Global factory and local field: Convergence and divergence in the international cane-sugar industry, 1850-1940

International Review of Social History

Volumn 49, Issue 1, 2004, Pages 1-25+189+191+193

  Bosma, Ulbe ^a   Knight, Roger ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 2442605295     PISSN: 00208590     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0020859003001342     Document Type: Review

References (111)

1. Frederic L. Pryor, "Review Article: The Plantation Economy as an Economic System", Journal of Comparative Economics, 6 (1982), pp. 288-301.
2. César J. Ayala, American Sugar Kingdom: The Plantation Economy of the Spanish Caribbean, 1898-1934 (Chapel Hill, NC [etc.], 1999), p. 121.
3. Ralph Shlomowitz, "Plantations and Smallholdings: Comparative Perspectives from the World Cotton and Cane Sugar Economies 1865-1939", Agricultural History, 58 (1984), pp. 1-16, 2.
4. Chih-ming Ka, Japanese Colonialism in Taiwan: Land Tenure, Development, and Dependency, 1895-1945 (Boulder, CO, 1995).
5. See e.g. Ayala, American Sugar Kingdom; J.A. Larkin, Sugar and the Origins of Modern Philippine Society (Berkeley, CA, 1993); A.W. McCoy, "Sugar Barons: Formation of a Native Planter Class in the Colonial Philippines", Journal of Peasant Studies, 19 (1992), pp. 106-141; V.B. Lopez-Varga, The Socio-Politics of Sugar: Wealth, Power Formation and Change in Negros 1899-1985 (Bacolod, 1989).
6. See e.g. Ayala, American Sugar Kingdom; J.A. Larkin, Sugar and the Origins of Modern Philippine Society (Berkeley, CA, 1993); A.W. McCoy, "Sugar Barons: Formation of a Native Planter Class in the Colonial Philippines", Journal of Peasant Studies, 19 (1992), pp. 106-141; V.B. Lopez-Varga, The Socio-Politics of Sugar: Wealth, Power Formation and Change in Negros 1899-1985 (Bacolod, 1989).
7. See e.g. Ayala, American Sugar Kingdom; J.A. Larkin, Sugar and the Origins of Modern Philippine Society (Berkeley, CA, 1993); A.W. McCoy, "Sugar Barons: Formation of a Native Planter Class in the Colonial Philippines", Journal of Peasant Studies, 19 (1992), pp. 106-141; V.B. Lopez-Varga, The Socio-Politics of Sugar: Wealth, Power Formation and Change in Negros 1899-1985 (Bacolod, 1989).
8. See e.g. Ayala, American Sugar Kingdom; J.A. Larkin, Sugar and the Origins of Modern Philippine Society (Berkeley, CA, 1993); A.W. McCoy, "Sugar Barons: Formation of a Native Planter Class in the Colonial Philippines", Journal of Peasant Studies, 19 (1992), pp. 106-141; V.B. Lopez-Varga, The Socio-Politics of Sugar: Wealth, Power Formation and Change in Negros 1899-1985 (Bacolod, 1989).
9. Shlomowitz, "Plantations and Smallholdings", p. 3.
10. On the nineteenth-century evolution of the industrial sugar factory, see e.g. Noel Deerr, The History of Sugar, 2 vols (London, 1949-1950); Margaret Leidelmeijer, Van Suikermolen tot Grootbedrijf. Technische vernieuwing in de Java-suikerindustrie in de negentiende eeuw (Amsterdam, 1997); Dale W. Tomich, Slavery in the Circuit of Sugar (Baltimore, MD [etc.], 1990); M. Moreno Fraginals, The Sugar Mill: The Socioeconomic Complex of Sugar in Cuba, 1760-1860 (New York, 1976). Major contemporary sources include C.G.W. Lock, G.W. Wigner, and R.H. Harland, Sugar Growing and Refining (London [etc.], 1882); J.A. Leon, On Sugar Cultivation in Louisana, Cuba etc. and the British Possessions (London, 1848); Leonard Wray, The Practical Sugar Planter: Complete Account of the Cultivation and Manufacture of Sugar Cane According to the Latest and Most Improved Methods (London, 1848).
11. On the nineteenth-century evolution of the industrial sugar factory, see e.g. Noel Deerr, The History of Sugar, 2 vols (London, 1949-1950); Margaret Leidelmeijer, Van Suikermolen tot Grootbedrijf. Technische vernieuwing in de Java-suikerindustrie in de negentiende eeuw (Amsterdam, 1997); Dale W. Tomich, Slavery in the Circuit of Sugar (Baltimore, MD [etc.], 1990); M. Moreno Fraginals, The Sugar Mill: The Socioeconomic Complex of Sugar in Cuba, 1760-1860 (New York, 1976). Major contemporary sources include C.G.W. Lock, G.W. Wigner, and R.H. Harland, Sugar Growing and Refining (London [etc.], 1882); J.A. Leon, On Sugar Cultivation in Louisana, Cuba etc. and the British Possessions (London, 1848); Leonard Wray, The Practical Sugar Planter: Complete Account of the Cultivation and Manufacture of Sugar Cane According to the Latest and Most Improved Methods (London, 1848).
12. On the nineteenth-century evolution of the industrial sugar factory, see e.g. Noel Deerr, The History of Sugar, 2 vols (London, 1949-1950); Margaret Leidelmeijer, Van Suikermolen tot Grootbedrijf. Technische vernieuwing in de Java-suikerindustrie in de negentiende eeuw (Amsterdam, 1997); Dale W. Tomich, Slavery in the Circuit of Sugar (Baltimore, MD [etc.], 1990); M. Moreno Fraginals, The Sugar Mill: The Socioeconomic Complex of Sugar in Cuba, 1760-1860 (New York, 1976). Major contemporary sources include C.G.W. Lock, G.W. Wigner, and R.H. Harland, Sugar Growing and Refining (London [etc.], 1882); J.A. Leon, On Sugar Cultivation in Louisana, Cuba etc. and the British Possessions (London, 1848); Leonard Wray, The Practical Sugar Planter: Complete Account of the Cultivation and Manufacture of Sugar Cane According to the Latest and Most Improved Methods (London, 1848).
13. On the nineteenth-century evolution of the industrial sugar factory, see e.g. Noel Deerr, The History of Sugar, 2 vols (London, 1949-1950); Margaret Leidelmeijer, Van Suikermolen tot Grootbedrijf. Technische vernieuwing in de Java-suikerindustrie in de negentiende eeuw (Amsterdam, 1997); Dale W. Tomich, Slavery in the Circuit of Sugar (Baltimore, MD [etc.], 1990); M. Moreno Fraginals, The Sugar Mill: The Socioeconomic Complex of Sugar in Cuba, 1760-1860 (New York, 1976). Major contemporary sources include C.G.W. Lock, G.W. Wigner, and R.H. Harland, Sugar Growing and Refining (London [etc.], 1882); J.A. Leon, On Sugar Cultivation in Louisana, Cuba etc. and the British Possessions (London, 1848); Leonard Wray, The Practical Sugar Planter: Complete Account of the Cultivation and Manufacture of Sugar Cane According to the Latest and Most Improved Methods (London, 1848).
14. On the nineteenth-century evolution of the industrial sugar factory, see e.g. Noel Deerr, The History of Sugar, 2 vols (London, 1949-1950); Margaret Leidelmeijer, Van Suikermolen tot Grootbedrijf. Technische vernieuwing in de Java-suikerindustrie in de negentiende eeuw (Amsterdam, 1997); Dale W. Tomich, Slavery in the Circuit of Sugar (Baltimore, MD [etc.], 1990); M. Moreno Fraginals, The Sugar Mill: The Socioeconomic Complex of Sugar in Cuba, 1760-1860 (New York, 1976). Major contemporary sources include C.G.W. Lock, G.W. Wigner, and R.H. Harland, Sugar Growing and Refining (London [etc.], 1882); J.A. Leon, On Sugar Cultivation in Louisana, Cuba etc. and the British Possessions (London, 1848); Leonard Wray, The Practical Sugar Planter: Complete Account of the Cultivation and Manufacture of Sugar Cane According to the Latest and Most Improved Methods (London, 1848).
15. On the nineteenth-century evolution of the industrial sugar factory, see e.g. Noel Deerr, The History of Sugar, 2 vols (London, 1949-1950); Margaret Leidelmeijer, Van Suikermolen tot Grootbedrijf. Technische vernieuwing in de Java-suikerindustrie in de negentiende eeuw (Amsterdam, 1997); Dale W. Tomich, Slavery in the Circuit of Sugar (Baltimore, MD [etc.], 1990); M. Moreno Fraginals, The Sugar Mill: The Socioeconomic Complex of Sugar in Cuba, 1760-1860 (New York, 1976). Major contemporary sources include C.G.W. Lock, G.W. Wigner, and R.H. Harland, Sugar Growing and Refining (London [etc.], 1882); J.A. Leon, On Sugar Cultivation in Louisana, Cuba etc. and the British Possessions (London, 1848); Leonard Wray, The Practical Sugar Planter: Complete Account of the Cultivation and Manufacture of Sugar Cane According to the Latest and Most Improved Methods (London, 1848).
16. On the nineteenth-century evolution of the industrial sugar factory, see e.g. Noel Deerr, The History of Sugar, 2 vols (London, 1949-1950); Margaret Leidelmeijer, Van Suikermolen tot Grootbedrijf. Technische vernieuwing in de Java-suikerindustrie in de negentiende eeuw (Amsterdam, 1997); Dale W. Tomich, Slavery in the Circuit of Sugar (Baltimore, MD [etc.], 1990); M. Moreno Fraginals, The Sugar Mill: The Socioeconomic Complex of Sugar in Cuba, 1760-1860 (New York, 1976). Major contemporary sources include C.G.W. Lock, G.W. Wigner, and R.H. Harland, Sugar Growing and Refining (London [etc.], 1882); J.A. Leon, On Sugar Cultivation in Louisana, Cuba etc. and the British Possessions (London, 1848); Leonard Wray, The Practical Sugar Planter: Complete Account of the Cultivation and Manufacture of Sugar Cane According to the Latest and Most Improved Methods (London, 1848).
17. S. Amin, Sugar Cane and Sugar in Gorakphur (Delhi, 1984); Richard Allen, "The Slender, Sweet Thread: Sugar, Capital and Dependency in Mauritius, 1860-1936", The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, 16 (1981), pp. 177-200; Tomich, Slavery in the Circuit of Sugar.
18. S. Amin, Sugar Cane and Sugar in Gorakphur (Delhi, 1984); Richard Allen, "The Slender, Sweet Thread: Sugar, Capital and Dependency in Mauritius, 1860-1936", The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, 16 (1981), pp. 177-200; Tomich, Slavery in the Circuit of Sugar.
19. S. Amin, Sugar Cane and Sugar in Gorakphur (Delhi, 1984); Richard Allen, "The Slender, Sweet Thread: Sugar, Capital and Dependency in Mauritius, 1860-1936", The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, 16 (1981), pp. 177-200; Tomich, Slavery in the Circuit of Sugar.
