Friendship under strain or fundamental alienation? Germany-US relations after the Iraq war

International Journal

Volumn 59, Issue 1, 2003, Pages 127-143

  Kaim, Markus ^a  

^a FRIEDRICH SCHILLER UNIVERSITY JENA   (Germany)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 2442626620     PISSN: 00207020     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.2307/40203906     Document Type: Review

References (34)

1. See Nikolaus Busse, "Die Entfremdung vom wichtigsten Verbündeten: Rot-Grün und Amerika," in Hanns W. Maull, Sebastian Harnisch, Constantin Grund (eds.), Deutschland im Abseits? Rot-grüne Außenpolitik 1998-2003 (Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2003), 121-31.
2. For the phenomenon of "Americanization" of Germany after the Second World War, see Walter Reese-Schäfer, "Das Paradigma der Amerikanisierung und die politische Kultur der Bundesrepublik," in Ulrich Willems (ed.), Demokratie und Politik in der Bundesrepublik 1949-1999 (Opladen: Leske und Budrich, 2001), 63-83; Axel Schildt, "Vom politischen Programm zur Populärkultur: Amerikanisierung in Westdeutschland," in Detlef Junker (ed.), Die USA und Deutschland im Zeitalter des Kalten Krieges 1945-1990, Vol. 1 (Stuttgart: Dt. Verl.-Anst., 2000), 955-65; and Anselm Doering-Manteuffel, Wie westlich sind die Deutschen? Amerikanisierung und Westernisierung im 20. Jahrhundert (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, 1999).
3. For the phenomenon of "Americanization" of Germany after the Second World War, see Walter Reese-Schäfer, "Das Paradigma der Amerikanisierung und die politische Kultur der Bundesrepublik," in Ulrich Willems (ed.), Demokratie und Politik in der Bundesrepublik 1949-1999 (Opladen: Leske und Budrich, 2001), 63-83; Axel Schildt, "Vom politischen Programm zur Populärkultur: Amerikanisierung in Westdeutschland," in Detlef Junker (ed.), Die USA und Deutschland im Zeitalter des Kalten Krieges 1945-1990, Vol. 1 (Stuttgart: Dt. Verl.-Anst., 2000), 955-65; and Anselm Doering-Manteuffel, Wie westlich sind die Deutschen? Amerikanisierung und Westernisierung im 20. Jahrhundert (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, 1999).
4. For the phenomenon of "Americanization" of Germany after the Second World War, see Walter Reese-Schäfer, "Das Paradigma der Amerikanisierung und die politische Kultur der Bundesrepublik," in Ulrich Willems (ed.), Demokratie und Politik in der Bundesrepublik 1949-1999 (Opladen: Leske und Budrich, 2001), 63-83; Axel Schildt, "Vom politischen Programm zur Populärkultur: Amerikanisierung in Westdeutschland," in Detlef Junker (ed.), Die USA und Deutschland im Zeitalter des Kalten Krieges 1945-1990, Vol. 1 (Stuttgart: Dt. Verl.-Anst., 2000), 955-65; and Anselm Doering-Manteuffel, Wie westlich sind die Deutschen? Amerikanisierung und Westernisierung im 20. Jahrhundert (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, 1999).
5. Adrian Hyde-Price, "Germany and the Kosovo war: Still a civilian power?" in Douglas Webber (ed.), New Europe, New Germany, Old Foreign Policy? (London/Portland: Frank Cass, 2001), 19-34; Hanns W. Maull, "Germany's foreign policy, post-Kosovo: still a 'civilian power'?" in Sebastian Harnisch, Hanns W. Maull (eds.), Germany as a Civilian Power? The Foreign Policy of the Berlin Republic (Manchester/New York: Manchester University Press, 2001), 106-27.
6. Adrian Hyde-Price, "Germany and the Kosovo war: Still a civilian power?" in Douglas Webber (ed.), New Europe, New Germany, Old Foreign Policy? (London/Portland: Frank Cass, 2001), 19-34; Hanns W. Maull, "Germany's foreign policy, post-Kosovo: still a 'civilian power'?" in Sebastian Harnisch, Hanns W. Maull (eds.), Germany as a Civilian Power? The Foreign Policy of the Berlin Republic (Manchester/New York: Manchester University Press, 2001), 106-27.
7. Minister of Defense Rudolf Scharping explicitly stated that the Kosovo war was necessary to avoid another Holocaust. He reiterated several statements of Green politicians from the mid-1990s, who had put the killings in Srebenica on a level with the cruelties of the Nazi regime.
8. Hyde-Price, "Germany and the Kosovo war"; Maull, "Germany's foreign policy, post-Kosovo."
9. Hyde-Price, "Germany and the Kosovo war"; Maull, "Germany's foreign policy, post-Kosovo."
10. See, for example, Karl Kaiser, German Perspectives on the New Strategic Landscape after September 11 (Washington, DC: American Institute for Contemporary German Studies, 2002), http://www.aicgs.org/publications/PDF/kaiser.pdf.
11. Helga Haftendorn, One Year after 9/11: A Critical Appraisal of German-American Relations (Washington, DC: American Institute for Contemporary German Studies; Thyssen German American Dialogue Seminar Series, 2002), http://www.aicgs.org/publications/PDF/haftendorn.pdf, 4.
12. Peter J. Katzenstein, Sonderbare Sonderwege: Germany and 9/11 (Washington, DC: American Institute for Contemporary German Studies; Thyssen German American Dialogue Seminar Series, 2002), www.aicgs.org/publications/PDF/ katzenstein.pdf, 1.
13. Daniel S. Hamilton, German-American Relations and the Campaign Against Terrorism (Washington, DC: American Institute for Contemporary German Studies, 2002), http://www.aicgs.org/publications/PDF/hamilton.pdf.
