"More corporeal, more concrete": Liberal humanism, eugenics, and German progressives at the last fin de siècle

Journal of Modern History

Volumn 72, Issue 3, 2000, Pages 683-730

  Repp, Kevin ^a  

^a YALE UNIVERSITY   (United States)

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EID: 24944479280     PISSN: 00222801     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1086/316045     Document Type: Article

References (305)

1. Gertrud Bäumer, "Gedanken zur Jugendbewegung II," Hilfe 20, no. 29 (July 1914): 466.
2. On humane individualism and the old liberalism of the early nineteenth century, see Gertrud Bäumer, Die soziale Idee in den Weltanschauungen des 19. Jahrhunderts: Grundzüge der modernen Sozial-Philosophie, 2d ed. (Heilbronn, 1910), pp. 25-34.
3. Bäumer, "Gedanken II," p. 466, original emphasis.
4. For the classic statement of this interpretation, see Fritz Stern, The Politics of Cultural Despair: A Study of the Rise of the Germanic Ideology (Berkeley, 1974).
5. See also Fritz Stern, The Failure of Illiberalism: Essays on the Political Culture of Germany (New York, 1972);
6. George Mosse, The Crisis of the German Ideology: Intellectual Origins of the Third Reich (New York, 1964);
7. Arthur Mitzman, Sociology and Estrangement: Three Sociologists in Imperial Germany (New York, 1962);
8. Shulamit Volkow, The Rise of Popular Anti-Modernism: The Urban Master Artisans 1873-1896 (Princeton, N.J., 1978);
9. Hermann Glaser, The Cultural Roots of National Socialism (London, 1978).
10. Fritz Ringer, The Decline of the German Mandarins: The German Academic Community, 1890-1933 (Cambridge, Mass., 1969);
11. and Konrad Jarausch, Students, Society, and Politics in Imperial Germany: The Rise of Academic Illiberalism (Princeton, N.J., 1982).
12. Daniel Gasman, The Scientific Origins of National Socialism: Social Darwinism in Ernst Haeckel and the Monist League (New York, 1971);
13. Hans-Günther Zmarzlik, "Social Darwinism in Germany, Seen as a Historical Problem," in Republic to Reich: The Making of the Nazi Revolution, ed. Hajo Holborn (New York, 1972), pp. 435-74;
14. Peter Pulzer, The Rise of Political Anti-Semitism in Germany and Austria (New York, 1964), pp. 49-57, 236-43; Mosse, pp. 72-145; Glaser, pp. 139-69;
15. and Hans-Jürgen Puhle, Agrarische Interessenpolitik und preußischer Konservatismus im wilhelminischen Reich (Hannover, 1966), pp. 79-92.
16. Ralf Dahrendorf, Society and Democracy in Germany (New York: Norton, 1967), p. 60.
17. See the section with this title in Detlev Peukert, "Vom 'Nutzen und Nachteil' der Wissenschaft für das Leben," in Max Webers Diagnose der Moderne (Göttingen, 1989), pp. 92-124.
18. For an indication of the sharp contrast between this interpretation and the more traditional views of the previous historiographical consensus, see the recent exchange between two leading proponents: Geoff Eley, "German History and the Contradictions of Modernity: The Bourgeoisie, the State, and the Mastery of Reform," in Society, Culture, and the State in Germany, 1870-1930, ed. Geoff Eley (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1997), pp. 67-103;
19. and Hans-Ulrich Wehler, "A Guide to Future Research on the Kaiserreich? Society, Culture, and the State in Germany, 1870-1930, edited by Geoff Eley," Central European History 29, no. 4 (1996): 541-72.
20. For other indications of the changing views on the modernity of Wilhelmine political culture, see Gangolf Hübinger, Rüdiger vom Bruch, and Friedrich Wilhelm Graf, eds., Kultur und Kulturwissenschaften II: Idealismus und Positivismus (Stuttgart, 1997);
21. George Steinmetz, Regulating the Social: The Welfare State and Local Politics in Imperial Germany (Princeton, N.J., 1993);
22. Ute Frevert, "The Civilizing Tendency of Hygiene: Working-Class Women under Medical Control in Imperial Germany," in German Women in the Nineteenth Century: A Social History, ed. John Fout (New York, 1984), pp. 320-44;
23. Christoph Sachße, Mütterlichkeit als Beruf: Sozialarbeit, Sozialreform und Frauenbewegung, 1871-1929 (Frankfurt am Main, 1986);
24. Dietrich Milles, "Industrial Hygiene: A State Obligation? Industrial Pathology as a Problem in German Social Policy," in State, Social Policy, and Social Change in Germany, 1880-1994, ed. W. R. Lee and Eve Rosenhaft (New York, 1997), pp. 164-202;
25. Allan Mitchell, "Bourgeois Liberalism and Public Health: A Franco-German Comparison," in Bourgeois Society in Nineteenth-Century Europe, ed. Jürgen Kocka and Allan Mitchell (Oxford, 1993), pp. 346-64;
26. Jeffrey Allan Johnson, The Kaiser's Chemists: Science and Modernization in Imperial Germany (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1990);
27. and Alan Beyerchen, "On the Stimulation of Excellence in Wilhelminian Science," in Another Germany: A Reconsideration of the Imperial Era, ed. Jack R. Dukes and Joachim Remak (Boulder, Colo., 1988), pp. 139-68.
28. For recent discussions of the relationship between the modernity of German political culture and the rise of fascism, see "Special Issue: Modernity and the Holocaust," Central European History 30, no. 3 (1997) ;
29. David Crew, "The Ambiguities of Modernity: Welfare and the German State from Wilhelm to Hitler," in Eley, ed., pp. 319-44;
30. Peter Fritzsche, "Did Weimar Fail?" Journal of Modern History 68, no. 3 (September 1996): 629-56;
31. and Young-Sun Hong, "Gender, Citizenship, and the Welfare State: Social Work and the Politics of Femininity in the Weimar Republic," Central European History 30, no. 1 (1997): 1-24.
