Projects do not create institutions: The record of democracy assistance in post-conflict societies

Democratization

Volumn 12, Issue 4, 2005, Pages 481-504

  de Zeeuw, Jeroen ^a  

^a Netherlands Institute of International Relations Clingendael   (Netherlands)

Author keywords

Democracy assistance; Elections; Human rights; Media; Post conflict

Indexed keywords

CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM; DEMOCRACY; ELECTION; HUMAN RIGHTS; POST-WAR;

EID: 26944462739     PISSN: 13510347     EISSN: 1743890X     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/13510340500226036     Document Type: Review

References (116)

1. Funded by the Netherlands Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Democratic Transition project is coordinated by the Conflict Research Unit (CRU) of the Clingendael Institute and executed by national research teams in Cambodia, Ethiopia, Rwanda, Uganda, Mozambique, Sierra Leone, El Salvador and Guatemala. For more information on this project and related publications, see: (http://www.clingendael.nl/cru/project/).
2. Seymour Martin Lipset, 'Some Social Requisites for Democracy: Economic Development and Political Legitimacy', American Political Science Review, Vol.53, No.1 (1959), pp.69-105.
3. For a useful overview of the different studies that have focused on conducive conditions for democracy, see Robert Pinkney, Democracy in the Third World, 2nd ed. (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2003), p.24.
4. Guillermo O'Donnell and Philippe C. Schmitter, Transitions From Authoritarian Rule. Tentative Conclusions About Uncertain Democracies (Baltimore, MD and London: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1986);
5. Adam Przeworski, M.E. Alvarez, J.A. Cheibub and F. Limongi, Democracy and Development: Political Institutions and Well-Being in the World 1950-1990 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000).
6. Thomas Carothers,'The End of the Transition Paradigm', Journal of Democracy, Vol.13, No.1 (2002), p.6.
7. William I. Robinson, Promoting Polyarchy. Globalization, US Intervention, and Hegemony (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996);
8. Mark Peceny, Democracy at the Point of Bayonets (College Park, PA: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 1999).
9. Julie Hearn, Foreign Aid, Democratisation and Civil Society in Africa: A Study of South Africa, Ghana and Uganda, Discussion Paper 368 (Brighton: Institute of Development Studies, 1999);
10. Rita Abrahamsen, Disciplining Democracy: Development Discourse and Good Governance in Africa (London: Zed Books, 2000);
11. Carothers, 'End of the Transition Paradigm' (note 4).
12. Shepard Forman and Stewart Patrick (eds), Good Intentions. Pledges of Aid for Postconflict Recovery (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2000).
13. Marina Ottaway, 'Promoting Democracy After Conflict: The Difficult Choices', International Studies Perspectives, Vol.4, No.3 (2003), pp.314-22.
14. Thomas Carothers, Aiding Democracy Abroad. The Learning Curve (Washington DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 1999);
15. Marina Ottaway, Democracy Challenged. The Rise of Semi-Authoritarianism (Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 2003).
16. The author acknowledges that there are a number of methodological limitations in assessing the impact of international assistance on democratic institution-building in post-conflict societies. These relate mainly to problems of definition, availability of information and, most importantly, attribution. For an overview of the methodological difficulties in impact assessment of democracy assistance, see Gordon Crawford and lain Kearton, Evaluating Democracy and Governance Assistance, Report prepared for the Centre for Development Studies (Leeds: University of Leeds, 2002).
17. The idea for a micro- to macro-level analysis originates from two sources: Imco Brouwer, 'Weak Democracy and Civil Society Promotion: The Cases of Egypt and Palestine', in Marina Ottaway and Thomas Carothers (eds), Funding Virtue. Civil Society Aid and Democracy Promotion (Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 2000), pp.41-4.;
18. and Gordon Crawford, 'Promoting Democracy From Without - Learning From Within (Part II)', Democratization, Vol.10, No.2 (2003), p.5.
19. Dessalegn Rahmato and Meheret Ayenew, Democracy Assistance to Post-Conflict Ethiopia: Building Local Institutions?, CRU Working Paper 27 (The Hague: Clingendael Institute, 2004), pp.9-15.
20. A lot has been written on elections, election administrations and electoral systems per se. However, there is far less systematic material on assistance for elections. For a good overview of both fields, see Benjamin Reilly, International Electoral Assistance. A Review of Donor Activities and Lessons Learned, CRU Working Paper 17 (The Hague: Clingendael Institute, 2004);