14. For the analytical concept of Germany as a "civilian power" see Hanns W. Maull, "Zivilmacht Bundesrepublik Deutschland," Europa-Archiv 47 (10) (1992): 269-78; Hanns W. Maull, "Zivilmacht: Die Konzeption und ihre sicherheitspolitische Relevanz," in Wolfgang Heydrich, Joachim Krause, Uwe Nerlich, Jürgen Nötzold, Reinhardt Rummel (eds.), Sicherheitspolitik Deutschlands (Baden-Baden: Nomos, 1992), 771-86.
15. For the analytical concept of Germany as a "civilian power" see Hanns W. Maull, "Zivilmacht Bundesrepublik Deutschland," Europa-Archiv 47 (10) (1992): 269-78; Hanns W. Maull, "Zivilmacht: Die Konzeption und ihre sicherheitspolitische Relevanz," in Wolfgang Heydrich, Joachim Krause, Uwe Nerlich, Jürgen Nötzold, Reinhardt Rummel (eds.), Sicherheitspolitik Deutschlands (Baden-Baden: Nomos, 1992), 771-86.
16. One Schröder adviser privately described the Cheney speech as "the miracle" that was to save the SPD campaign. See Martin Walker, "The winter of Germany's discontent," World Policy Journal 19, no. 4 (2002): 37-47 (37).
17. For an extensive analysis of the German policy, see Klaus Larres, "Mutual incomprehension: U.S.-German value gaps beyond Iraq," Washington Quarterly 26, no. 2 (2003): 23-42 (24ff.).
18. For this process see Anja Dalgaard-Nielsen, "Gulf War: The German resistance," Survival 45, no. 1 (2003): 96-106.
19. Ibid., 110.
20. Doves are defined as disagreeing "that war is sometimes necessary and believing that economic power is becoming more important than military power ... they want to strengthen institutions like the UN and are very reluctant to use force absent international legitimacy." Pragmatists "believe that war is sometimes necessary to obtain justice but that economic power is becoming more important than military power. They tend to recognize the important role of international institutions, including the United Nations and the need to strengthen them. They prefer to act with multilateral legitimacy but are also prepared to act without it to defend their national interests if need be." Hawks "believe that war is sometimes necessary to obtain justice, and that military power is more important than economic power. They also tend to be wary of international institutions, especially the United Nations. They are not interested in strengthening the UN and are willing to bypass it when using force." Ronald Asmus, Philip P. Everts, and Pierangelo Isernia, "Power, war and public opinion: Thoughts on the nature and structure of the transatlantic divide," Transatlantic Trends (2003), http://www.transatlantictrends.org.
21. See Stephen M. Walt, "The ties that fray: Why Europe and America are drifting apart," National Interest 54 (Winter 1998/99): 3-11 (8ff.).
22. In October 1993, 46 percent of the German public regarded Germany as an equal partner of the us; in April 2002 only 26 per cent did so. Therefore, it is probable that at least a part of the recent criticism in Germany actually results from disappointment about Germany's minor standing in us foreign policy. See Peter Rudolf, "Deutschland und die USA-eine Beziehungskrise?" Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte 48 (2002): 16-23 (17).
23. For the political role of the 1968ers in Germany and their perspective on the us, see Uwe Siemon-Netto, "Sonderweg: The closing of the German mind," National Interest 70 (Winter 2002/03): 33-43.
24. Der Spiegel 8 (2003): 23.
25. This shift actually did start earlier. See the survey "What the World Thinks in 2002," by the Pew Research Center for the People and the Press (4 December 2002), emphasizing the development of an unfavourable image of the us in Germany immediately after the year 2000; http//people-press.org/reports/display.php3?ReportID=165.
26. The statement of Hertha Däubler-Gmelin, then minister of justice, immediately before the German elections, suggesting that President Bush was instrumentalizing the Iraq war to distract attention from the worsening economic situation in the us and equating that policy to that of Adolf Hitler, was only the tip of the iceberg. Several similar statements of high-ranking members of the Social Democratic-Green coalition have been made.
27. For the data see two excellent polls: The Chicago Council on Foreign Relations/The German Marshall Fund of the United States, Worldviews 2002: Comparing American and European Public Opinion on Foreign Policy, http://www.worldviews.org; and The German Marshall Fund of the United States/Compagnia di San Paolo, Transatlantic Trends 2003, http://www. transatlantictrends.org/.
28. For the data see two excellent polls: The Chicago Council on Foreign Relations/The German Marshall Fund of the United States, Worldviews 2002: Comparing American and European Public Opinion on Foreign Policy, http://www.worldviews.org; and The German Marshall Fund of the United States/Compagnia di San Paolo, Transatlantic Trends 2003, http://www. transatlantictrends.org/.
29. Asmus, Everts and Isernia, "Power, war and public opinion."
30. Der Spiegel 13 (2003): 48.
31. Der Spiegel 8 (2003): 23.
32. Medien-Tenor No. 129 (15 February 2003), www.medien-tenor.de/index1.html.
33. Sandra Kegel, "Im Krieg findet jeder zu seiner eigenen Wahrheit," Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung (14 April 2003).
34. Thomas Risse, Beyond Iraq: Challenges to the Transatlantic Security Community (Washington, DC: American Institute for Contemporary German Studies; AICGS/German American Dialogue Working Paper Series, 2003), http://www.aicgs.org/publications/PDF/risse.pdf.