32. For some examples of this promising trend, see the essays in Hübinger et al., eds.; Kathleen Canning, Languages of Labor and Gender: Female Factory Work in Germany, 1850-1914 (Ithaca, N.Y., 1996);
33. Ann Taylor Allen, Feminism and Motherhood in Germany, 1800-1914 (New Brunswick, N.J., 1991);
34. Celia Applegate, A Nation of Provincials: The German Idea of Heimat (Berkeley, 1990);
35. William Rollins, A Greener Vision of Home: Cultural Politics and Environmental Reform in the German Heimatschutz Movement, 1904-1918 (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1997);
36. Helmut Smith, German Nationalism and Religious Conflict: Culture, Ideology, Politics, 1870-1914 (Princeton, N.J., 1995);
37. Peter Jelavich, Munich and Theatrical Modernism: Politics, Playwriting, and Performance, 1890-1914 (Cambridge, Mass., 1985);
38. and Thomas Nipperdey, Deutsche Geschichte, 1866-1918 (Munich, 1992).
39. A more extended assessment of this trend appears in the introduction to my work on German progressive movements, Reformers, Critics, and the Paths of German Modernity: Anti-Politics and the Search for Alternatives, 1890-1914 (Cambridge, Mass., 2000).
40. The phrase "dark shadows of modernity" appears in Peter Fritzsche's evocative description of Weimar political culture; Fritzsche, "Did Weimar Fail?" p. 632.
41. Bäumer, "Gedanken II," p. 466.
42. Gertrud Bäumer, Lebensweg durch eine Zeitenwende (Tübingen, 1933), pp. 149-50.
43. Gertrud Bäumer, Lebensweg durch eine Zeitenwende Ibid., pp. 127-45. On the relations between Wilhelmine feminism and the younger generation's response to the social question in the 1890s, see Canning, pp. 137-44; Sachße, pp. 105-25;
44. Barbara Greven-Aschoff, Die bürgerliche Frauenbewegung in Deutschland, 1894-1933 (Göttingen, 1981), p. 78;
45. Gertrud Bäumer, "Die Geschichte der Frauenbewegung in Deutschland," in Handbuch der Frauenbewegung, ed. Helene Lange et al. (Berlin, 1901), 1:122-30;
46. and Helene Lange, Lebenserinnerungen (Berlin, 1921), pp. 228-29.
47. Quoted in Hans-Jörg von Berlepsch, "Neuer Kurs" im Kaiserreich? Die Arbeiterpolitik des Freiherrn von Berlepsch 1890 bis 1896 (Bonn, 1987), pp. 28-29.
48. For more on the genesis of the February Decrees and their impact on discussions of the social question, see Hans-Jörg von Berlepsch, "Neuer Kurs" im Kaiserreich? Die Arbeiterpolitik des Freiherrn von Berlepsch 1890 bis 1896 ibid., pp. 16, 31-48;
49. Martin Wenck, Geschichte und Ziele der deutschen Sozialpolitik (Leipzig, 1908), pp. 119-71;
50. Karl Erich Born, Staat und Sozialpolitik seit Bismarcks Sturz (Wiesbaden, 1957), pp. 7-29; and Canning, pp. 137-38.
51. Kenneth Barkin, The Controversy over German Industrialization (Chicago, 1970).
52. Klaus Bergmann, Agrarromantik und Großstadtfeindschaft (Meisenheim, 1970).
53. For an indication of the more optimistic response, see Friedrich Naumann's reminiscence on the impact of the February Decrees shortly after the fall of Berlepsch; Naumann, "Wochenschau," Hilfe 1, no. 7 (February 17, 1895): 1.
54. On national economics, see Wenck, pp. 140-41;
55. Rüdiger vom Bruch, "Bürgerliche Sozialreform im deutschen Kaiserreich," in Weder Kommunismus noch Kapitalismus: Bürgerliche Sozialreform in Deutschland vom Vormärz biz zur Ära Adenauer, ed. Rüdiger vom Bruch et al. (Munich, 1985), pp. 61-179;
56. Albert Müssiggang, Die soziale Frage in der historischen Schule der deutschen Nationalökonomie (Tübingen, 1968);
57. Irmela Gorges, Sozialforschung in Deutschland, 1872-1914: Gesellschaftliche Einflüsse auf Themen- und Methodenwahl des Vereins für Socialpolitik (Frankfurt am Main, 1896);
58. and Dieter Lindenlaub, Richtungskämpfe im Verein für Sozialpolitik (Wiesbaden, 1967).
59. Frederick Gregory, Scientific Materialism in Nineteenth-Century Germany (Boston, 1977);
60. Timothy Lenoir, The Strategy of Life (Chicago, 1982),
61. "Social Interests and the Organic Physics of 1847," in his Instituting Science: The Cultural Production of Scientific Disciplines (Stanford, Calif., 1997), pp. 77-89;
62. Anson Rabinbach, The Human Motor: Energy, Fatigue, and the Origins of Modernity (Berkeley, 1990), pp. 52-83;
63. and Dieter Wittich, ed., Vogt, Moleschott, Büchner: Schriften zum kleinbürgerlichen Materialismus in Deutschland (Berlin, 1971).
64. Gregory, pp. 105-14; Wittich, pp. 1-1i; Ludwig Büchner, Im Dienste der Wahrheit: Ausgewählte Aufsätze aus Natur- und Wissenschaft (Giessen, 1900), p. xvi;
65. and Timothy Lenoir, "Science for the Clinic: Science Policy and the Formation of Carl Ludwig's Institute in Leipzig," in Lenoir, Instituting, pp. 96-126.