21. Krishna Kumar (ed.), Postconflict Elections, Democratization and International Assistance (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1998);
22. Eric Bjornlund, Beyond Free and Fair. Monitoring Elections and Building Democracy (Baltimore, MD: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2004);
23. Benjamin Reilly, 'Elections in Post-conflict Societies', in Edward Newman and Roland Rich (eds), The UN Role in Promoting Democracy: Between Ideals and Reality (Tokyo: United Nations University Press, 2004), pp. 113 - 34;
24. Robin Luwig, 'The UN's Electoral Assistance: Challenges, Accomplishments, Prospects', in Newman and Rich, pp. 169-87.
25. Sorpong Peou, with Samnang Ham, Sisowath Chanto, Bophany Un, Kum Kim and Sovirak Seng, International Assistance for Institution-Building in Post-Conflict Cambodia, CRU Working Paper 26 (Tne Hague: Clingendael Institute, 2004), pp. 11-13.
26. Ibid., p. 13.
27. Jean-Paul Kimonyo, Noël Twagiramungu, Christopher Kayumba, Supporting the Post-Genocide Transition in Rwanda. The Role of the International Community, CRU Working Paper 32 (The Hague: Clingendael Institute, 2004), p.28.
28. Mohamed Gibril Sesay and Charlie Hughes, Go Beyond First Aid. Democracy Assistance and the Challenges of Institution-Building in Post-Conflict Sierra Leone, CRU Working Paper 34 (The Hague: Clingendael Institute, 2004), p.24.
29. For a more comprehensive review of political party assistance, see Krishna Kumar, International Political Party Assistance. An Overview and Analysis, CRU Working Paper 33 (The Hague: Clingendael Institute, 2004) and his article in this issue of Democratization.
30. Stefan Mair, The Role of the German 'Stiftungen' in the Process of Democratisation, ECDPM Working Paper no. 32 (Maastricht: ECDPM, 1997);
31. and Michael Pinto-Duschinsky, 'Foreign Political Aid: the German Political Foundations and their US Counterparts', International Affairs, Vol.67, No.1 (1991), pp.33-63.
32. IMD, Annual Report 2003 (The Hague: Netherlands Institute for Multiparty Democracy (IMD), 2004).
33. Peou et al. (note 13), p. 16.
34. Michael J. Turner, Sue Nelson and Kimberly Mahling-Clark, 'Mozambique's Vote for Democratic Governance', in Kumar, Postconflict Elections (note 12), pp.153-75.
35. Kimonyo, et al. (note 15);
36. Peou et al. (note 13);
37. John-Jean Barya, Samson James Opolot and Peter O. Otim, The Limits of 'No-Party' Politics. The Role of International Assistance in Uganda's Democratization Process, CRU Working Paper 28 (The Hague: Clingendael Institute, 2004).
38. Mohamed M.A. Salih (ed.), African Political Parties. Evolution, Institutionalisation and Governance (London: Pluto Press, 2003).
39. The effectiveness of political party assistance was identified as a major gap of knowledge in a recent seminar on lessons learned in political party assistance. See Steven Schoofs and Jeroen De Zeeuw, Lessons Learned in Political Party Assistance. Seminar Report, 4 November 2004 (The Hague: Clingendael Institute, 2004).
40. Kumar, Postconflict Elections (note 12), pp. 11-12.
41. Peou et al. (note 13);
42. Dessalegn and Meheret (note 11).
43. Peou et al. (note 13)
44. Barya et al. (note 22).
45. , accessed 24 February 2004.
46. Sesay and Hughes (note 16), p. 136.
47. Ibid., p.38.
48. For an overview of the broad scope of international human rights assistance, see William O'Neill, International Human Rights Assistance. A Review of Donor Activities and Lessons Learned, CRU Working Paper 18 (The Hague: Clingendael Institute, 2003).
49. These include (part of) ONUSAL in El Salvador, MINUGUA in Guatemala, COUNHCHR. in Cambodia, the UN Human Rights Field Operation in Rwanda and the human rights wing of UNOMSIL/UNAMSIL in Sierra Leone.
50. Including Ethiopia, Uganda and Mozambique.
51. Dessalegn and Meheret (note 11), pp.39-40.
52. Kimonyo et al. (note 15);
53. Sesay and Hughes (note 16);
54. Peon et al. (note 13);
55. Dinorah Azpuru, Carlos Mendoza, Evelyn Blanck and Ligia Blanco, Democracy Assistance to Post-Conflict Guatemala. Finding a Balance between Details and Determinants, CRU Working Paper 30 (The Hague: Clingendael Institute, 2004).
56. O'Neill (note 31), p.22.
57. These include the Comisi6n de la Verdad in El Salvador, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in Sierra Leone and the Commission of Inquiry into Violations of Human Rights in Uganda.
58. Kimonyo et al. (note 15), p.38.
59. See also the ICTR website: .
60. Sesay and Hughes (note 16), p.68.
61. See also the websites of the Special Court () and the TRC section on Sierra Leone web ().
62. Kimonyo et al. (note 15), p.50.
