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Volumn 4, Issue 1-2, 2005, Pages 83-106

State, constitutionalism, and the management of ethnicity in Africa

(1)  Osaghae, Eghosa E a  

a NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM; DEMOCRACY; ETHNIC CONFLICT; ETHNIC MINORITY; STATE;

EID: 25844440559     PISSN: 15692094     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1163/1569209054547292     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (5)

References (70)
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    • H.W.O. Okoth-Ogendo, "Constitutions without Constitutionalism: Reflections on an African Political Paradox," in State and Constitutionalism: An African Debate on Democracy, ed. Issa G. Shivji (Harare, Zimbabwe: SAPES Books, 1991), p. 5.
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    • The actions of leaders considered to be authoritarian - Arap Moi of Kenya, Omar Bongo of Gabon, Paul Biya of Cameroon, Andre Kolingba of Congo, Gnassingbe Eyadema of Togo - lend support to this claim
    • Bratton et al., Democratic Experiments in Africa, 162. The actions of leaders considered to be authoritarian - Arap Moi of Kenya, Omar Bongo of Gabon, Paul Biya of Cameroon, Andre Kolingba of Congo, Gnassingbe Eyadema of Togo - lend support to this claim.
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    • note
    • By contrast, unregulated conflicts tend to get out of control (leading in some cases to secession and partition) and are usually met with arbitrariness on the part of the state, often leading to the deployment of repressive, violent, and terrorist strategies.
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    • note
    • These may be constitutional or non-constitutional (policies fall into this category), democratic or non-democratic. Our concern is with democratic and constitutionalized models.
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    • note
    • In saying this, I am fully aware of the increased importance and involvement of local and foreign NGOs and other civil society constituents in the management of ethnic and other conflicts in Africa. While the benefits of this cannot be discounted - it has at least expanded the space for complementary non-state intervention - NGOs and civil society at large cannot take the place of the state.
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    • See State-Building and Democracy. The author points out that as an instrument of affirmative action, the presidential directive has been used to redress the imbalances in the formerly white-controlled public service. By 1983, the number of whites in the senior cadres, the established officers, dropped from 7,202 to 4,495, while the number of blacks rose to 17,693. The overall size of the public service also expanded rapidly, from 40,000 officers at independence to 95,000 in 1984, to enlist more blacks
    • See du Toit, State-Building and Democracy. The author points out that as an instrument of affirmative action, the presidential directive has been used to redress the imbalances in the formerly white-controlled public service. By 1983, the number of whites in the senior cadres, the established officers, dropped from 7,202 to 4,495, while the number of blacks rose to 17,693. The overall size of the public service also expanded rapidly, from 40,000 officers at independence to 95,000 in 1984, to enlist more blacks.
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    • "Constitutions without Constitutionalism"
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    • Okoth-Ogendo1
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    • Even when attempts were made to make the process of constitution-making more participatory - as in the multi-level (village, district, provincial, and regional) consultations that preceded the introduction of the Macpherson Constitution in Nigeria in - the stage still clearly belonged to the regional political elites, who simply organized to mobilize support for party positions along ethno-regional lines
    • Even when attempts were made to make the process of constitution-making more participatory - as in the multi-level (village, district, provincial, and regional) consultations that preceded the introduction of the Macpherson Constitution in Nigeria in 1951 - the stage still clearly belonged to the regional political elites, who simply organized to mobilize support for party positions along ethno-regional lines.
    • (1951)
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    • "State, Conflict, and Democracy"
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    • See (Fribourg, Switzerland: Institute of Federalism,), for a comparative analysis of how federalism and decentralization have served as models of multicultural accommodation in Africa in the era of reforms
    • See Lidija R. Basta and Jibrin Ibrahim, Federalism and Decentralization in Africa: The Multicultural Challenge (Fribourg, Switzerland: Institute of Federalism, 1999), for a comparative analysis of how federalism and decentralization have served as models of multicultural accommodation in Africa in the era of reforms.
    • (1999) Federalism and Decentralization in Africa: The Multicultural Challenge
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