66. Byron Boyd, Rudolf Virchow: The Scientist as Citizen (New York, 1991).
67. Paul Weindling, Health, Race, and German Politics between National Unification and Nazism, 1870-1945 (New York, 1989), pp. 157-58.
68. On the founding of the Association for Social Policy and the debates over Manchesterism, see James Sheehan, The Career of Lujo Brentano: A Study of Liberalism and Social Reform in Imperial Germany (Chicago, 1966), pp. 59-72; Gorges, pp. 37-75; and Lindenlaub, pp. 2-5.
69. Weindling, Health, p. 20.
70. Weindling, Health, Ibid., pp. 17-25; Rabinbach, pp. 125-34;
71. Lenoir, "Science for the Clinic," pp. 116-26,
72. "A Magic Bullet: Research for Profit and the Growth of Knowledge in Germany around 1900," in Lenoir, Instituting, pp. 182-201,
73. and "Practical Reason and the Construction of Knowledge: The Lifeworld of Haber-Bosch," in Lenoir, Instituting, pp. 216-35;
74. Alan Beyerchen, "On the Stimulation of Excellence in Wilhelminian Science," in Another Germany, ed. Dukes and Remak (n. 7 above), pp. 152-54;
75. Joan Campbell, Joy in Work, German Work: The National Debate, 1800-1945 (Princeton, N.J., 1989), pp. 73-106.
76. Peter Ruff, Emil du Bois-Reymond (Leipzig, 1981), pp. 72-73;
77. Klaus Köhnke, "Wissenschaft und Politik in den Sozialwissenschaftlichen Studentevereinigungen der 1890er Jahre," in Simmel und die frühen Soziologen: Nähe und Distanz zu Durckheim, Tönnies, und Max Weber, ed. Otthein Rammstedt (Frankfurt am Main, 1988), p. 332.
78. Köhnke, pp. 308-12, 332; Weindling, Health, pp. 221-22;
79. Franz Oppenheimer, Erlebtes, Erstrebtes, Erreichtes: Lebenserinnerungen (Düsseldorf, 1964), pp. 70, 93-103,
80. Die Siedlungsgenossenschaft: Versuch einer positiven Überwindung des Kommunismus durch Lösung des Genossenschaftsproblems und der Agrarfrage (Leipzig, 1896),
81. and Großgrundeigentum und soziale Frage: Versuch einer neuen Grundlegung der Gesellschaftswissenschaft (Berlin, 1898).
82. Köhnke, pp. 312-32; Rüdiger vom Bruch, Wissenschaft, Politik und öffentliche Meinung: Gelehrtenpolitik im wilhelminischen Deutschland, 1890-1914 (Husum, 1980), pp. 170-74.
83. I have traced this process of dissemination extensively in Reformers (n. 8 above), chap. 5, "The Wilhelmine Reform Milieu."
84. On the transition from charity to professional, "scientific" social work, see Jürgen Reyer, Alte Eugenik und Wohlfahrtspflege: Entwertung und Funktionalisierung der Fürsorge vom Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts bis zur Gegenwart (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1991);
85. Jürgen Kroll, Zur Entstehung und Institutionalisierung einer naturwissenschaftlichen und sozialpolitischen Bewegung: Die Entwicklung der Eugenik/Rassenhygiene bis zum Jahre 1933 (Ph.D. diss., Tübingen University, 1983); and Sachße (n. 7 above). See also n. 12 above.
86. Adolf Damaschke, Aufgaben der Gemeindepolitik, 4th rev. ed. (Jena, 1901), p. 160.
87. On the cholera epidemic and its role in transforming social-political discourse in Wilhelmine Germany, see Richard Evans, Death in Hamburg: Society and Politics in the Cholera Years, 1830-1910 (New York, 1987), esp. pp. 346-402, 565.
88. Quoted in Wilhelm Spael, Friedrich Naumanus Verhältnis zu Max Weber (Sankt Augustin, 1985), p. 25.
89. On Weber's role in the shift from Christian to National Social, see Dieter Düding, Der Nationalsoziale Verein, 1896-1903: Der gescheiterte Versuch einer parteipolitischen Synthese von Nationalismus, Sozialismus und Liberalismus (Munich, 1972), pp. 36-39;
90. Wolfgang Mommsen, Max Weber and German Politics, 1890-1920, trans. Michael S. Steinberg (Chicago, 1984), pp. 31-32, 54-55, 69-70;
91. Werner Conze, "Friedrich Naumann: Grundlagen und Ansatz seiner Politik in der nationalsozialen Zeit," in Schicksalswege deutscher Vergangenheit: Beiträge zur geschichtlichen Deutung der letzten hundertfünfzig Jahre, ed. Walther Hubatsch (Düsseldorf, 1950), pp. 357-58;
92. and Marianne Weber, Max Weber: Ein Lebensbild (Tübingen, 1926), pp. 219-52.
93. Quoted in Spael, pp. 55-56.
94. Düding, pp. 58-60; and Marianne Weber, Max Weber, pp. 252-54.
95. Friedrich Naumann, Neudeutsche Wirtschaftspolitik, 3d ed. (Berlin, 1911), pp. 15, 19.
96. Gertrud Bäumer, "Friedrich Naumann," Frau 17, no. 8 (May 1910): 451-53.
97. Gertrud Bäumer, "Neudeutsche Wirtschaftspolitik und Frauenfrage," Frau 14, no. 3 (December 1906): 166,
98. and Lebensweg, pp. 221-22.