20. Moreno Fraginals, The Sugar Mill; Leidelmeijer, Van Suikermolen tot Grootbedrijf.
21. Moreno Fraginals, The Sugar Mill; Leidelmeijer, Van Suikermolen tot Grootbedrijf.
22. Ka, Japanese Colonialism in Taiwan; Larkin, Sugar and the Origins of Modern Philippine Society.
23. Ka, Japanese Colonialism in Taiwan; Larkin, Sugar and the Origins of Modern Philippine Society.
24. Bill Albert and A.A. Graves (eds), Crisis and Change in the International Sugar Economy, 1860-1914 (Norwich, 1984); idem, The World Sugar Economy in War and Depression 1914-1940 (London, 1988).
25. Bill Albert and A.A. Graves (eds), Crisis and Change in the International Sugar Economy, 1860-1914 (Norwich, 1984); idem, The World Sugar Economy in War and Depression 1914-1940 (London, 1988).
26. Moreno Fraginals, The Sugar Mill, p. 112.
27. Quoted in Rebecca J. Scott, Slave Emancipation in Cuba: The Transition to Free Labor, 1860-1899 (Princeton, NJ, 1984), p. 5.
28. C. Schnakenbourg, "From Sugar Estate to Central Factory: The Industrial Revolution in the Caribbean", in Albert and Graves, Crisis and Change in the International Sugar Economy, pp. 83-94, 85. An elaborated and deeply nuanced re-interpretation of the limitations imposed by slave relations of production appeared in Dale W. Tomich's monograph on the nineteenth-century sugar industry in Martinique; see Tomich, Slavery in the Circuit of Sugar, pp. 124-138. For further important contributions, see e.g. Stanley L. Engerman, "Contract Labour, Sugar and Technology in the Nineteenth Century", Journal of Economic History, 43 (1983), pp. 635-659; Mary Turner, "Chattel Slaves into Wage Slaves: A Jamaican Case Study", in Malcolm Cross and Gad Heuman (eds) Labour in the Caribbean: From Emancipation to Independence (London, 1988), pp. 14-31.
29. C. Schnakenbourg, "From Sugar Estate to Central Factory: The Industrial Revolution in the Caribbean", in Albert and Graves, Crisis and Change in the International Sugar Economy, pp. 83-94, 85. An elaborated and deeply nuanced re-interpretation of the limitations imposed by slave relations of production appeared in Dale W. Tomich's monograph on the nineteenth-century sugar industry in Martinique; see Tomich, Slavery in the Circuit of Sugar, pp. 124-138. For further important contributions, see e.g. Stanley L. Engerman, "Contract Labour, Sugar and Technology in the Nineteenth Century", Journal of Economic History, 43 (1983), pp. 635-659; Mary Turner, "Chattel Slaves into Wage Slaves: A Jamaican Case Study", in Malcolm Cross and Gad Heuman (eds) Labour in the Caribbean: From Emancipation to Independence (London, 1988), pp. 14-31.
30. C. Schnakenbourg, "From Sugar Estate to Central Factory: The Industrial Revolution in the Caribbean", in Albert and Graves, Crisis and Change in the International Sugar Economy, pp. 83-94, 85. An elaborated and deeply nuanced re-interpretation of the limitations imposed by slave relations of production appeared in Dale W. Tomich's monograph on the nineteenth-century sugar industry in Martinique; see Tomich, Slavery in the Circuit of Sugar, pp. 124-138. For further important contributions, see e.g. Stanley L. Engerman, "Contract Labour, Sugar and Technology in the Nineteenth Century", Journal of Economic History, 43 (1983), pp. 635-659; Mary Turner, "Chattel Slaves into Wage Slaves: A Jamaican Case Study", in Malcolm Cross and Gad Heuman (eds) Labour in the Caribbean: From Emancipation to Independence (London, 1988), pp. 14-31.
31. C. Schnakenbourg, "From Sugar Estate to Central Factory: The Industrial Revolution in the Caribbean", in Albert and Graves, Crisis and Change in the International Sugar Economy, pp. 83-94, 85. An elaborated and deeply nuanced re-interpretation of the limitations imposed by slave relations of production appeared in Dale W. Tomich's monograph on the nineteenth-century sugar industry in Martinique; see Tomich, Slavery in the Circuit of Sugar, pp. 124-138. For further important contributions, see e.g. Stanley L. Engerman, "Contract Labour, Sugar and Technology in the Nineteenth Century", Journal of Economic History, 43 (1983), pp. 635-659; Mary Turner, "Chattel Slaves into Wage Slaves: A Jamaican Case Study", in Malcolm Cross and Gad Heuman (eds) Labour in the Caribbean: From Emancipation to Independence (London, 1988), pp. 14-31.
32. Scott, Slave Emancipation in Cuba.
33. Peter Boomgaard and Gert J. Oostindie, "Changing Sugar Technology and the Labour Nexus: The Caribbean, 1750-1900", Nieuwe West-Indische Gids, 63 (1989), pp. 3-22; Michael Craton, "Commentary: The Search for a Unified Field Theory", Nieuwe West-Indische Gids, 63 (1989), pp. 135-142; Dale W. Tomich, "Sugar Technology and Slave Labour in Martinique 1830-1848", Nieuwe West-Indische Gids, 63 (1989), pp. 118-134; Michiel Baud, "Sugar and Unfree Labour: Reflections on Labour Control in the Dominican Republic, 1870-1935", The Journal of Peasant Studies, 19 (1992), pp. 301-325.
34. Peter Boomgaard and Gert J. Oostindie, "Changing Sugar Technology and the Labour Nexus: The Caribbean, 1750-1900", Nieuwe West-Indische Gids, 63 (1989), pp. 3-22; Michael Craton, "Commentary: The Search for a Unified Field Theory", Nieuwe West-Indische Gids, 63 (1989), pp. 135-142; Dale W. Tomich, "Sugar Technology and Slave Labour in Martinique 1830-1848", Nieuwe West-Indische Gids, 63 (1989), pp. 118-134; Michiel Baud, "Sugar and Unfree Labour: Reflections on Labour Control in the Dominican Republic, 1870-1935", The Journal of Peasant Studies, 19 (1992), pp. 301-325.
35. Peter Boomgaard and Gert J. Oostindie, "Changing Sugar Technology and the Labour Nexus: The Caribbean, 1750-1900", Nieuwe West-Indische Gids, 63 (1989), pp. 3-22; Michael Craton, "Commentary: The Search for a Unified Field Theory", Nieuwe West-Indische Gids, 63 (1989), pp. 135-142; Dale W. Tomich, "Sugar Technology and Slave Labour in Martinique 1830-1848", Nieuwe West-Indische Gids, 63 (1989), pp. 118-134; Michiel Baud, "Sugar and Unfree Labour: Reflections on Labour Control in the Dominican Republic, 1870-1935", The Journal of Peasant Studies, 19 (1992), pp. 301-325.
36. Peter Boomgaard and Gert J. Oostindie, "Changing Sugar Technology and the Labour Nexus: The Caribbean, 1750-1900", Nieuwe West-Indische Gids, 63 (1989), pp. 3-22; Michael Craton, "Commentary: The Search for a Unified Field Theory", Nieuwe West-Indische Gids, 63 (1989), pp. 135-142; Dale W. Tomich, "Sugar Technology and Slave Labour in Martinique 1830-1848", Nieuwe West-Indische Gids, 63 (1989), pp. 118-134; Michiel Baud, "Sugar and Unfree Labour: Reflections on Labour Control in the Dominican Republic, 1870-1935", The Journal of Peasant Studies, 19 (1992), pp. 301-325.
37. Laird W. Bergad, "The Economic Viability of Sugar Production based on Slave Labor in Cuba, 1859-1878", Latin American Research Review, 24 (1989), pp. 95-113; Laird W. Bergad et al., The Cuban Slave Market: 1790-1880 (Cambridge, 1995); Scott, Slave Emancipation in Cuba.
38. Laird W. Bergad, "The Economic Viability of Sugar Production based on Slave Labor in Cuba, 1859-1878", Latin American Research Review, 24 (1989), pp. 95-113; Laird W. Bergad et al., The Cuban Slave Market: 1790-1880 (Cambridge, 1995); Scott, Slave Emancipation in Cuba.
39. Laird W. Bergad, "The Economic Viability of Sugar Production based on Slave Labor in Cuba, 1859-1878", Latin American Research Review, 24 (1989), pp. 95-113; Laird W. Bergad et al., The Cuban Slave Market: 1790-1880 (Cambridge, 1995); Scott, Slave Emancipation in Cuba.
40. Oscar Zanetti and Alejandro García, Sugar and Railroads: A Cuban History, 1837-1959, Franklin W. Knight and Mary Todd (tr.) (Chapel Hill, NC, 1998).
41. Boomgaard and Oostindie, "Changing Sugar Technology", pp. 11-15. In particular, it looks as if the labour-saving potential of both the vacuum pan and the multiple effect were altogether less significant than has sometimes been represented. In the case of multiple effect, there certainly was a saving of labour, insofar as several previously discrete manufacturing processes were now brought together in one enclosed set of equipment. The big inducement, however, apart from the potential to produce more and higher-grade sugar from the same quantity of raw material, was a substantial saving in fuel costs in the boiling house, due to the elaborate recirculation of steam heat that previously went to waste. Similarly, the crucial advantage of the vacuum pan - the forerunner of later technological advance in the boiling house - was not that it saved labour but that it "saved" sugar by preventing scorching in the most critical phase of its manufacture. As Dye remarks: "For someone familiar with the technical requirements of sugar production, it should not be surprising that sugar producers actively adopted advanced industrial technology, despite the lack of strong incentives for labour saving. There were several reasons. First, the innovations were cane saving and fuel saving, and they offered economies of scale far beyond that offered by the older technology [...]. Second, they also reflected the technological interdependence between beet and cane sugar." See Alan Dye, Cuban Sugar in the Age of Mass Production (Stanford, CA, 1998), p. 71.
42. Boomgaard and Oostindie, "Changing Sugar Technology", pp. 11-15. In particular, it looks as if the labour-saving potential of both the vacuum pan and the multiple effect were altogether less significant than has sometimes been represented. In the case of multiple effect, there certainly was a saving of labour, insofar as several previously discrete manufacturing processes were now brought together in one enclosed set of equipment. The big inducement, however, apart from the potential to produce more and higher-grade sugar from the same quantity of raw material, was a substantial saving in fuel costs in the boiling house, due to the elaborate recirculation of steam heat that previously went to waste. Similarly, the crucial advantage of the vacuum pan - the forerunner of later technological advance in the boiling house - was not that it saved labour but that it "saved" sugar by preventing scorching in the most critical phase of its manufacture. As Dye remarks: "For someone familiar with the technical requirements of sugar production, it should not be surprising that sugar producers actively adopted advanced industrial technology, despite the lack of strong incentives for labour saving. There were several reasons. First, the innovations were cane saving and fuel saving, and they offered economies of scale far beyond that offered by the older technology [...]. Second, they also reflected the technological interdependence between beet and cane sugar." See Alan Dye, Cuban Sugar in the Age of Mass Production (Stanford, CA, 1998), p. 71.