63. CEH, Guatemala: Memoria del Silencio. Informe de la Comisión para el Esclarecimiento Histörico (CEH) (Ciudad de Guatemala, 1999).
64. Azpuru et al. (note 35), pp.48, p.64.
65. Roberto Rubio-Fabián, Antonio Morales, Tomás Carbonell, Florentín Meléndez and Anne Germain Lefévre, Democratic Transition in Post-Conflict El Salvador. The Role of the International Community, CRU Working Paper 29 (The Hague: Clingendael Institute, 2004), p.36.
66. Dessalegn and Meheret (note 11), pp.41-2;
67. Carlos Serra, Teles Huo, Hé1der Ossemane and João Carlos Colaço, Democratic Transition in Post-Conflict Mozambique. The Role of the International Community, CRU Working Paper (The Hague: Clingendael Institute, forthcoming).
68. Barya et al. (note 22), p.51.
69. Rubio-Fabi-acan et al. (note 43), p.38.
70. Assistance in this field typically includes the procurement of material equipment (including vehicles and computers), training of judges, prosecutors, court administrators and other legal professionals as well as strengthening the management and administrative capacities of judicial institutions. O'Neill (note 31), pp.14-15.
71. Peou et al. (note 13), pp.49-52.
72. O'Neill (note 31), pp.20-21.
73. Kimonyo et al. (note 15), p.39;
74. Barya et al. (note 22), p.51.
75. Jack Spence, Mike Lanchin and Geoff Thale, From Elections to Earthquakes. Reform and Participation in Post-War El Salvador (Cambridge, MA.: Hemisphere Initiatives, 2001), pp. 17-22.
76. Peou et al. (note 13), p.49.
77. Barya et al. (note 22);
78. Azpuru et al. (note 35);
79. Dessalegn and Meheret (note 11);
80. Peou et al. (note 13).
81. Cf. HURINET in Uganda. See: Barya et al. (note 22), p.55.
82. Azpuru et al. (note 35), p. 69.
83. For more on this point, see Dessalegn and Meheret (note 11), pp.41-2 pp.49-52.
84. and Peon et al (note 13) pp.49-52.
85. For a more detailed overview of media assistance, see Ross Howard, International Media Assistance. A Review of Donor Activities and Lessons Learned, CRU Working Paper 19 (The Hague: Clingendael Institute, 2003);
86. Krishna Kumar, Promoting Independent Media Development: Strategies for Democracy Assistance (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2006).
87. Peou et al (note 13), p. 14.
88. UNDP, Equity News. A Breakthrough in Cambodian Election Broadcasting (Phnom Penh: United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), 2003).
89. Sesay and Hughes (note 16), p.35;
90. Peou et al. (note 14), p.92.
91. Peou et al. (note 13), p.73;
92. Dessalegn and Meheret (note 11), p.64.
93. Dessalegn and Meheret (note 11), p.65.
94. Kimonyo et al. (note 15), p.71.
95. In response to the propaganda news of the 1997 Armed Forces Ruling Council (AFRC) regime in Sierra Leone, the Department for International Development (DfID) helped establish Radio Democracy FM 98.1. See Sesay and Hughes (note 16), p.94.
96. Ibid., p.100.
97. Howard (note 57), p.14.
98. Azpuru et al. (note 35), p.88;
99. Barya et al. (note 22), p.69.
100. 'Twinning' of international media training programmes with domestic media training institutions (at universities or privately) has been particularly difficult due to the extremely limited institutional capacities in most post-conflict countries.
101. Peou et al. (note 13), p.75;
102. Azpuru et al. (note 35), p.92;
103. Barya et al. (note 22), p.72.
104. Sesay and Hughes (note 16), p.106.
105. Peou et al. (note 13), pp.83-4;
106. Kimonyo et al. (note 15), pp.77-84.
107. This also applies to Sierra Leone where the government still owns and controls the only TV station in the country. See Sesay and Hughes (note 16), p.106.
108. Peou et al. (note 13);
109. Azpuru et al. (note 35);
110. Sesay and Hughes (note 16);
111. Barya et al. (note 22);
112. Serra et al. (note 45).
113. See specifically the two 'classics' in this field: Carothers, Aiding Democracy Abroad (note 9)
114. and Peter Burnell (ed.), Democracy Assistance. International Co-operation for Democratization (London: Frank Cass, 2000).
115. The overview of lessons in this article reflects a cross-case analysis of the individual country reports of the Democratic Transition project by the Clingendael Institute. However, conclusions may apply more strongly to some cases than others, as the historical-political contexts and the role played by donors were often very different in the selected post-conflict countries.
116. In most post-conflict countries international aid represents a major source of income for the often miniature national budgets. In countries like Uganda and Rwanda, the figure is estimated to be as high as 50 and 60 per cent respectively. However, the potential leverage of international aid resulting from this proportion is rarely used by donor organizations to influence political decisions in a recipient country.