99. For more on her relations with Naumann and left liberalism, see Werner Huber, Gertrud Bäumer: Eine politische Biographie (Ph.D. diss., Munich University, 1970), pp. 43-56;
100. Amy Hackett, The Politics of Feminism in Wilhelmine Germany (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1970), pp. 739-44, 794-805;
101. Richard Evans, The Feminist Movement in Germany, 1894-1933 (London, 1976), pp. 188-89;
102. Theodor Heuss, Friedrich Naumann: Der Mann, das Werk, die Zeit, 2d ed. (Stuttgart, 1959), pp. 294-95;
103. Gertrud Bäumer, "Die fortschrittliche Volkspartei und die Frauen," Frau 17, no. 7 (April 1910): 385-89,
104. and "Die Frauen und die Zukunft des Liberalismus," Frau 18, no. 2 (December 1910): 90.
105. Bäumer, "Naumann," pp. 453-54;
106. and Gertrud Bäumer, Die Frau und das geistige Leben (Leipzig, 1911), pp. 305-15.
107. On the goals of the Werkbund and Naumann's role in this organization, see Joan Campbell, The German Werkbund: The Politics of Reform in the Applied Arts (Princeton, N.J., 1978), pp. 9-10, 42-46;
108. and Matthew Jefferies, Politics and Culture in Wilhelmine Germany: The Case of Industrial Architecture (Washington, D.C., 1995), pp. 146-243.
109. Bäumer, "Naumann," p. 453; my emphasis.
110. Lenoir, Strategy (n. 17 above), pp. 206-43.
111. Peter Bowler, The Eclipse of Darwinism: Anti-Darwinian Evolution Theories in the Decades around 1900 (Baltimore, 1983);
112. see also Peter Bowler, The Non-Darwinian Revolution: Reinterpreting a Historical Myth (Baltimore, 1988), pp. 52-90.
113. Henri Bergson, Creative Evolution, trans. Arthur Mitchell (Boston, 1983), pp. 268-71;
114. and Alfred Kelly, The Descent of Darwinism: The Popularization of Darwin in Germany, 1860-1914 (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1981), pp. 37-45.
115. Bölsche's views on evolution were largely inspired by the monistic hylozoism of Ernst Haeckel, who promoted a similarly optimistic view of evolution and depicted man as a microcosm of the cosmos and pinnacle of its development; see Bowler, Non-Darwinian Revolution, pp. 83-90;
116. Niles Holt, "Ernst Haeckel's Monist Religion," Journal of the History of Ideas 32 (1971): 265-80; and Gasman (n. 5 above), pp. 64-69.
117. Köhnke (n. 23 above), p. 312; Max Apel, ed., Darwin im Ringen um Weltanschauung und Lebenswert (Berlin: Buchverlag der Hilfe, 1909).
118. Paul Weindling, Darwinism and Social Darwinism in Imperial Germany: The Contribution of the Cell Biologist Oscar Hertwig (1849-1922) (New York, 1991), pp. 138-52;
119. and Bowler, Non-Darwinian Revolution, p. 113.
120. Bowler's claim that experimental research played little role in German debates over heredity and evolution runs counter to contemporary impressions of the field and overestimates the impact of Hans Driesch's neovitalism on the direction of developmental mechanics; see O. Bütschli, Mechanismus und Vitalismus (Leipzig, 1901);
121. Hans Driesch, Lebenserinnerungen: Aufzeichnungen eines Forschers und Denkers in entscheidender Zeit (Basel, 1951), pp. 58-100;
122. and Bowler, Eclipse, pp. 75-80.
123. On developmental mechanics, see Weindling, Darwinism, pp. 109-35;
124. and Frederick Churchill, "From Machine Theory to Entelechy: Two Studies in Developmental Teleology," Journal of the History of Biology 2 (1969): 165-85.
125. Weismann's students included Fritz Lenz and other future architects of Nazi racial policy; see Weindling, Health (n. 20 above), pp. 92-98, 106-12; and Mosse (n. 3 above), pp. 90-97.
126. Erhard Stölting, "Die anthroposoziologische Schule: Gestalt und Zusammenhänge eines wissenschaftlichen Institutionalisierungsversuchs," in Rassenmythos und Sozialwissenschaft in Deutschland: Ein verdrängtes Kapitel sozialwissenschaftlicher Wirkungsgeschichte, ed. Carsten Klingemann (Opladen, 1987), pp. 137-38;
127. Cornelius Bickel, "Tönnies' Kritik des Sozialdarwinismus: Immunität durch Philosophie: Die Auseinandersetzung mit der Krupp-Preisfrage von 1900," Rassenmythos und Sozialwissenschaft in Deutschland: Ein verdrängtes Kapitel sozialwissenschaftlicher Wirkungsgeschichte, ibid., p. 181;
128. and Weindling, Health, pp. 116-17.
129. Although Mendel's work was rediscovered in 1902, it had little impact on German discussions of heredity before the First World War, and Thomas Hunt Morgan's breakthrough in chromosome theory came only in 1915; Bowler, Non-Darwinian Revolution, pp. 123-29.
130. Werner Sombart, Der Bourgeois: Zur Geistesgeschichte des modernen Wirtschaftsmenschen (Hamburg, 1987), p. 271, n. 246.
131. Werner Sombart, Die deutsche Volkswirtschaft im neunzehnten Jahrhundert und im Anfang des 20. Jahrhunderts, 4th ed. (Berlin, 1921), pp. 139-40.
132. On Sombart's plunge from progressive optimism to cultural despair, see Friedrich Lenger, Werner Sombart, 1863-1941: Eine Biographie (Munich, 1994), pp. 136-218,
133. "Die Abkehr der Gebildeten von der Politik: Werner Sombart und der 'Morgen,'" in Intellektuelle im Deutschen Kaiserreich, ed. Gangolf Hübinger and Wolfgang Mommsen (Frankfurt am Main, 1993), pp. 62-77;
134. Mitzman, Sociology (n. 3 above), pp. 32-34, 218-33,
135. and "Personal Conflict and Ideological Opinions in Sombart and Weber," in Max Weber and His Contemporaries, ed. Wolfgang Mommsen (London, 1987), pp. 99-101.