43. C. Fasseur, The Politics of Colonial Exploitation (Ithaca, NY, 1992); Robert E. Elson, Javanese Peasants and the Colonial Sugar Industry: Impact and Change in an East Java Residency, 1830-1940 (Singapore, 1984); idem, Village Java under the Cultivation System (Sydney, NSW, 1994).
44. C. Fasseur, The Politics of Colonial Exploitation (Ithaca, NY, 1992); Robert E. Elson, Javanese Peasants and the Colonial Sugar Industry: Impact and Change in an East Java Residency, 1830-1940 (Singapore, 1984); idem, Village Java under the Cultivation System (Sydney, NSW, 1994).
45. C. Fasseur, The Politics of Colonial Exploitation (Ithaca, NY, 1992); Robert E. Elson, Javanese Peasants and the Colonial Sugar Industry: Impact and Change in an East Java Residency, 1830-1940 (Singapore, 1984); idem, Village Java under the Cultivation System (Sydney, NSW, 1994).
46. According to Leidelmeijer, nearly 60 per cent of Java's colonial sugar factories (58 in all) were equipped with vacuum pans at c.1857 (Leidelmeijer, Van Suikermolen tot Grootbedrijf, p. 138). No doubt many of these pans were part of "mixed" systems of manufacture that represented a sometimes considerable departure from contemporary international best practice. Yet where was this not the case? In Cuba - to cite the most significant example - where at c.1860 there were approximately the same number of vacuum pan-equipped sugar factories, similarly "mixed" systems were the order of the day (Moreno Fraginals, The Sugar Mill, pp. 81-175). For similar examples from the mid-nineteenth century New World, see J.A. Heitman, The Modernisation of the Louisana Sugar Industry (Baton Rouge, LA, 1987), pp. 3-48, Tomich, Slavery in the Circuit of Sugar, pp. 191-197. For contemporary confirmation of the prevalence of "mixed" systems - in which vacuum pans operated in tandem with a variety of manufacturing apparatus ranging from the technologically primitive to the relatively advanced, see e.g. Wray, The Practical Sugar Planter, and Leon, On Sugar Cultivation in Louisiana. Only in the 1870s did the nineteenth century's second critical technological advance in sugar manufacturing, the multiple effect condenser - usually styled triple or quadruple effet - based on the recirculation of steam heat and continuous process defecation and evaporation under reduced air pressure, come into widespread use in colonial sugar manufacture. Prior to that, it had been limited largely to metropolitan sugar refineries because of the scale and expense of its operation; Deerr, The History of Sugar, vol. 2, pp. 565-572; Peter Soames, A Treatise on the Manufacture of Sugar from Sugar Cane (London [etc.], 1872), pp. 58ff; Lock, Wigner, and Harland, Sugar Growing and Refining, pp. 269-273. Galloway's usually reliable synthesis of the sugar industry's history is unfortunately poorly informed and confused on this score; J.H. Galloway, The Sugar Cane Industry: An Historical Geography from its Origins to 1914 (Cambridge, 1989), pp. 135-137. Equipment of this kind began to arrive in Java in c.1877 onward. By the time that the industry was hit by the collapse of world sugar prices in the middle of 1884, at least one-third of the colony's major factories were equipped with multiple effect condensers. See the listing of sugar manufacturing equipment in the Koloniale Verslag (KV) 1875-1882. The detailed listing stops in 1882, however, and in any event is demonstrably incomplete prior to that date. In some key sugar districts, the percentage of multiple effects in use prior to the 1884 was much higher. In Pekalongan-Tegal, the north coast area that accounted for around one-tenth of Java's sugar exports, for example, around two-thirds of the factories were so equipped when the crisis broke. See the information relating to the sugar factories in the Koloniale Verslag (dates refer to year) Pagongan (KV 1881); Adiwerna (KV 1879); Doekoewringin (KV 1882); Kemanglen (KV 1880); Djatibarang (KV 1881); Pangka (KV 1878); Kalimatie (KV 1878). Other similarly equipped factories were: Balapoelang (Jaarverslag NI Handelsbank (1882), p. 10, Nationaal Archief Handelsbank); Kemantran (Jaarverslag NHM Factorij Batavia (1882), p. 49, Nationaal Archief NHM); Maribaia - a "double effet" (Jaarverslag NHM Factorij Batavia (1883), pp. 51-52, Nationaal Archief NHM); Klidang (Jaarverslag NHM Factorij Batavia (1883), pp. 51-52, Nationaal Archief NHM).
47. According to Leidelmeijer, nearly 60 per cent of Java's colonial sugar factories (58 in all) were equipped with vacuum pans at c.1857 (Leidelmeijer, Van Suikermolen tot Grootbedrijf, p. 138). No doubt many of these pans were part of "mixed" systems of manufacture that represented a sometimes considerable departure from contemporary international best practice. Yet where was this not the case? In Cuba - to cite the most significant example - where at c.1860 there were approximately the same number of vacuum pan-equipped sugar factories, similarly "mixed" systems were the order of the day (Moreno Fraginals, The Sugar Mill, pp. 81-175). For similar examples from the mid-nineteenth century New World, see J.A. Heitman, The Modernisation of the Louisana Sugar Industry (Baton Rouge, LA, 1987), pp. 3-48, Tomich, Slavery in the Circuit of Sugar, pp. 191-197. For contemporary confirmation of the prevalence of "mixed" systems - in which vacuum pans operated in tandem with a variety of manufacturing apparatus ranging from the technologically primitive to the relatively advanced, see e.g. Wray, The Practical Sugar Planter, and Leon, On Sugar Cultivation in Louisiana. Only in the 1870s did the nineteenth century's second critical technological advance in sugar manufacturing, the multiple effect condenser - usually styled triple or quadruple effet - based on the recirculation of steam heat and continuous process defecation and evaporation under reduced air pressure, come into widespread use in colonial sugar manufacture. Prior to that, it had been limited largely to metropolitan sugar refineries because of the scale and expense of its operation; Deerr, The History of Sugar, vol. 2, pp. 565-572; Peter Soames, A Treatise on the Manufacture of Sugar from Sugar Cane (London [etc.], 1872), pp. 58ff; Lock, Wigner, and Harland, Sugar Growing and Refining, pp. 269-273. Galloway's usually reliable synthesis of the sugar industry's history is unfortunately poorly informed and confused on this score; J.H. Galloway, The Sugar Cane Industry: An Historical Geography from its Origins to 1914 (Cambridge, 1989), pp. 135-137. Equipment of this kind began to arrive in Java in c.1877 onward. By the time that the industry was hit by the collapse of world sugar prices in the middle of 1884, at least one-third of the colony's major factories were equipped with multiple effect condensers. See the listing of sugar manufacturing equipment in the Koloniale Verslag (KV) 1875-1882. The detailed listing stops in 1882, however, and in any event is demonstrably incomplete prior to that date. In some key sugar districts, the percentage of multiple effects in use prior to the 1884 was much higher. In Pekalongan-Tegal, the north coast area that accounted for around one-tenth of Java's sugar exports, for example, around two-thirds of the factories were so equipped when the crisis broke. See the information relating to the sugar factories in the Koloniale Verslag (dates refer to year) Pagongan (KV 1881); Adiwerna (KV 1879); Doekoewringin (KV 1882); Kemanglen (KV 1880); Djatibarang (KV 1881); Pangka (KV 1878); Kalimatie (KV 1878). Other similarly equipped factories were: Balapoelang (Jaarverslag NI Handelsbank (1882), p. 10, Nationaal Archief Handelsbank); Kemantran (Jaarverslag NHM Factorij Batavia (1882), p. 49, Nationaal Archief NHM); Maribaia - a "double effet" (Jaarverslag NHM Factorij Batavia (1883), pp. 51-52, Nationaal Archief NHM); Klidang (Jaarverslag NHM Factorij Batavia (1883), pp. 51-52, Nationaal Archief NHM).
48. According to Leidelmeijer, nearly 60 per cent of Java's colonial sugar factories (58 in all) were equipped with vacuum pans at c.1857 (Leidelmeijer, Van Suikermolen tot Grootbedrijf, p. 138). No doubt many of these pans were part of "mixed" systems of manufacture that represented a sometimes considerable departure from contemporary international best practice. Yet where was this not the case? In Cuba - to cite the most significant example - where at c.1860 there were approximately the same number of vacuum pan-equipped sugar factories, similarly "mixed" systems were the order of the day (Moreno Fraginals, The Sugar Mill, pp. 81-175). For similar examples from the mid-nineteenth century New World, see J.A. Heitman, The Modernisation of the Louisana Sugar Industry (Baton Rouge, LA, 1987), pp. 3-48, Tomich, Slavery in the Circuit of Sugar, pp. 191-197. For contemporary confirmation of the prevalence of "mixed" systems - in which vacuum pans operated in tandem with a variety of manufacturing apparatus ranging from the technologically primitive to the relatively advanced, see e.g. Wray, The Practical Sugar Planter, and Leon, On Sugar Cultivation in Louisiana. Only in the 1870s did the nineteenth century's second critical technological advance in sugar manufacturing, the multiple effect condenser - usually styled triple or quadruple effet - based on the recirculation of steam heat and continuous process defecation and evaporation under reduced air pressure, come into widespread use in colonial sugar manufacture. Prior to that, it had been limited largely to metropolitan sugar refineries because of the scale and expense of its operation; Deerr, The History of Sugar, vol. 2, pp. 565-572; Peter Soames, A Treatise on the Manufacture of Sugar from Sugar Cane (London [etc.], 1872), pp. 58ff; Lock, Wigner, and Harland, Sugar Growing and Refining, pp. 269-273. Galloway's usually reliable synthesis of the sugar industry's history is unfortunately poorly informed and confused on this score; J.H. Galloway, The Sugar Cane Industry: An Historical Geography from its Origins to 1914 (Cambridge, 1989), pp. 135-137. Equipment of this kind began to arrive in Java in c.1877 onward. By the time that the industry was hit by the collapse of world sugar prices in the middle of 1884, at least one-third of the colony's major factories were equipped with multiple effect condensers. See the listing of sugar manufacturing equipment in the Koloniale Verslag (KV) 1875-1882. The detailed listing stops in 1882, however, and in any event is demonstrably incomplete prior to that date. In some key sugar districts, the percentage of multiple effects in use prior to the 1884 was much higher. In Pekalongan-Tegal, the north coast area that accounted for around one-tenth of Java's sugar exports, for example, around two-thirds of the factories were so equipped when the crisis broke. See the information relating to the sugar factories in the Koloniale Verslag (dates refer to year) Pagongan (KV 1881); Adiwerna (KV 1879); Doekoewringin (KV 1882); Kemanglen (KV 1880); Djatibarang (KV 1881); Pangka (KV 1878); Kalimatie (KV 1878). Other similarly equipped factories were: Balapoelang (Jaarverslag NI Handelsbank (1882), p. 10, Nationaal Archief Handelsbank); Kemantran (Jaarverslag NHM Factorij Batavia (1882), p. 49, Nationaal Archief NHM); Maribaia - a "double effet" (Jaarverslag NHM Factorij Batavia (1883), pp. 51-52, Nationaal Archief NHM); Klidang (Jaarverslag NHM Factorij Batavia (1883), pp. 51-52, Nationaal Archief NHM).
