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Volumn 14, Issue 2, 1998, Pages 173-191

Of tribes, hunters and barbarians: Forest dwellers in the Mauryan period

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EID: 2442674760     PISSN: 02576430     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1177/025764309801400202     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (18)

References (95)
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    • Bombay, Chap. 4, reviews the problem of the date at length and concludes to assign it to the Mauryan period. He considers that it is important (p. 10) to note that the text marks a culmination of a long period of speculation on the matter which forms the subject of the śāstra
    • R.P. Kangle, The Arthaśāstra, Pt. III, Bombay, 1965, Chap. 4, pp. 59ff. reviews the problem of the date at length and concludes to assign it to the Mauryan period. He considers that it is important (p. 10) to note that the text marks a culmination of a long period of speculation on the matter which forms the subject of the śāstra;.
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    • is typical of the view that proposes the work to be a product of C. A.D. 300 chiefly because the accounts of the Mauryan state given by Megasthenes in his Indica, and by Kauṭilya in the Arthaśāstra do not coincide;, Bombay, rpt
    • is typical of the view that proposes the work to be a product of C. A.D. 300 chiefly because the accounts of the Mauryan state given by Megasthenes in his Indica, and by Kauṭilya in the Arthaśāstra do not coincide; D.D. Kosambi, An Introduction to the Study of Indian History, Bombay, 1975 rpt, pp. 210–12.
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    • disagrees with Keith's views first by showing that accounts of Megasthenes and Kautilya do tally, and, second, by detailing reasons why society depicted in the Arthaśāstra could not exist in the India of C. A.D. 300. More recently, based on the researches done on a statistical analysis of terms used in this text, Leiden, concludes that there is no unity of authorship in the text and therefore, there are as many dates as authors of the text. However, a provisional date for it is suggested on, as C. A.D. 250. Based on these insights it is possible to conclude as Romila Thapar had done (Aśoka and the Decline of the Mauryas, Delhi, 1961, Appendix), that some portions of the text may be considered later additions
    • disagrees with Keith's views first by showing that accounts of Megasthenes and Kautilya do tally, and, second, by detailing reasons why society depicted in the Arthaśāstra could not exist in the India of C. A.D. 300. More recently, based on the researches done on a statistical analysis of terms used in this text, T.R. Trautmann, Kauṭilya and the Arthaśāstra, Leiden, 1971, p. 174, concludes that there is no unity of authorship in the text and therefore, there are as many dates as authors of the text. However, a provisional date for it is suggested on pp. 176–87 as C. A.D. 250. Based on these insights it is possible to conclude as Romila Thapar had done (Aśoka and the Decline of the Mauryas, Delhi, 1961, Appendix), that some portions of the text may be considered later additions.
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    • The content of the second Aramaic inscription from Laghman found engraved on a rock called Sam Baba is almost similar—see B.N. Mukherjee, ‘Two Aramaic Edicts of Priyadarsi (Aśoka) from Laghman’, in Studies in the Aramaic Edicts of Aśoka, text lines 1–5, p. 14.
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    • Rock Edict I tells us that earlier hundred thousands of lives were slaughtered but now “only three lives” were killed for use in the royal kitchens; cf. Mukherjee, ‘Two Aramaic Edicts’, 1984, p. 15.
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    • Sibesh Bhattacharya, ‘Pluralism and Visible Path (Pratyaksha Marga) and Early Indian Idea of Polity’, Presidential Address, Section I, Indian History Congress, Session 54, Mysore University, 1993, Reprint, p. 4 7 14–16.
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