136. In addition to the Hauptmann brothers, Bölsche, and Wille, Sombart's new circle of acquaintances included the leading racial hygienist Alfred Ploetz; Ploetz to Sombart, January 19 and February 6, 1898, Nachlaß Sombart 45; Carl Hauptmann, Leben mit Freunden: Gesammelte Briefe (Berlin, 1928), pp. 136-37, 141, 146;
137. and Lenger, Somhart, pp. 163-86.
138. For Sombart's attacks on "milieu fanatics," see Sombart, Der Bourgeois, pp. 204, 370-71,
139. and Die Juden und das Wirtschaftsleben (Leipzig, 1911), p. 388.
140. On Ploetz's relations with the Naturalists, see Weindling, Health, pp. 61-76;
141. and Peter Becker, Zur Geschichte der Rassenhygiene: Wege ins Dritte Reich (New York, 1988), pp. 61, 91-95.
142. Becker, pp. 62, 91-95. See also Alfred Ploetz, "Der Konflikt zwischen Individualhygiene und Rassentheorie," in Der Darwinismus: Die Geschichte einer Theorie, ed. Günther Altner (Darmstadt, 1981), p. 123.
143. Gerhart Hauptmann, Vor Sonnenaufgang: Soziales Drama (Frankfurt am Main, 1982), pp. 11, 19, 41, 82, 87-88, 95. See also Becker, pp. 98-99.
144. See Katharina Günther, Literarische Gruppenbildung im Berliner Naturalismus (Bonn, 1972);
145. Stanley Pierson, Marxist Intellectuals and the Working Class Mentality in Germany, 1877-1912 (Cambridge, Mass., 1993), pp. 19-25, 108-10, 151-56;
146. Adolf Damaschke, Aus meinem Leben (Berlin, 1928), pp. 215-25;
147. Oppenheimer, Erlebtes (n. 24 above), pp. 107-29, 154-55;
148. and Weindling, Health, pp. 102-6.
149. Bölsche is quoted in Weindling, Health, p. 89.
150. See also his frequent articles in the Naturalists' journal, Die Freie Bühne (later renamed Die Neue Rundschau), e.g., "Moderne Medizin" and "Lombroso" (1890),
151. "Der Jugenduntericht und die Tatsachen der Embryologie" (1891),
152. "Die Humanität im Kampf mit dem Fortschritt" (1896),
153. "Bazillus-Gedanken" (1898),
154. and "Neue Kämpfe um Darwin" (1902).
155. On the "life reform" network, see Wolfgang Krabbe, Gesellschaftsveränderung durch Lebensreform: Strukturmerkmale einer sozialreformerischen Bewegung im Deutschland der Industrialisierungsperiode (Göttingen, 1974);
156. Franz Walther, Viola Denecke, and Cornelia Regin, Sozialistische Gesundheits- und Lebensreformverbände (Bonn, 1991);
157. Martin Kleinlosen and Jürgen Milchert, Berliner Kleingärten (Berlin, 1989);
158. Hans Kampffmeyer, Die Gartenstadtbewegung (Leipzig, 1909);
159. "Vor zehn Jahren," Gartenstadt 6, no. 9 (September 1912): 160-62;
160. and Kristiana Hartmann, Deutsche Gartenstadtbewegung: Kulturpolitik und Gesellschafts reform (Munich, 1976).
161. Eduard David, "Darwinismus und soziale Entwicklung," in Apel, ed. (n. 41 above), p. 57.
162. Driesch, Lebenserinnerungen, pp. 30-110;
163. and Hans Driesch, The Science and Philosophy of the Organism (London, 1908), 1:55-66.
164. For more on Driesch, see Anne Harrington, Reenchanted Science: Holism in German Culture from Wilhelm II to Hitler (Princeton, N.J., 1996);
165. and Aloys Wenzel et al., eds., Hans Driesch: Persönlichkeit und Bedeutung für Biologie und Philosophie von Heute (Basel, 1951).
166. Bütschli (n. 43 above), p. 75.
167. Ibid.
168. Kurt Gebauer, "Ist der Staat ein Organismus?" Hilfe 19, no. 4 (January 1913): 54-56.
169. Weindling, Health (n. 20 above), pp. 141-54. The founding members of the society are listed in Nachlaß Sombart 18b, archival pagination, pp. 7-9.
170. Weindling, Health, pp. 221.
171. Weindling, Health, Ibid., pp. 211-26.
172. Robert Sommer, quoted in Karl-Siegbert Rehberg, "Das Bild des Judentums in der frühen deutschen Soziologie: 'Fremdheit' und 'Rationalität' als Typusmerkmale bei Werner Sombart, Max Weber und Georg Simmel," in Klingemann, ed. (n. 45 above), p. 107.
173. "Einladung zum Beitritt zur Deutschen Gesellschaft für Soziologie," Nachlaß Sombart 18b.
174. The details of Ploetz's invitation are described in a letter, Tönnies to Hermann Beck, October 27,1909, Nachlaß Sombart 18b. Ploetz is quoted in Bickel (n. 45 above), p. 83.
175. Peukert (n. 7 above), pp. 96-98; and Rehberg, p. 108. On Weber's worker-utility studies, see Sabine Frommer, "Naturalismus und Naturalismuskritik: Emil Kraepelins Arbeiterpsychologie und ihre Rezeption durch Max Weber," in Hübinger et al., eds. (n. 7 above), pp. 190-91, 197-204.