49. According to Leidelmeijer, nearly 60 per cent of Java's colonial sugar factories (58 in all) were equipped with vacuum pans at c.1857 (Leidelmeijer, Van Suikermolen tot Grootbedrijf, p. 138). No doubt many of these pans were part of "mixed" systems of manufacture that represented a sometimes considerable departure from contemporary international best practice. Yet where was this not the case? In Cuba - to cite the most significant example - where at c.1860 there were approximately the same number of vacuum pan-equipped sugar factories, similarly "mixed" systems were the order of the day (Moreno Fraginals, The Sugar Mill, pp. 81-175). For similar examples from the mid-nineteenth century New World, see J.A. Heitman, The Modernisation of the Louisana Sugar Industry (Baton Rouge, LA, 1987), pp. 3-48, Tomich, Slavery in the Circuit of Sugar, pp. 191-197. For contemporary confirmation of the prevalence of "mixed" systems - in which vacuum pans operated in tandem with a variety of manufacturing apparatus ranging from the technologically primitive to the relatively advanced, see e.g. Wray, The Practical Sugar Planter, and Leon, On Sugar Cultivation in Louisiana. Only in the 1870s did the nineteenth century's second critical technological advance in sugar manufacturing, the multiple effect condenser - usually styled triple or quadruple effet - based on the recirculation of steam heat and continuous process defecation and evaporation under reduced air pressure, come into widespread use in colonial sugar manufacture. Prior to that, it had been limited largely to metropolitan sugar refineries because of the scale and expense of its operation; Deerr, The History of Sugar, vol. 2, pp. 565-572; Peter Soames, A Treatise on the Manufacture of Sugar from Sugar Cane (London [etc.], 1872), pp. 58ff; Lock, Wigner, and Harland, Sugar Growing and Refining, pp. 269-273. Galloway's usually reliable synthesis of the sugar industry's history is unfortunately poorly informed and confused on this score; J.H. Galloway, The Sugar Cane Industry: An Historical Geography from its Origins to 1914 (Cambridge, 1989), pp. 135-137. Equipment of this kind began to arrive in Java in c.1877 onward. By the time that the industry was hit by the collapse of world sugar prices in the middle of 1884, at least one-third of the colony's major factories were equipped with multiple effect condensers. See the listing of sugar manufacturing equipment in the Koloniale Verslag (KV) 1875-1882. The detailed listing stops in 1882, however, and in any event is demonstrably incomplete prior to that date. In some key sugar districts, the percentage of multiple effects in use prior to the 1884 was much higher. In Pekalongan-Tegal, the north coast area that accounted for around one-tenth of Java's sugar exports, for example, around two-thirds of the factories were so equipped when the crisis broke. See the information relating to the sugar factories in the Koloniale Verslag (dates refer to year) Pagongan (KV 1881); Adiwerna (KV 1879); Doekoewringin (KV 1882); Kemanglen (KV 1880); Djatibarang (KV 1881); Pangka (KV 1878); Kalimatie (KV 1878). Other similarly equipped factories were: Balapoelang (Jaarverslag NI Handelsbank (1882), p. 10, Nationaal Archief Handelsbank); Kemantran (Jaarverslag NHM Factorij Batavia (1882), p. 49, Nationaal Archief NHM); Maribaia - a "double effet" (Jaarverslag NHM Factorij Batavia (1883), pp. 51-52, Nationaal Archief NHM); Klidang (Jaarverslag NHM Factorij Batavia (1883), pp. 51-52, Nationaal Archief NHM).
50. According to Leidelmeijer, nearly 60 per cent of Java's colonial sugar factories (58 in all) were equipped with vacuum pans at c.1857 (Leidelmeijer, Van Suikermolen tot Grootbedrijf, p. 138). No doubt many of these pans were part of "mixed" systems of manufacture that represented a sometimes considerable departure from contemporary international best practice. Yet where was this not the case? In Cuba - to cite the most significant example - where at c.1860 there were approximately the same number of vacuum pan-equipped sugar factories, similarly "mixed" systems were the order of the day (Moreno Fraginals, The Sugar Mill, pp. 81-175). For similar examples from the mid-nineteenth century New World, see J.A. Heitman, The Modernisation of the Louisana Sugar Industry (Baton Rouge, LA, 1987), pp. 3-48, Tomich, Slavery in the Circuit of Sugar, pp. 191-197. For contemporary confirmation of the prevalence of "mixed" systems - in which vacuum pans operated in tandem with a variety of manufacturing apparatus ranging from the technologically primitive to the relatively advanced, see e.g. Wray, The Practical Sugar Planter, and Leon, On Sugar Cultivation in Louisiana. Only in the 1870s did the nineteenth century's second critical technological advance in sugar manufacturing, the multiple effect condenser - usually styled triple or quadruple effet - based on the recirculation of steam heat and continuous process defecation and evaporation under reduced air pressure, come into widespread use in colonial sugar manufacture. Prior to that, it had been limited largely to metropolitan sugar refineries because of the scale and expense of its operation; Deerr, The History of Sugar, vol. 2, pp. 565-572; Peter Soames, A Treatise on the Manufacture of Sugar from Sugar Cane (London [etc.], 1872), pp. 58ff; Lock, Wigner, and Harland, Sugar Growing and Refining, pp. 269-273. Galloway's usually reliable synthesis of the sugar industry's history is unfortunately poorly informed and confused on this score; J.H. Galloway, The Sugar Cane Industry: An Historical Geography from its Origins to 1914 (Cambridge, 1989), pp. 135-137. Equipment of this kind began to arrive in Java in c.1877 onward. By the time that the industry was hit by the collapse of world sugar prices in the middle of 1884, at least one-third of the colony's major factories were equipped with multiple effect condensers. See the listing of sugar manufacturing equipment in the Koloniale Verslag (KV) 1875-1882. The detailed listing stops in 1882, however, and in any event is demonstrably incomplete prior to that date. In some key sugar districts, the percentage of multiple effects in use prior to the 1884 was much higher. In Pekalongan-Tegal, the north coast area that accounted for around one-tenth of Java's sugar exports, for example, around two-thirds of the factories were so equipped when the crisis broke. See the information relating to the sugar factories in the Koloniale Verslag (dates refer to year) Pagongan (KV 1881); Adiwerna (KV 1879); Doekoewringin (KV 1882); Kemanglen (KV 1880); Djatibarang (KV 1881); Pangka (KV 1878); Kalimatie (KV 1878). Other similarly equipped factories were: Balapoelang (Jaarverslag NI Handelsbank (1882), p. 10, Nationaal Archief Handelsbank); Kemantran (Jaarverslag NHM Factorij Batavia (1882), p. 49, Nationaal Archief NHM); Maribaia - a "double effet" (Jaarverslag NHM Factorij Batavia (1883), pp. 51-52, Nationaal Archief NHM); Klidang (Jaarverslag NHM Factorij Batavia (1883), pp. 51-52, Nationaal Archief NHM).
51. According to Leidelmeijer, nearly 60 per cent of Java's colonial sugar factories (58 in all) were equipped with vacuum pans at c.1857 (Leidelmeijer, Van Suikermolen tot Grootbedrijf, p. 138). No doubt many of these pans were part of "mixed" systems of manufacture that represented a sometimes considerable departure from contemporary international best practice. Yet where was this not the case? In Cuba - to cite the most significant example - where at c.1860 there were approximately the same number of vacuum pan-equipped sugar factories, similarly "mixed" systems were the order of the day (Moreno Fraginals, The Sugar Mill, pp. 81-175). For similar examples from the mid-nineteenth century New World, see J.A. Heitman, The Modernisation of the Louisana Sugar Industry (Baton Rouge, LA, 1987), pp. 3-48, Tomich, Slavery in the Circuit of Sugar, pp. 191-197. For contemporary confirmation of the prevalence of "mixed" systems - in which vacuum pans operated in tandem with a variety of manufacturing apparatus ranging from the technologically primitive to the relatively advanced, see e.g. Wray, The Practical Sugar Planter, and Leon, On Sugar Cultivation in Louisiana. Only in the 1870s did the nineteenth century's second critical technological advance in sugar manufacturing, the multiple effect condenser - usually styled triple or quadruple effet - based on the recirculation of steam heat and continuous process defecation and evaporation under reduced air pressure, come into widespread use in colonial sugar manufacture. Prior to that, it had been limited largely to metropolitan sugar refineries because of the scale and expense of its operation; Deerr, The History of Sugar, vol. 2, pp. 565-572; Peter Soames, A Treatise on the Manufacture of Sugar from Sugar Cane (London [etc.], 1872), pp. 58ff; Lock, Wigner, and Harland, Sugar Growing and Refining, pp. 269-273. Galloway's usually reliable synthesis of the sugar industry's history is unfortunately poorly informed and confused on this score; J.H. Galloway, The Sugar Cane Industry: An Historical Geography from its Origins to 1914 (Cambridge, 1989), pp. 135-137. Equipment of this kind began to arrive in Java in c.1877 onward. By the time that the industry was hit by the collapse of world sugar prices in the middle of 1884, at least one-third of the colony's major factories were equipped with multiple effect condensers. See the listing of sugar manufacturing equipment in the Koloniale Verslag (KV) 1875-1882. The detailed listing stops in 1882, however, and in any event is demonstrably incomplete prior to that date. In some key sugar districts, the percentage of multiple effects in use prior to the 1884 was much higher. In Pekalongan-Tegal, the north coast area that accounted for around one-tenth of Java's sugar exports, for example, around two-thirds of the factories were so equipped when the crisis broke. See the information relating to the sugar factories in the Koloniale Verslag (dates refer to year) Pagongan (KV 1881); Adiwerna (KV 1879); Doekoewringin (KV 1882); Kemanglen (KV 1880); Djatibarang (KV 1881); Pangka (KV 1878); Kalimatie (KV 1878). Other similarly equipped factories were: Balapoelang (Jaarverslag NI Handelsbank (1882), p. 10, Nationaal Archief Handelsbank); Kemantran (Jaarverslag NHM Factorij Batavia (1882), p. 49, Nationaal Archief NHM); Maribaia - a "double effet" (Jaarverslag NHM Factorij Batavia (1883), pp. 51-52, Nationaal Archief NHM); Klidang (Jaarverslag NHM Factorij Batavia (1883), pp. 51-52, Nationaal Archief NHM).
