasia Daily Monitor (July 19, 2004).
8. Leonid Amchuk, BBC Monitoring Service (February 8, 2005).
9. Lucan A. Way, "Pluralism by Default and the Sources of Political Liberalization in Weak States: The Case of the Former Soviet Union" (Temple University, 2004).
10. It seems that the less power is involved, the more developed the public service ethos. Especially in education it is amazing how poorly paid teachers remain committed to their jobs and continue to work hard for salaries not sufficient for survival. Teachers usually survive by private tutoring in their free time or having a better-paid partner.
11. Center for Public Integrity, "Global Integrity Report: Ukraine," April 2004, www.publicintegrity.org.ga/country.aspx?cc= ua&act=ia.
12. As a rule, the state tax office harassed political opponents, often leading to the bankruptcy of their firms.
13. Kyiv Post (November 14, 2002).
14. James Sherr, "Ukraine's Transition to a Stable Democracy" (speech delivered at the Defence Academy of the United Kingdom Conflict Studies Research Centre Conference "Ukraine's Quest for Mature Nation Statehood," September 13, 2004),
15. reprinted in Ukrainian Weekly (October 24, 2004).
16. The following events testify to this: In early 2004, Kuchma failed to get parliament to adopt constitutional reforms. In April 2004, the Mukachevo municipal elections were rigged by public officials with the violent help of skinheads, but one month later the fraudulently elected mayor had to resign after massive protests. In the summer of 2004, Parliamentary Speaker Lytvyn played an important role in preventing parliament from being closed down during the presidential elections, a measure that would help the presidential camp. Moreover, in October 2004, the Supreme Court, whose members hold lifetime appointments, annulled the Central Election Committee's decision to have 400 polling stations in Russia.
17. RFE/RL Newsline (July 30, 2004).
18. In 2001, Yuliya Mostovaya, a journalist, noted a "cleavage of oligarchs versus security ministers." After the dismissal of the minister of defense in April 2001, she concluded, "The president's defence line in terms of security minister is destroyed" (Zerkalo nedeli, April 15, 2001).
19. Human Rights Watch (March 17, 2003);
20. Media Coverage of the Ukrainian Presidential Elections, October 2004;
21. see summary at International Federation of Journalists (www.ifj.org/pdfs/MissionReportFinal216104.pdf).
22. "Under Assault. Ukraine's News Media and the 2004 Presidential Elections," Freedom House Special Report, July 2004, www.freedomhouse .org/research/specreports/ukmedia604.pdf, or www.freedomhouse.org/research/ specreports/ukmedia604UKR.pdf.
23. Center for Public Integrity, "Global Integrity Report: Ukraine."
24. In a survey, only 21.2 percent of respondents said that they were members of a trade union (August 2002, Zerkalo nedeli [October 26, 2002]). This means that the claims of the trade unions are not correct.
25. Zerkalo nedeli (September 5, 2001).
26. Zerkalo Nedeli, Ibid. (October 26, 2002).
27. A man-made famine in the 1930s cost about 7 million lives. World War II added another 8 million victims.
28. Elena A. Korosteleva, "The Quality of Democracy in Belarus and Ukraine," Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics 20, no. 1 (March 2004): 130.
29. Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics, Ibid., p. 131. However, changes in the answers to the following questions suggest a shift toward more liberal attitudes (p. 133). While in 1998, 61 percent entirely or somewhat disagreed with the statement "Those who dislike our way of life must not be given a chance to speak up," in 2003 it was 73 percent. While in 1998, 41 percent entirely or somewhat disagreed with the statement "Foreigners who criticize our government should be expelled from the country," in 2003 it was 50 percent.
30. Eric Rudenshiold and Nathan Van Dusen, International Foundation for Election Systems (speech delivered on "Attitudes and Expectations: Public Opinion in Ukraine 2003," Kennan Institute for Advanced Russian Studies, Washington, DC, May 17, 2004).
31. Interfax (September 26, 2002), survey by the Razumkov Center, Kyiv.
32. Zerkalo nedeli (October 26, 2002).
33. Zerkalo nedeli, 2002, Ibid.
34. Christian Haerpfer, "The Different Evolutionary Paths of Democracy in East and West Ukraine: How Did We Get to 2004?" (paper presented at the Kennan Institute for Advanced Russian Studies, Washington, DC, December 2, 2004).
35. Arthur A. Miller, Thomas F. Klobucar, William M. Reisinger, "Establishing Representation: Mass and Elite Political Attitudes in Ukraine," in Ukraine: The Search for a National Identity, ed. Sharon L. Wolchik and Volodymyr Zviglyanich (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2000), pp. 213-37.
36. Zerkalo nedeli (November 9, 2002).
37. In the World Values Survey of eighty-two countries in 2004, Ukraine was in eightieth place in subjective well-being. Worldwide, only Zimbabwe and Indonesia ranked lower (Agence France-Presse, November 19, 2004).
38. Zerkalo nedeli (August 21, 2004).
39. Zerkalo nedeli, Ibid. (July 22, 2004).
40. Vitali Silitski, "Has the Age of Revolutions Ended?" Transitions Online (January 13, 2005), www.tol.cz/look/TOL/article.tpl? IdLanguage= 1&IdPublication=4&NrIssue=98&NrSection=4&NrArticle= 13298& search=search&SearchKeywords=Vitali+Silitski&SearchMode= on& SearchLevel=0/.
41. Vitali Silitski, "Has the Age of Revolutions Ended?" Transitions Online, 2005, www.tol.cz/look/TOL/article.tpl?IdLanguage= 1&IdPublication=4&NrIssue=98&NrSection=4&NrArticle=13298& search=search&SearchKeywords=Vitali+Silitski&SearchMode=on& SearchLevel=0/, Ibid.
42. Dominique Arel, Ukraine List Newsletter (December 27, 2004).
43. A survey in Zaporizhzhya province (2,000 respondents, age eighteen and older, in the major towns) showed that support for Yanukovych decreased between the second and third rounds of the election with 2.23 percent, while the official results of the elections showed a slight gain for Yanukovych of 0.19 percent. The margin of error of the survey is 3 percent. "Otchet o provedenii demoskopitsjeskovo sociologitsjeskovo issledovananiya na temu "polititsjeskaya aktivnostg elektorata. Predpotsteniya elektorata otnositelno viborov v Verchovnuyu Radu Ukraini v 2006 god" (Account of a sociological survey in political activity of the electorate. Preferences of the electorate with regard to the Ukrainian parliamentary elections in 2006), Gumanitarnii Universitet "ZIGMU," Zaporizhya, February 2005.
44. Paradoxically, Leonid Kuchma wrote a book entitled Ukraina ne Rossiya (Ukraine is not Russia) (Moscow: Vremya, 2004).
45. Zerkalo nedeli (December 30, 2004).
46. Among others, President Aleksandr Kwasniewski of Poland, who headed the international negotiating team during the Orange Revolution, emphasizes this.