176. Bickel, pp. 83, 185-95; and Weindling, Health, pp. 121-22.
177. Becker (n. 50 above), p. 76.
178. "Rudolf Goldscheid," Neue Deutsche Biographie.
179. Rudolf Goldscheid, Höherentwicklung und Menschenökonomie: Grundlegung der Sozialbiologie (Leipzig, 1911), pp. 225-352, 447-51; original emphasis.
180. Rudolf Goldscheid, Höherentwicklung und Menschenökonomie: Grundlegung der Sozialbiologie Ibid., pp. 447-51.
181. Rudolf Goldscheid, Höherentwicklung und Menschenökonomie: Grundlegung der Sozialbiologie Ibid., pp. 453-57.
182. Rudolf Goldscheid, Höherentwicklung und Menschenökonomie: Grundlegung der Sozialbiologie Ibid., pp. 447-51.
183. Rudolf Goldscheid, Höherentwicklung und Menschenökonomie: Grundlegung der Sozialbiologie Ibid., p. xx. Peukert, pp. 108-9.
184. Goldscheid, pp. xvii-xviii, xxvi.
185. See, e.g., Seth Koven and Sonya Michel, eds., Mothers of a New World: Maternalist Politics and the Origins of Welfare States (New York, 1993);
186. and Elinor Accompo et al., Gender and the Politics of Social Reform in France, 1870-1914 (Baltimore, 1995).
187. Evans (n. 35 above), pp. xx, 1, 9, 150-69; Greven-Aschoff (n. 12 above), pp. 41, 93, 105-15, 267; and Claudia Koonz, Mothers in the Fatherland: Women, Family, and Nazi Politics (New York, 1987), p. 31.
188. Allen (n. 8 above), p. 11, see also pp. 7-8, 230-39.
189. Canning (n. 8 above), pp. 190, 212-14.
190. Bäumer, Lebensweg (n. 11 above), p. 159.
191. For a brief overview of Lange's career, see Ute Gerhard, Unerhört: Die Geschichte der deutschen Frauenbewegung (Hamburg, 1990), pp. 146-47.
192. Helene Lange, "Intellektuelle Grenzlinien zwischen Mann und Frau," Frau 4, no. 6 (March 1897): 321-24;
193. Wilhelm Bölsche, "Naturwissenschaft und Mädchenerziehung," Frau 1, no. 2 (November 1893): 73-79,
194. "Die Studentin und der ideale Geist unserer Universitäten," Frau 1, no. 10 (July 1894): 647-52,
195. "Neue Entdeckungen zur Urgeschichte der Frau," Frau 2, no. 1 (October 1894): 11;
196. and Ludwig Büchner, "Das Gehirn der Frau," Frau 1, no. 5 (February 1894): 308.
197. For more on Büchner's socialist Darwinism and support of feminism, see Ludwig Büchner, Darwinismus und Sozialismus, oder Der Kampf um das Dasein und die moderne Gesellschaft (Stuttgart, 1906),
198. Die Macht der Vererbung und ihr Einfluß auf den moralischen und geistigen Fortschritt der Menschheit (Leipzig, 1882),
199. and "Die Frauenfrage," in Am Sterbelage des Jahrhunderts: Blicke eines freien Denkers aus der Zeit in die Zeit (Giessen, 1898), pp. 305-40.
200. Helene Lange, "Was wir wollen," Frau 1, no. 1 (October 1893): 2. On the "new direction," see n. 12 above.
201. Bäumer, Lebensweg, pp. 159-69; and Huber (n. 35 above), pp. 12-15.
202. Greven-Aschoff, pp. 41-43, 94-96; and Evans, pp. 88-95.
203. Greven-Aschoff, pp. 106-7.
204. On the role of the New Morals and radical individualism in the conflicts between radicals and moderates, see Evans, pp. 117-36; Greven-Aschoff, pp. 94-105; and Gerhard, pp. 265-73.
205. While Hanna Bieber-Böhm's demand for an open discussion of prostitution became a rallying call for radicals such as Minna Cauer, Marie Stritt, Anita Augspurg, Jeanette Schwerin, Elisabeth Mießler, and Lily Gizycki (later Lily Braun), differences soon surfaced within the so-called left wing when Bieber-Böhm went beyond proposals for the abolition of state-regulated abortion to demand legal measures requiring doctors to report suspected prostitutes to the police authorities and the "forced induction and education of prostitutes" by the state. To many members of the newly formed left wing such measures seemed not only to perpetuate the double standard but also to represent a dangerous invasion of privacy and violation of individual freedom. The majority of the radicals therefore rejected Bieber-Böhm's approach and concentrated their efforts against prostitution in organizations outside the BDF, such as the Alliance of Progressive Women's Associations (Verein fortschrittlicher Frauenvereine) and the International Abolitionist Federation; Gerhard, pp. 235-45.
206. Theresa Wobbe, Gleichheit und Differenz: Politische Strategien von Frauenrechtlerinnen um die Jahrhundertwende (New York, 1989), pp. 93-137.
207. Weindling, Health (n. 20 above), pp. 102-6.
208. Steven Aschheim, The Nietzsche Legacy in Germany, 1890-1990 (Berkeley, 1992), p. 89; and Evans (n. 35 above), pp. 117-20.