52. According to Leidelmeijer, nearly 60 per cent of Java's colonial sugar factories (58 in all) were equipped with vacuum pans at c.1857 (Leidelmeijer, Van Suikermolen tot Grootbedrijf, p. 138). No doubt many of these pans were part of "mixed" systems of manufacture that represented a sometimes considerable departure from contemporary international best practice. Yet where was this not the case? In Cuba - to cite the most significant example - where at c.1860 there were approximately the same number of vacuum pan-equipped sugar factories, similarly "mixed" systems were the order of the day (Moreno Fraginals, The Sugar Mill, pp. 81-175). For similar examples from the mid-nineteenth century New World, see J.A. Heitman, The Modernisation of the Louisana Sugar Industry (Baton Rouge, LA, 1987), pp. 3-48, Tomich, Slavery in the Circuit of Sugar, pp. 191-197. For contemporary confirmation of the prevalence of "mixed" systems - in which vacuum pans operated in tandem with a variety of manufacturing apparatus ranging from the technologically primitive to the relatively advanced, see e.g. Wray, The Practical Sugar Planter, and Leon, On Sugar Cultivation in Louisiana. Only in the 1870s did the nineteenth century's second critical technological advance in sugar manufacturing, the multiple effect condenser - usually styled triple or quadruple effet - based on the recirculation of steam heat and continuous process defecation and evaporation under reduced air pressure, come into widespread use in colonial sugar manufacture. Prior to that, it had been limited largely to metropolitan sugar refineries because of the scale and expense of its operation; Deerr, The History of Sugar, vol. 2, pp. 565-572; Peter Soames, A Treatise on the Manufacture of Sugar from Sugar Cane (London [etc.], 1872), pp. 58ff; Lock, Wigner, and Harland, Sugar Growing and Refining, pp. 269-273. Galloway's usually reliable synthesis of the sugar industry's history is unfortunately poorly informed and confused on this score; J.H. Galloway, The Sugar Cane Industry: An Historical Geography from its Origins to 1914 (Cambridge, 1989), pp. 135-137. Equipment of this kind began to arrive in Java in c.1877 onward. By the time that the industry was hit by the collapse of world sugar prices in the middle of 1884, at least one-third of the colony's major factories were equipped with multiple effect condensers. See the listing of sugar manufacturing equipment in the Koloniale Verslag (KV) 1875-1882. The detailed listing stops in 1882, however, and in any event is demonstrably incomplete prior to that date. In some key sugar districts, the percentage of multiple effects in use prior to the 1884 was much higher. In Pekalongan-Tegal, the north coast area that accounted for around one-tenth of Java's sugar exports, for example, around two-thirds of the factories were so equipped when the crisis broke. See the information relating to the sugar factories in the Koloniale Verslag (dates refer to year) Pagongan (KV 1881); Adiwerna (KV 1879); Doekoewringin (KV 1882); Kemanglen (KV 1880); Djatibarang (KV 1881); Pangka (KV 1878); Kalimatie (KV 1878). Other similarly equipped factories were: Balapoelang (Jaarverslag NI Handelsbank (1882), p. 10, Nationaal Archief Handelsbank); Kemantran (Jaarverslag NHM Factorij Batavia (1882), p. 49, Nationaal Archief NHM); Maribaia - a "double effet" (Jaarverslag NHM Factorij Batavia (1883), pp. 51-52, Nationaal Archief NHM); Klidang (Jaarverslag NHM Factorij Batavia (1883), pp. 51-52, Nationaal Archief NHM).
53. According to Leidelmeijer, nearly 60 per cent of Java's colonial sugar factories (58 in all) were equipped with vacuum pans at c.1857 (Leidelmeijer, Van Suikermolen tot Grootbedrijf, p. 138). No doubt many of these pans were part of "mixed" systems of manufacture that represented a sometimes considerable departure from contemporary international best practice. Yet where was this not the case? In Cuba - to cite the most significant example - where at c.1860 there were approximately the same number of vacuum pan-equipped sugar factories, similarly "mixed" systems were the order of the day (Moreno Fraginals, The Sugar Mill, pp. 81-175). For similar examples from the mid-nineteenth century New World, see J.A. Heitman, The Modernisation of the Louisana Sugar Industry (Baton Rouge, LA, 1987), pp. 3-48, Tomich, Slavery in the Circuit of Sugar, pp. 191-197. For contemporary confirmation of the prevalence of "mixed" systems - in which vacuum pans operated in tandem with a variety of manufacturing apparatus ranging from the technologically primitive to the relatively advanced, see e.g. Wray, The Practical Sugar Planter, and Leon, On Sugar Cultivation in Louisiana. Only in the 1870s did the nineteenth century's second critical technological advance in sugar manufacturing, the multiple effect condenser - usually styled triple or quadruple effet - based on the recirculation of steam heat and continuous process defecation and evaporation under reduced air pressure, come into widespread use in colonial sugar manufacture. Prior to that, it had been limited largely to metropolitan sugar refineries because of the scale and expense of its operation; Deerr, The History of Sugar, vol. 2, pp. 565-572; Peter Soames, A Treatise on the Manufacture of Sugar from Sugar Cane (London [etc.], 1872), pp. 58ff; Lock, Wigner, and Harland, Sugar Growing and Refining, pp. 269-273. Galloway's usually reliable synthesis of the sugar industry's history is unfortunately poorly informed and confused on this score; J.H. Galloway, The Sugar Cane Industry: An Historical Geography from its Origins to 1914 (Cambridge, 1989), pp. 135-137. Equipment of this kind began to arrive in Java in c.1877 onward. By the time that the industry was hit by the collapse of world sugar prices in the middle of 1884, at least one-third of the colony's major factories were equipped with multiple effect condensers. See the listing of sugar manufacturing equipment in the Koloniale Verslag (KV) 1875-1882. The detailed listing stops in 1882, however, and in any event is demonstrably incomplete prior to that date. In some key sugar districts, the percentage of multiple effects in use prior to the 1884 was much higher. In Pekalongan-Tegal, the north coast area that accounted for around one-tenth of Java's sugar exports, for example, around two-thirds of the factories were so equipped when the crisis broke. See the information relating to the sugar factories in the Koloniale Verslag (dates refer to year) Pagongan (KV 1881); Adiwerna (KV 1879); Doekoewringin (KV 1882); Kemanglen (KV 1880); Djatibarang (KV 1881); Pangka (KV 1878); Kalimatie (KV 1878). Other similarly equipped factories were: Balapoelang (Jaarverslag NI Handelsbank (1882), p. 10, Nationaal Archief Handelsbank); Kemantran (Jaarverslag NHM Factorij Batavia (1882), p. 49, Nationaal Archief NHM); Maribaia - a "double effet" (Jaarverslag NHM Factorij Batavia (1883), pp. 51-52, Nationaal Archief NHM); Klidang (Jaarverslag NHM Factorij Batavia (1883), pp. 51-52, Nationaal Archief NHM).
54. According to Leidelmeijer, nearly 60 per cent of Java's colonial sugar factories (58 in all) were equipped with vacuum pans at c.1857 (Leidelmeijer, Van Suikermolen tot Grootbedrijf, p. 138). No doubt many of these pans were part of "mixed" systems of manufacture that represented a sometimes considerable departure from contemporary international best practice. Yet where was this not the case? In Cuba - to cite the most significant example - where at c.1860 there were approximately the same number of vacuum pan-equipped sugar factories, similarly "mixed" systems were the order of the day (Moreno Fraginals, The Sugar Mill, pp. 81-175). For similar examples from the mid-nineteenth century New World, see J.A. Heitman, The Modernisation of the Louisana Sugar Industry (Baton Rouge, LA, 1987), pp. 3-48, Tomich, Slavery in the Circuit of Sugar, pp. 191-197. For contemporary confirmation of the prevalence of "mixed" systems - in which vacuum pans operated in tandem with a variety of manufacturing apparatus ranging from the technologically primitive to the relatively advanced, see e.g. Wray, The Practical Sugar Planter, and Leon, On Sugar Cultivation in Louisiana. Only in the 1870s did the nineteenth century's second critical technological advance in sugar manufacturing, the multiple effect condenser - usually styled triple or quadruple effet - based on the recirculation of steam heat and continuous process defecation and evaporation under reduced air pressure, come into widespread use in colonial sugar manufacture. Prior to that, it had been limited largely to metropolitan sugar refineries because of the scale and expense of its operation; Deerr, The History of Sugar, vol. 2, pp. 565-572; Peter Soames, A Treatise on the Manufacture of Sugar from Sugar Cane (London [etc.], 1872), pp. 58ff; Lock, Wigner, and Harland, Sugar Growing and Refining, pp. 269-273. Galloway's usually reliable synthesis of the sugar industry's history is unfortunately poorly informed and confused on this score; J.H. Galloway, The Sugar Cane Industry: An Historical Geography from its Origins to 1914 (Cambridge, 1989), pp. 135-137. Equipment of this kind began to arrive in Java in c.1877 onward. By the time that the industry was hit by the collapse of world sugar prices in the middle of 1884, at least one-third of the colony's major factories were equipped with multiple effect condensers. See the listing of sugar manufacturing equipment in the Koloniale Verslag (KV) 1875-1882. The detailed listing stops in 1882, however, and in any event is demonstrably incomplete prior to that date. In some key sugar districts, the percentage of multiple effects in use prior to the 1884 was much higher. In Pekalongan-Tegal, the north coast area that accounted for around one-tenth of Java's sugar exports, for example, around two-thirds of the factories were so equipped when the crisis broke. See the information relating to the sugar factories in the Koloniale Verslag (dates refer to year) Pagongan (KV 1881); Adiwerna (KV 1879); Doekoewringin (KV 1882); Kemanglen (KV 1880); Djatibarang (KV 1881); Pangka (KV 1878); Kalimatie (KV 1878). Other similarly equipped factories were: Balapoelang (Jaarverslag NI Handelsbank (1882), p. 10, Nationaal Archief Handelsbank); Kemantran (Jaarverslag NHM Factorij Batavia (1882), p. 49, Nationaal Archief NHM); Maribaia - a "double effet" (Jaarverslag NHM Factorij Batavia (1883), pp. 51-52, Nationaal Archief NHM); Klidang (Jaarverslag NHM Factorij Batavia (1883), pp. 51-52, Nationaal Archief NHM).
55. Boomgaard and Oostindie, "Changing Sugar Technology", p. 3.
56. A translation (and adaptation) of the second edition of Reynoso's treatise into Dutch (by J.E. De Vrij and J. Millard), appeared in Rotterdam in 1865 (Moreno Fraginals, The Sugar Mill, p. 93). Around 1870, the Reynoso system of planting appears to have been largely confined to experimental plantings at a very few factories (Kultuur Verslag 1871); by the end of the decade, however, planting according to some version or other of the Reynoso system appears to have been more or less universal throughout north-central Java (Kultuur Verslag 1879).
57. In some instances, sugar cane came from small or relatively small farmers, as in Uttar Pradesh (India), Taiwan, and in some parts of Negros and Luzon in the Philippines - and also in Queensland and Fiji. See Lopez-Varga, The Socio-Politics of Sugar; Ka, Japanese Colonialism in Taiwan; Amin, Sugar Cane and Sugar in Gorakphur; Filomeno V. Aguilar, Jnr, "Sugar Planter: State Relations and the Labour Process in Colonial Philippine Haciendas", Journal of Peasant Studies, 22 (1994), pp. 50-80; A.W. McCoy, "A Queen Dies Slowly: The Rise and Decline of Iloilo City", in A.W. McCoy and E. De Jesus, Philippine Social History (Quezon City, 1982), pp. 297-360; McCoy, "Sugar Barons"; A.A. Graves, Cane and Labour: The Political Economy of the Queensland Sugar Industry 1862-1906 (Edinburgh, 1993). Elsewhere, as was partly also the case in Negros and Luzon, mills might buy cane from substantial "estates", often the remnants of an earlier, plantation-based system of manufacture. In the "American" Caribbean, as Ayala demonstrates conclusively, the dominance of centralized manufacture went hand in hand with a great diversity of arrangements for producing the industry's raw material; Ayala, "Social and Economic Aspects of Sugar Production in Cuba".