209. Wobbe, pp. 102-5.
210. Gertrud Bäumer, "Mutterschutz und Mutterschaftsversicherung," Frau 16, no. 4 (January 1909): 198.
211. Bäumer, "Naumann" (n. 34 above), p. 452.
212. Gertrud Bäumer, "Die politische und nationale Bildung der Frauen," Neue Bahnen 42, no. 12 (June 1907): 91.
213. Bäumer, Lebensweg (n. 11 above), pp. 178-79;
214. Gertrud Bäumer, "Prinzipienfragen des Mutterschutzes," Neue Bahnen 44, no. 13 (July 1909): 99-101;
215. Bäumer, "Mutterschutz," pp. 199-203;
216. Gertrud Bäumer, "Das erste Jahr der sozialen Frauenschule zu Berlin," Neue Bahnen 44, no. 16 (August 1909): 121-22.
217. Bäumer also took Salomon's school as a model when she founded her own pedagogical institute in Hamburg with the help of the South German progressive feminist Marie Baum during the First World War; see Gertrud Bäumer, "Die Ziele der sozialen Frauenschule und des sozialpädagogischen Instituts in Hamburg," Frau 24, no. 6 (March 1917): 338-46. For more on Salomon and the professionalization of social work in Wilhelmine feminism, see Sachße (n. 7 above), pp. 142-43; and Allen (n. 8 above), pp. 212-15.
218. Bäumer, Die soziale Idee (n. 1 above), p. 296.
219. Gertrud Bäumer, "Der moderne Individualismus und die Erziehung," Frau 9, no. 6 (March 1902): 323,
220. and "Die psychischen Probleme der Gegenwart und die Frauenbewegung," Frau 7, no. 7 (April 1900): 389-93. See also Wobbe, pp. 115-22.
221. Bäumer, "Die psychischen Probleme," pp. 389-90.
222. 7. For an overview of the debate, see Allen, pp. 190-96; and Evans, pp. 134-36.
223. 8.
224. Ibid. See esp. Camilla Jellinek's opening defense of the proposal, in which the issue of "Freiheit der Persönlichkeit" is raised only briefly and late in a speech focusing on questions of racial hygiene and demographic policy. See also Allen, pp. 193-97.
225. 8; see also Evans, pp. 159-67.
226. 8.
227. Ibid.; Bäumer, "Frauenbewegung und Familie" pts. 1, 2, Neue Bahnen 44, no. 1 (January 1, 1909): 2-5;
228. Bäumer, Neue Bahnen no. 2 (January 15, 1909): 10-12.
229. The book in question was Marianne Weber's Wife and Mother in the Development of the Law (Tübingen: Mohr, 1907); see letters, Bäumer to Marianne Weber, June 17 and July 8, 1908, Nachlaß Marianne Weber. See also Greven-Aschoff (n. 12 above), pp. 62-69.
230. 1-2. See also Evans (n. 35 above), pp. 131, 150; and Greven-Aschoff, pp. 106, 235, n. 113.
231. 2; and Bäumer to Marianne Weber, May 27, 1910, Nachlaß Marianne Weber 1.
232. Gertrud Bäumer, "Wo steht die Jugend?" Hilfe 19, no. 13 (March 27, 1913): 199-200.
233. Bäumer, "Gedanken II" (n. 1 above), p. 466; original emphasis.
234. Gertrud Bäumer, "Gedanken zur Jugendbewegung I," Hilfe 20, no. 28 (July 1914): 449; original emphasis.
235. Gertrud Bäumer, "Freideutsche Jugend," Frau 21, no. 7 (April 1914): 386.
236. Bäumer, "Gedanken II," p. 466.
237. Bäumer, Lebensweg (n. 11 above), p. 224.
238. Gertrud Bäumer, "Die Frauenbewegung und die Zukunft unserer Kultur," Frau 16, no. 9 (June 1909): 514-16.
239. Bäumer, Die soziale Idee (n. 1 above), p. 6;
240. see also Bäumer, Die Frau und das geistige Leben (n. 36 above), pp. 257-58.
241. Bäumer, "Die Frauenbewegung und die Zukunft," p. 514.
242. Bäumer, "Moderne Lebensprogramme II," Frau 8 (1900-1901): 111.
243. On the antithesis between Zivilisation and Kultur in Wilhelmine cultural criticism, see Norbert Elias, The Civilizing Process, vol. 1, The History of Manners (New York, 1978), pp. 1-34;
244. Stern, "The Political Consequences of the 'Unpolitical German,'" in Stern, Failure,
245. and Politics of Cultural Despair (n. 3 above), p. 196; Mosse (n. 3 above), pp. 68-69; and Ringer (n. 4 above), pp. 88-126.
246. Bäumer, Die Frau und das geistige Leben, p. 295; original emphasis.
247. Bäumer, "Die Frauenbewegung und die Zukunft," pp. 520-23.
248. Bäumer, Die Frau und das geistige Leben, pp. 87-88.
249. Gertrud Bäumer, "Emanzipation und Emanzipation," Frau 21, no. 5 (February 1914): 286.
250. Emile Jaques-Dalcroze, "Die hygienische Bedeutung der rhythmischen Gymnastik," Gartenstadt 5, no. 11 (November 1911): 154-55.
251. 1.
252. Letter, Tönnies to the German Society for Sociology Executive Committee, November 5, 1911, "Einladung zum 2. Soziologentag," Nachlaß Sombart 18b.
253. Rehberg (n. 63 above), pp. 108-9.
254. Max Weber to Hermann Beck, October 22, 1912, Nachlaß Sombart 18b. Written the day the congress ended, the letter reads: "I will no longer attend Sociologists' Congresses. It is clear that guarantees for maintaining the limits of discussion defined by the statutes are not to be had, and I would thus constantly arouse the same agitation as this time again and again." Weber resigned from the society itself just before the hygienists founded the Social Biological Section; Weber to Beck, January 17, 1914, Nachlaß Sombart 18b.
255. Tönnies to German Society for Sociology Executive Committee, March 3, 1914, Nachlaß Sombart 18b.
256. Alfred Grotjahn to Beck, March 8, 1914, Nachlaß Sombart 18b; protocol of the Social Biology Section's first meeting. See also Bickel (n. 45 above), p. 183.