58. In some instances, sugar cane came from small or relatively small farmers, as in Uttar Pradesh (India), Taiwan, and in some parts of Negros and Luzon in the Philippines - and also in Queensland and Fiji. See Lopez-Varga, The Socio-Politics of Sugar; Ka, Japanese Colonialism in Taiwan; Amin, Sugar Cane and Sugar in Gorakphur; Filomeno V. Aguilar, Jnr, "Sugar Planter: State Relations and the Labour Process in Colonial Philippine Haciendas", Journal of Peasant Studies, 22 (1994), pp. 50-80; A.W. McCoy, "A Queen Dies Slowly: The Rise and Decline of Iloilo City", in A.W. McCoy and E. De Jesus, Philippine Social History (Quezon City, 1982), pp. 297-360; McCoy, "Sugar Barons"; A.A. Graves, Cane and Labour: The Political Economy of the Queensland Sugar Industry 1862-1906 (Edinburgh, 1993). Elsewhere, as was partly also the case in Negros and Luzon, mills might buy cane from substantial "estates", often the remnants of an earlier, plantation-based system of manufacture. In the "American" Caribbean, as Ayala demonstrates conclusively, the dominance of centralized manufacture went hand in hand with a great diversity of arrangements for producing the industry's raw material; Ayala, "Social and Economic Aspects of Sugar Production in Cuba".
59. In some instances, sugar cane came from small or relatively small farmers, as in Uttar Pradesh (India), Taiwan, and in some parts of Negros and Luzon in the Philippines - and also in Queensland and Fiji. See Lopez-Varga, The Socio-Politics of Sugar; Ka, Japanese Colonialism in Taiwan; Amin, Sugar Cane and Sugar in Gorakphur; Filomeno V. Aguilar, Jnr, "Sugar Planter: State Relations and the Labour Process in Colonial Philippine Haciendas", Journal of Peasant Studies, 22 (1994), pp. 50-80; A.W. McCoy, "A Queen Dies Slowly: The Rise and Decline of Iloilo City", in A.W. McCoy and E. De Jesus, Philippine Social History (Quezon City, 1982), pp. 297-360; McCoy, "Sugar Barons"; A.A. Graves, Cane and Labour: The Political Economy of the Queensland Sugar Industry 1862-1906 (Edinburgh, 1993). Elsewhere, as was partly also the case in Negros and Luzon, mills might buy cane from substantial "estates", often the remnants of an earlier, plantation-based system of manufacture. In the "American" Caribbean, as Ayala demonstrates conclusively, the dominance of centralized manufacture went hand in hand with a great diversity of arrangements for producing the industry's raw material; Ayala, "Social and Economic Aspects of Sugar Production in Cuba".
60. In some instances, sugar cane came from small or relatively small farmers, as in Uttar Pradesh (India), Taiwan, and in some parts of Negros and
61. In some instances, sugar cane came from small or relatively small farmers, as in Uttar Pradesh (India), Taiwan, and in some parts of Negros and Luzon in the Philippines - and also in Queensland and Fiji. See Lopez-Varga, The Socio-Politics of Sugar; Ka, Japanese Colonialism in Taiwan; Amin, Sugar Cane and Sugar in Gorakphur; Filomeno V. Aguilar, Jnr, "Sugar Planter: State Relations and the Labour Process in Colonial Philippine Haciendas", Journal of Peasant Studies, 22 (1994), pp. 50-80; A.W. McCoy, "A Queen Dies Slowly: The Rise and Decline of Iloilo City", in A.W. McCoy and E. De Jesus, Philippine Social History (Quezon City, 1982), pp. 297-360; McCoy, "Sugar Barons"; A.A. Graves, Cane and Labour: The Political Economy of the Queensland Sugar Industry 1862-1906 (Edinburgh, 1993). Elsewhere, as was partly also the case in Negros and Luzon, mills might buy cane from substantial "estates", often the remnants of an earlier, plantation-based system of manufacture. In the "American" Caribbean, as Ayala demonstrates conclusively, the dominance of centralized manufacture went hand in hand with a great diversity of arrangements for producing the industry's raw material; Ayala, "Social and Economic Aspects of Sugar Production in Cuba".
62. In some instances, sugar cane came from small or relatively small farmers, as in Uttar Pradesh (India), Taiwan, and in some parts of Negros and Luzon in the Philippines - and also in Queensland and Fiji. See Lopez-Varga, The Socio-Politics of Sugar; Ka, Japanese Colonialism in Taiwan; Amin, Sugar Cane and Sugar in Gorakphur; Filomeno V. Aguilar, Jnr, "Sugar Planter: State Relations and the Labour Process in Colonial Philippine Haciendas", Journal of Peasant Studies, 22 (1994), pp. 50-80; A.W. McCoy, "A Queen Dies Slowly: The Rise and Decline of Iloilo City", in A.W. McCoy and E. De Jesus, Philippine Social History (Quezon City, 1982), pp. 297-360; McCoy, "Sugar Barons"; A.A. Graves, Cane and Labour: The Political Economy of the Queensland Sugar Industry 1862-1906 (Edinburgh, 1993). Elsewhere, as was partly also the case in Negros and Luzon, mills might buy cane from substantial "estates", often the remnants of an earlier, plantation-based system of manufacture. In the "American" Caribbean, as Ayala demonstrates conclusively, the dominance of centralized manufacture went hand in hand with a great diversity of arrangements for producing the industry's raw material; Ayala, "Social and Economic Aspects of Sugar Production in Cuba".
63. In some instances, sugar cane came from small or relatively small farmers, as in Uttar Pradesh (India), Taiwan, and in some parts of Negros and Luzon in the Philippines - and also in Queensland and Fiji. See Lopez-Varga, The Socio-Politics of Sugar; Ka, Japanese Colonialism in Taiwan; Amin, Sugar Cane and Sugar in Gorakphur; Filomeno V. Aguilar, Jnr, "Sugar Planter: State Relations and the Labour Process in Colonial Philippine Haciendas", Journal of Peasant Studies, 22 (1994), pp. 50-80; A.W. McCoy, "A Queen Dies Slowly: The Rise and Decline of Iloilo City", in A.W. McCoy and E. De Jesus, Philippine Social History (Quezon City, 1982), pp. 297-360; McCoy, "Sugar Barons"; A.A. Graves, Cane and Labour: The Political Economy of the Queensland Sugar Industry 1862-1906 (Edinburgh, 1993). Elsewhere, as was partly also the case in Negros and Luzon, mills might buy cane from substantial "estates", often the remnants of an earlier, plantation-based system of manufacture. In the "American" Caribbean, as Ayala demonstrates conclusively, the dominance of centralized manufacture went hand in hand with a great diversity of arrangements for producing the industry's raw material; Ayala, "Social and Economic Aspects of Sugar Production in Cuba".
64. Sidney W. Mintz, "Descrying the Peasantry", Review (Binghampton), 6 (1982), pp. 209-228, 222.
65. Tom Brass, "Introduction: Free and Unfree Labour: The Debate Continues", in Tom Brass and Marcel van der Linden, Free and Unfree Labour: The Debate Continues (Bern, 1997), pp. 11-42.
66. Tom Brass and Henry Bernstein, "Introduction: Proletarianisation and Deproletarianisation on the Colonial Plantation", Journal of Peasant Studies, 19, 3-4 (1992), pp. 1-40, 17.
67. On the Java sugar complex of the period 1830-1940, see e.g. P. Boomgaard, "Treacherous Cane: the Java Sugar Industry", in Albert and Graves, The World Sugar Economy in War and Depression, pp. 157-169; Elson, Javanese Peasants and the Colonial Sugar Industry; idem, Village Java under the Cultivation System; "Peasant Labour and Capitalist Production in Late Colonial Indonesia: The Campaign at a North Java Sugar Factory 1840-1870", Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 19 (1988), pp. 245-265; idem, Colonial Production in Provincial Java: The Sugar Industry in Pekalongan-Tegal, 1800-1942 (Amsterdam, 1993); idem "The Visible Hand in Tempo Doeloe: The Culture of Management and the Organisation of Business in Java's Colonial Sugar Industry", Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 30 (1999) pp. 74-98; idem, "The Sugar Industry of Colonial Java and its Global Trajectory", South East Asia Research, 8 (2000), pp. 249-274; G. Roger Knight and Arthur van Schaik, "State and Capital in Late Colonial Indonesia", Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, 157 (2001), pp. 831-859; Robert Van Niel, Java under the Cultivation System (Leiden, 1992).
68. On the Java sugar complex of the period 1830-1940, see e.g. P. Boomgaard, "Treacherous Cane: the Java Sugar Industry", in Albert and Graves, The World Sugar Economy in War and Depression, pp. 157-169; Elson, Javanese Peasants and the Colonial Sugar Industry; idem, Village Java under the Cultivation System; "Peasant Labour and Capitalist Production in Late Colonial Indonesia: The Campaign at a North Java Sugar Factory 1840-1870", Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 19 (1988), pp. 245-265; idem, Colonial Production in Provincial Java: The Sugar Industry in Pekalongan-Tegal, 1800-1942 (Amsterdam, 1993); idem "The Visible Hand in Tempo Doeloe: The Culture of Management and the Organisation of Business in Java's Colonial Sugar Industry", Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 30 (1999) pp. 74-98; idem, "The Sugar Industry of Colonial Java and its Global Trajectory", South East Asia Research, 8 (2000), pp. 249-274; G. Roger Knight and Arthur van Schaik, "State and Capital in Late Colonial Indonesia", Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, 157 (2001), pp. 831-859; Robert Van Niel, Java under the Cultivation System (Leiden, 1992).
69. On the Java sugar complex of the period 1830-1940, see e.g. P. Boomgaard, "Treacherous Cane: the Java Sugar Industry", in Albert and Graves, The World Sugar Economy in War and Depression, pp. 157-169; Elson, Javanese Peasants and the Colonial Sugar Industry; idem, Village Java under the Cultivation System; "Peasant Labour and Capitalist Production in Late Colonial Indonesia: The Campaign at a North Java Sugar Factory 1840-1870", Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 19 (1988), pp. 245-265; idem, Colonial Production in Provincial Java: The Sugar Industry in Pekalongan-Tegal, 1800-1942 (Amsterdam, 1993); idem "The Visible Hand in Tempo Doeloe: The Culture of Management and the Organisation of Business in Java's Colonial Sugar Industry", Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 30 (1999) pp. 74-98; idem, "The Sugar Industry of Colonial Java and its Global Trajectory", South East Asia Research, 8 (2000), pp. 249-274; G. Roger Knight and Arthur van Schaik, "State and Capital in Late Colonial Indonesia", Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, 157 (2001), pp. 831-859; Robert Van Niel, Java under the Cultivation System (Leiden, 1992).
70. On the Java sugar complex of the period 1830-1940, see e.g. P. Boomgaard, "Treacherous Cane: the Java Sugar Industry", in Albert and Graves, The World Sugar Economy in War and Depression, pp. 157-169; Elson, Javanese Peasants and the Colonial Sugar Industry; idem, Village Java under the Cultivation System; "Peasant Labour and Capitalist Production in Late Colonial Indonesia: The Campaign at a North Java Sugar Factory 1840-1870", Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 19 (1988), pp. 245-265; idem, Colonial Production in Provincial Java: The Sugar Industry in Pekalongan-Tegal, 1800-1942 (Amsterdam, 1993); idem "The Visible Hand in Tempo Doeloe: The Culture of Management and the Organisation of Business in Java's Colonial Sugar Industry", Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 30 (1999) pp. 74-98; idem, "The Sugar Industry of Colonial Java and its Global Trajectory", South East Asia Research, 8 (2000), pp. 249-274; G. Roger Knight and Arthur van Schaik, "State and Capital in Late Colonial Indonesia", Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, 157 (2001), pp. 831-859; Robert Van Niel, Java under the Cultivation System (Leiden, 1992).
71. On the Java sugar complex of the period 1830-1940, see e.g. P. Boomgaard, "Treacherous Cane: the Java Sugar Industry", in Albert and Graves, The World Sugar Economy in War and Depression, pp. 157-169; Elson, Javanese Peasants and the Colonial Sugar Industry; idem, Village Java under the Cultivation System; "Peasant Labour and Capitalist Production in Late Colonial Indonesia: The Campaign at a North Java Sugar Factory 1840-1870", Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 19 (1988), pp. 245-265; idem, Colonial Production in Provincial Java: The Sugar Industry in Pekalongan-Tegal, 1800-1942 (Amsterdam, 1993); idem "The Visible Hand in Tempo Doeloe: The Culture of Management and the Organisation of Business in Java's Colonial Sugar Industry", Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 30 (1999) pp. 74-98; idem, "The Sugar Industry of Colonial Java and its Global Trajectory", South East Asia Research, 8 (2000), pp. 249-274; G. Roger Knight and Arthur van Schaik, "State and Capital in Late Colonial Indonesia", Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, 157 (2001), pp. 831-859; Robert Van Niel, Java under the Cultivation System (Leiden, 1992).
72. On the Java sugar complex of the period 1830-1940, see e.g. P. Boomgaard, "Treacherous Cane: the Java Sugar Industry", in Albert and Graves, The World Sugar Economy in War and Depression, pp. 157-169; Elson, Javanese Peasants and the Colonial Sugar Industry; idem, Village Java under the Cultivation System; "Peasant Labour and Capitalist Production in Late Colonial Indonesia: The Campaign at a North Java Sugar Factory 1840-1870", Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 19 (1988), pp. 245-265; idem, Colonial Production in Provincial Java: The Sugar Industry in Pekalongan-Tegal, 1800-1942 (Amsterdam, 1993); idem "The Visible Hand in Tempo Doeloe: The Culture of Management and the Organisation of Business in Java's Colonial Sugar Industry", Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 30 (1999) pp. 74-98; idem, "The Sugar Industry of Colonial Java and its Global Trajectory", South East Asia Research, 8 (2000), pp. 249-274; G. Roger Knight and Arthur van Schaik, "State and Capital in Late Colonial Indonesia", Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, 157 (2001), pp. 831-859; Robert Van Niel, Java under the Cultivation System (Leiden, 1992).
73. On the Java sugar complex of the period 1830-1940, see e.g. P. Boomgaard, "Treacherous Cane: the Java Sugar Industry", in Albert and Graves, The World Sugar Economy in War and Depression, pp. 157-169; Elson, Javanese Peasants and the Colonial Sugar Industry; idem, Village Java under the Cultivation System; "Peasant Labour and Capitalist Production in Late Colonial Indonesia: The Campaign at a North Java Sugar Factory 1840-1870", Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 19 (1988), pp. 245-265; idem, Colonial Production in Provincial Java: The Sugar Industry in Pekalongan-Tegal, 1800-1942 (Amsterdam, 1993); idem "The Visible Hand in Tempo Doeloe: The Culture of Management and the Organisation of Business in Java's Colonial Sugar Industry", Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 30 (1999) pp. 74-98; idem, "The Sugar Industry of Colonial Java and its Global Trajectory", South East Asia Research, 8 (2000), pp. 249-274; G. Roger Knight and Arthur van Schaik, "State and Capital in Late Colonial Indonesia", Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, 157 (2001), pp. 831-859; Robert Van Niel, Java under the Cultivation System (Leiden, 1992).
74. On the Java sugar complex of the period 1830-1940, see e.g. P. Boomgaard, "Treacherous Cane: the Java Sugar Industry", in Albert and Graves, The World Sugar Economy in War and Depression, pp. 157-169; Elson, Javanese Peasants and the Colonial Sugar Industry; idem, Village Java under the Cultivation System; "Peasant Labour and Capitalist Production in Late Colonial Indonesia: The Campaign at a North Java Sugar Factory 1840-1870", Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 19 (1988), pp. 245-265; idem, Colonial Production in Provincial Java: The Sugar Industry in Pekalongan-Tegal, 1800-1942 (Amsterdam, 1993); idem "The Visible Hand in Tempo Doeloe: The Culture of Management and the Organisation of Business in Java's Colonial Sugar Industry", Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 30 (1999) pp. 74-98; idem, "The Sugar Industry of Colonial Java and its Global Trajectory", South East Asia Research, 8 (2000), pp. 249-274; G. Roger Knight and Arthur van Schaik, "State and Capital in Late Colonial Indonesia", Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, 157 (2001), pp. 831-859; Robert Van Niel, Java under the Cultivation System (Leiden, 1992).
75. On the Java sugar complex of the period 1830-1940, see e.g. P. Boomgaard, "Treacherous Cane: the Java Sugar Industry", in Albert and Graves, The World Sugar Economy in War and Depression, pp. 157-169; Elson, Javanese Peasants and the Colonial Sugar Industry; idem, Village Java under the Cultivation System; "Peasant Labour and Capitalist Production in Late Colonial Indonesia: The Campaign at a North Java Sugar Factory 1840-1870", Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 19 (1988), pp. 245-265; idem, Colonial Production in Provincial Java: The Sugar Industry in Pekalongan-Tegal, 1800-1942 (Amsterdam, 1993); idem "The Visible Hand in Tempo Doeloe: The Culture of Management and the Organisation of Business in Java's Colonial Sugar Industry", Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 30 (1999) pp. 74-98; idem, "The Sugar Industry of Colonial Java and its Global Trajectory", South East Asia Research, 8 (2000), pp. 249-274; G. Roger Knight and Arthur van Schaik, "State and Capital in Late Colonial Indonesia", Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, 157 (2001), pp. 831-859; Robert Van Niel, Java under the Cultivation System (Leiden, 1992).
76. By the eve of World War I, Java was the world's seventh largest consumer of sulphate of ammonia, the key inorganic fertilizer used on cane (and sugar beet). In Asia, only Japan exceeded this level of consumption, and no other "sugar colony" in the world was listed as a significant consumer. See W.J. van der Leemkolk, "Gebrek van Meststoffen", Tijdschrift voor Nijverheid en landbouw in Nederlandsch Indie, 92 (1915), pp. 99-113, 111. Between 1900 and the early 1930s, at many of Java's colonial sugar factories, the cost of fertilizer (mostly imported sulphate of ammonia) accounted for around 20 per cent (or more) of total "plantation" costs per hectare (i.e. a total made up of employee costs, labour costs, land rental, and the cost of cane cuttings (bibit) etc. For further discussion on this score, see G. Roger Knight, "Exploding the Myths: Industrial Fertiliser and the Agricultural Revolution in the Cane Fields of late Colonial Java", (forthcoming).
77. By the eve of World War I, Java was the world's seventh largest consumer of sulphate of ammonia, the key inorganic fertilizer used on cane (and sugar beet). In Asia, only Japan exceeded this level of consumption, and no other "sugar colony" in the world was listed as a significant consumer. See W.J. van der Leemkolk, "Gebrek van Meststoffen", Tijdschrift voor Nijverheid en landbouw in Nederlandsch Indie, 92 (1915), pp. 99-113, 111. Between 1900 and the early 1930s, at many of Java's colonial sugar factories, the cost of fertilizer (mostly imported sulphate of ammonia) accounted for around 20 per cent (or more) of total "plantation" costs per hectare (i.e. a total made up of employee costs, labour costs, land rental, and the cost of cane cuttings (bibit) etc. For further discussion on this score, see G. Roger Knight, "Exploding the Myths: Industrial Fertiliser and the Agricultural Revolution in the Cane Fields of late Colonial Java", (forthcoming).
78. The approximate figures (tons cane per ha.) for plantation yields for the five-year period 1908/1909-1912/1913 are: Java 108; Hawaii 89; Cuba 43; Queensland 41; Louisiana 36; Taiwan 28 (calculated from FAO, The World Sugar Economy in Figures 1880-1959 (Rome, 1961), pp. 33); Philippines production is absent from this source and other Caribbean production data is incomplete for the period in question. Data from Albert and Graves, The World Sugar Economy in War and Depression, p. 79, for 1918 suggests that early twentieth-century Peru was not far behind or even the equal of Java in terms of plantation yields (1918 = 107.5 tons per ha.). However, the apparently comparable high plantation yields in Hawaii and Peru are not what they seem: they have to be set against an eighteen-month to two-year growing period for cane, substantially longer than the twelve to fifteen months that was standard in Java: i.e. over the same period of time, the Java industry produced much more sugar per hectare than its Hawaii or Peru counterparts. See E.D. Beechert, "Technology and Plantation Labour Supply", in Albert and Graves, The World Sugar Economy in War and Depression, pp. 131-141, 136; Bill Albert, An Essay on the Peruvian Sugar Industry 1880-1920, and The Letters of Ronald Gordon, Administrator of the British Sugar Company in the Canetee Valley, 1914-1919 (Norwich, 1976), pp. 25, 91.
79. The approximate figures (tons cane per ha.) for plantation yields for the five-year period 1908/1909-1912/1913 are: Java 108; Hawaii 89; Cuba 43; Queensland 41; Louisiana 36; Taiwan 28 (calculated from FAO, The World Sugar Economy in Figures 1880-1959 (Rome, 1961), pp. 33); Philippines production is absent from this source and other Caribbean production data is incomplete for the period in question. Data from Albert and Graves, The World Sugar Economy in War and Depression, p. 79, for 1918 suggests that early twentieth-century Peru was not far behind or even the equal of Java in terms of plantation yields (1918 = 107.5 tons per ha.). However, the apparently comparable high plantation yields in Hawaii and Peru are not what they seem: they have to be set against an eighteen-month to two-year growing period for cane, substantially longer than the twelve to fifteen months that was standard in Java: i.e. over the same period of time, the Java industry produced much more sugar per hectare than its Hawaii or Peru counterparts. See E.D. Beechert, "Technology and Plantation Labour Supply", in Albert and Graves, The World Sugar Economy in War and Depression, pp. 131-141, 136; Bill Albert, An Essay on the Peruvian Sugar Industry 1880-1920, and The Letters of Ronald Gordon, Administrator of the British Sugar Company in the Canetee Valley, 1914-1919 (Norwich, 1976), pp. 25, 91.