257. Peukert (n. 7 above), p. 111.
258. Ibid., pp. 95-100, 108-9.
259. Bäumer, "Die Frauenbewegung und die Zukunft," pp. 515-16.
260. Gertrud Bäumer, "Heimatchronik," Hilfe 20, no. 44 (November 1915): 702,
261. Weit hinter den Schützengräben: Aufsätze aus dem Weltkrieg (Jena, 1916), pp. 188-89.
262. Bäumer, Schützengräben, p. 196.
263. 4.
264. Werner Sombart, "Ideale der Sozialpolitik," Archiv für soziale Gesetzgebung und Statistik 10, no. 1 (1897): 1-8,
265. "Zur Kritik des ökonomischen Systems von Karl Marx," Archiv für soziale Gesetzgebung und Statistik 7, no. 4 (1894): 557-92,
266. Sozialismus und soziale Bewegung im 19. Jahrhundert (Frankfurt am Main, 1966), pp. 15-27,
267. Dennoch! Theorie und Geschichte der gewerkschaftlichen Arbeiterbewegung (Jena, 1900),
268. and Der moderne Kapitalismus (Leipzig, 1902), 1:xiv-xviii, 72.
269. For Sombart's influence on Naumann and Weber, see Heuss (n. 35 above), p. 190; Lenger, Sombart (n. 48 above), pp. 130-34;
270. and Michael Appel, Werner Sombart: Theoretiker und Historiker des modernen Kapitalismus (Marburg, 1992), pp. 14, 121-24.
271. Sombart, Der moderne Kapitalismus, 1:72.
272. Sombart, Die deutsche Volkswirtschaft (n. 48 above), pp. 101-21;
273. Werner Sombart, Die Juden und das Wirtschaftsleben (Leipzig, 1911),
274. Die Zukunft der Juden (Leipzig, 1912);
275. Sombart, Der Bourgeois (n. 47 above), pp. 195-214;
276. Lenger, Sombart, pp. 187-218.
277. Mitzman, "Personal Conflict" (n. 48 above), p. 100;
278. and Appel, "Personal Conflict" (pp. 15, 41-47, 50-64; 266-69.
279. The appellation "pseudothinker" appears in a polemical review of Sombart's Modem Capitalism by Hans Delbrück, the prestigious editor of the Prussian Yearbooks, who successfully torpedoed Sombart's hopes for an appointment at the University of Berlin until 1917; quoted in Lenger, Sombart, pp. 126-27.
280. Sombart, Der Bourgeois, pp. 370-71, n. 246.
281. Sombart, Juden und Wirtschaftsleben, pp. xi-xiv.
282. Sombart apparently found the attempt to find an alternative vocabulary unsatisfying, since the following year he resigned himself "to make use of this expression, which has been discredited to some degree, but cannot be replaced by any other"; Sombart, Zukunft, p. 47.
283. Sombart, Zukunft, pp. 13-27, 42-45, 48-50, 52.
284. Quoted in Jeffrey Herf, Reactionary Modernism: Technology, Culture, and Politics in Weimar and the Third Reich (New York, 1984), pp. 135-36.
285. Sombart, Zukunft, p. 89.
286. Sombart, Zukunft, Ibid., pp. 76-77, 91.
287. Werner Sombart, "Wien," Morgen 1, no. 6 (June 1907): 172, 174.
288. Werner Sombart, Händler und Helden (Munich, 1915), pp. 76, 124;
289. and Lenger, Sombart (n. 48 above), pp. 292-96.
290. Herf, p. 150.
291. Werner Sombart, Deutscher Sozialismus (Berlin, 1934), pp. 188, 199.
292. Werner Sombart, Deutscher Sozialismus Ibid., pp. 194-95. While Herf finds evidence of Sombart's implicit "belief in biologically based racism," in his argument that the "Jewish spirit" was itself not Jewish, it seems important to note that the economist used it as the point of departure for an extended diatribe against Nazi racial policies that explicitly refutes the validity of such views; Herf, p. 149.
293. Sombart, Deutscher Sozialismus, p. 197.
294. Sombart, Deutscher Sozialismus, Ibid., p. 199.
295. On Sombart's interest in Dostoevsky, see Lenger, Sombart, p. 296.
296. Werner Sombart, Vom Menschen: Versuch einer geisteswissenchaftlichen Anthropologie, 2d ed. (Berlin, 1956), p. 21.
297. Werner Sombart, Vom Menschen: Versuch einer geisteswissenchaftlichen Anthropologie, 2d ed. Ibid., pp. 26, 416-18.
298. Werner Sombart, Vom Menschen: Versuch einer geisteswissenchaftlichen Anthropologie, 2d ed. Ibid., pp. 414-15, 430.
299. Werner Sombart, Vom Menschen: Versuch einer geisteswissenchaftlichen Anthropologie, 2d ed. Ibid., p. 431.
300. 3; Dieter Fricke et al., eds., Lexikon zur Parteiengeschichte (Cologne, 1986), 4:375-78;
301. Gertrud Bäumer, Grundlagen demokratischer Politik (Karlsruhe, 1928), p. 76;
302. and Huber, Grundlagen demokratischer Politik (p. 384.
303. After calling for a "front of women" to defend against the rise of fascism in the last days of the Republic, she reviled the "inflammatory character" of Adolf Stöcker's "fierce antisemitism" in her 1933 memoirs; Bäumer, "Die Front der Frauen," Frau 39, no. 10 (July 1932): 594;
304. and Bäumer, Lebensweg (n. 11 above), p. 124. Immediately after the Nazi seizure of power, Bäumer was dismissed from her post in the Ministry of the Interior, a decision she greeted with relief, since it relieved her from the responsibility of carrying out National Socialist racial policies; Bäumer to Werner Schede, n.d., Nachlaß Bäumer 22.
305. Sombart, Vom Menschen, p. 416.