80. The approximate figures (tons cane per ha.) for plantation yields for the five-year period 1908/1909-1912/1913 are: Java 108; Hawaii 89; Cuba 43; Queensland 41; Louisiana 36; Taiwan 28 (calculated from FAO, The World Sugar Economy in Figures 1880-1959 (Rome, 1961), pp. 33); Philippines production is absent from this source and other Caribbean production data is incomplete for the period in question. Data from Albert and Graves, The World Sugar Economy in War and Depression, p. 79, for 1918 suggests that early twentieth-century Peru was not far behind or even the equal of Java in terms of plantation yields (1918 = 107.5 tons per ha.). However, the apparently comparable high plantation yields in Hawaii and Peru are not what they seem: they have to be set against an eighteen-month to two-year growing period for cane, substantially longer than the twelve to fifteen months that was standard in Java: i.e. over the same period of time, the Java industry produced much more sugar per hectare than its Hawaii or Peru counterparts. See E.D. Beechert, "Technology and Plantation Labour Supply", in Albert and Graves, The World Sugar Economy in War and Depression, pp. 131-141, 136; Bill Albert, An Essay on the Peruvian Sugar Industry 1880-1920, and The Letters of Ronald Gordon, Administrator of the British Sugar Company in the Canetee Valley, 1914-1919 (Norwich, 1976), pp. 25, 91.
81. The approximate figures (tons cane per ha.) for plantation yields for the five-year period 1908/1909-1912/1913 are: Java 108; Hawaii 89; Cuba 43; Queensland 41; Louisiana 36; Taiwan 28 (calculated from FAO, The World Sugar Economy in Figures 1880-1959 (Rome, 1961), pp. 33); Philippines production is absent from this source and other Caribbean production data is incomplete for the period in question. Data from Albert and Graves, The World Sugar Economy in War and Depression, p. 79, for 1918 suggests that early twentieth-century Peru was not far behind or even the equal of Java in terms of plantation yields (1918 = 107.5 tons per ha.). However, the apparently comparable high plantation yields in Hawaii and Peru are not what they seem: they have to be set against an eighteen-month to two-year growing period for cane, substantially longer than the twelve to fifteen months that was standard in Java: i.e. over the same period of time, the Java industry produced much more sugar per hectare than its Hawaii or Peru counterparts. See E.D. Beechert, "Technology and Plantation Labour Supply", in Albert and Graves, The World Sugar Economy in War and Depression, pp. 131-141, 136; Bill Albert, An Essay on the Peruvian Sugar Industry 1880-1920, and The Letters of Ronald Gordon, Administrator of the British Sugar Company in the Canetee Valley, 1914-1919 (Norwich, 1976), pp. 25, 91.
82. The Java sugar plantation was a precocious variant on the East Asian model of labour intensive industrialization, on which, see, e.g., Kaoru Sugihara, "Agriculture and Industrialization: The Japanese Experience", in Peter Mathias and John Davis (eds), Agriculture and Economic Growth (Oxford, 1996), pp. 148-166. That is to say, compared to "classical" industrialization, it absorbed and utilized labour more fully - and depended less on the replacement of labour by machinery. In acknowledging the different conditions of factor endowment prevailing in late colonial Java, it recognized that both land and capital were in short supply but that labour was not. In consequence, it aimed at the maximum and most effective use of labour wherever capital and labour were substitutable.
83. S.C. van Musschenbroek, "Beknopt Overzicht der Rietcultuur op de Onderneming Tjomal", Het Archief voor de Suikerindustrie in NI, 10 (1902), pp 521-540; J. Sibinga Mulder, De Rietsuikerindustrie op Java (Onze Koloniale Landbouw: 1) (Haarlem, 1929).
84. S.C. van Musschenbroek, "Beknopt Overzicht der Rietcultuur op de Onderneming Tjomal", Het Archief voor de Suikerindustrie in NI, 10 (1902), pp 521-540; J. Sibinga Mulder, De Rietsuikerindustrie op Java (Onze Koloniale Landbouw: 1) (Haarlem, 1929).
85. Dye, Cuban Sugar in the Age of Mass Production.
86. Ayala, American Sugar Kingdom, pp. 183-211.
87. Dye, Cuban Sugar in the Age of Mass Production, p. 241.
88. Ayala, "Social and Economic Aspects of Sugar Production in Cuba", pp. 104-106.
89. Dye, Cuban Sugar in the Age of Mass Production, pp. 2, 245.
90. John M. Lui, "Race, Ethnicity and the Sugar Plantation System: Asian Labor in Hawaii, 1850-1900", in Lucie Cheng and Edna Bonacich, Labor Immigration Under Capitalism: Asian Workers in the United States before World War II (Berkeley, CA, 1984); Edward D. Beechert, Working in Hawaii: A Labor History (Honolulu, HI, 1985); Albert, An Essay on the Peruvian Sugar Industry, p. 19.
91. John M. Lui, "Race, Ethnicity and the Sugar Plantation System: Asian Labor in Hawaii, 1850-1900", in Lucie Cheng and Edna Bonacich, Labor Immigration Under Capitalism: Asian Workers in the United States before World War II (Berkeley, CA, 1984); Edward D. Beechert, Working in Hawaii: A Labor History (Honolulu, HI, 1985); Albert, An Essay on the Peruvian Sugar Industry, p. 19.
92. John M. Lui, "Race, Ethnicity and the Sugar Plantation System: Asian Labor in Hawaii, 1850-1900", in Lucie Cheng and Edna Bonacich, Labor Immigration Under Capitalism: Asian Workers in the United States before World War II (Berkeley, CA, 1984); Edward D. Beechert, Working in Hawaii: A Labor History (Honolulu, HI, 1985); Albert, An Essay on the Peruvian Sugar Industry, p. 19.
93. Dye, Cuban Sugar in the Age of Mass Production, pp. 242, 245.
94. Beechert, "Technology and Plantation Labour Supply", p. 132.
95. A notable attempt to do so for parts of the Caribbean is Ayala, American Sugar Kingdom, pp. 148-182.
96. Alejandro de la Fuente, "Two Dangers, One Solution: Immigration, Race, and Labor in Cuba 1900-1930", International Labor and Working-Class History, 51 (1997), pp. 30-49.
97. Rebecca J. Scott, "Defining the Boundaries of Freedom in the World of Cane: Cuba, Brazil and Louisiana after Emancipation", American Historical Review, 21 (1994), pp. 70-102; Rebecca J. Scott, "Fault Lines, Colour Lines and Party Lines: Race, Labour and Collective Action in Louisiana and Cuba, 1962-1912", in Frederick Cooper, Thomas. C. Holt, and Rebecca J. Scott (eds), Beyond Slavery (Chapel Hill, NC, 2000), pp. 61-105, 103.
98. Rebecca J. Scott, "Defining the Boundaries of Freedom in the World of Cane: Cuba, Brazil and Louisiana after Emancipation", American Historical Review, 21 (1994), pp. 70-102; Rebecca J. Scott, "Fault Lines, Colour Lines and Party Lines: Race, Labour and Collective Action in Louisiana and Cuba, 1962-1912", in Frederick Cooper, Thomas. C. Holt, and Rebecca J. Scott (eds), Beyond Slavery (Chapel Hill, NC, 2000), pp. 61-105, 103.
99. Brass and Bernstein, "Introduction: Proletarianisation and Deproletarianisation", p. 17.
100. Dye, Cuban Sugar in the Age of Mass Production, pp. 54-56; Baud, "Sugar and Unfree Labour", p. 309; Barry Carr, "Identity, Class and Nation: Black Immigrant Workers, Cuban Communism, and the Sugar Insurgency, 1925-1934", The Hispanic American Historical Review, 78 (1998), pp. 83-16, 93.
101. Dye, Cuban Sugar in the Age of Mass Production, pp. 54-56; Baud, "Sugar and Unfree Labour", p. 309; Barry Carr, "Identity, Class and Nation: Black Immigrant Workers, Cuban Communism, and the Sugar Insurgency, 1925-1934", The Hispanic American Historical Review, 78 (1998), pp. 83-16, 93.
102. Dye, Cuban Sugar in the Age of Mass Production, pp. 54-56; Baud, "Sugar and Unfree Labour", p. 309; Barry Carr, "Identity, Class and Nation: Black Immigrant Workers, Cuban Communism, and the Sugar Insurgency, 1925-1934", The Hispanic American Historical Review, 78 (1998), pp. 83-16, 93.
103. Scott, "Fault Lines, Colour Lines and Party Lines", p. 103.
104. Carr, "Identity, Class and Nation", p. 115.
105. Peter Singelmann, "The Sugar Industry in Postrevolutionary Mexico: State Intervention and Private Capital", Latin American Research Review, 28 (1993), pp. 61-88; Jeffrey Gould, "Por su resistencia y pericia: Las relaciones laborales en el ingenio San Antonio (1912-1926) (Nicaragua)", Anuario de Estudios Centroamericanos, 13 (1987), pp. 25-42; Daniel J. Greenberg, "Sugar Depression and Agrarian Revolt: The Argentine Radical Party and the Tucuman Cañeros Strike of 1927", Hispanic American Historical Review, 67 (1987), pp. 301-327.
106. Peter Singelmann, "The Sugar Industry in Postrevolutionary Mexico: State Intervention and Private Capital", Latin American Research Review, 28 (1993), pp. 61-88; Jeffrey Gould, "Por su resistencia y pericia: Las relaciones laborales en el ingenio San Antonio (1912-1926) (Nicaragua)", Anuario de Estudios Centroamericanos, 13 (1987), pp. 25-42; Daniel J. Greenberg, "Sugar Depression and Agrarian Revolt: The Argentine Radical Party and the Tucuman Cañeros Strike of 1927", Hispanic American Historical Review, 67 (1987), pp. 301-327.
107. Peter Singelmann, "The Sugar Industry in Postrevolutionary Mexico: State Intervention and Private Capital", Latin American Research Review, 28 (1993), pp. 61-88; Jeffrey Gould, "Por su resistencia y pericia: Las relaciones laborales en el ingenio San Antonio (1912-1926) (Nicaragua)", Anuario de Estudios Centroamericanos, 13 (1987), pp. 25-42; Daniel J. Greenberg, "Sugar Depression and Agrarian Revolt: The Argentine Radical Party and the Tucuman Cañeros Strike of 1927", Hispanic American Historical Review, 67 (1987), pp. 301-327.
108. Baud, "Sugar and Unfree Labour", pp. 314, 319.
109. Ulbe Bosma, Karel Zaalberg. Journalist en strijder voor de Indo (Leiden, 1997), p. 369.
110. Carr, "Identity, Class and Nation", p. 115.
111. Dale W. Tomich, "Small Islands and Huge Comparisons: Caribbean Plantations, Historical Unevenness, and Capitalist Modernity", Social Science History, 18 (1994), pp. 339-358.