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Volumn 36, Issue 2, 2004, Pages 153-174

Regionalism and globalization: Post-nation or extended nation?

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EID: 2442588732     PISSN: 00323497     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1086/POLv36n2ms3235477     Document Type: Conference Paper
Times cited : (13)

References (100)
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    • James N. Rosenau, "Governance and Democracy in a Globalizing World," in Reimagining Political Community, ed. Daniele Archibugi, David Held, and Martin Köhler (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1998) and James N. Rosenau, Distant Proximities (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2003).
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    • Why Europe needs a constitution
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    • "Draft Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe" submitted by the President of the Convention to the European Council meeting in Thessaloniki on 20 June 2003. Doc. CONV 820/03. There remains much to be worked out in the final negotiations beginning in October, 2003, and ratification will require the consent of all member states-no easy feat. The extent to which the final draft of the European Constitution, if approved, will be able to address the so-called democratic deficit in practice thus at the moment remains to be seen. As a public intellectual, Habermas has long advocated a Constitution for Europe; and recently he has been a vocal supporter of a common European foreign policy. See Jürgen Habermas, "Why Europe Needs a Constitution," New Left Review 11 (Sep/Oct 2001). Habermas, The Inclusion of the Other, 155-61.
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    • "Draft Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe" submitted by the President of the Convention to the European Council meeting in Thessaloniki on 20 June 2003. Doc. CONV 820/03. There remains much to be worked out in the final negotiations beginning in October, 2003, and ratification will require the consent of all member states-no easy feat. The extent to which the final draft of the European Constitution, if approved, will be able to address the so-called democratic deficit in practice thus at the moment remains to be seen. As a public intellectual, Habermas has long advocated a Constitution for Europe; and recently he has been a vocal supporter of a common European foreign policy. See Jürgen Habermas, "Why Europe Needs a Constitution," New Left Review 11 (Sep/Oct 2001). Habermas, The Inclusion of the Other, 155-61.
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    • It remains to be seen whether the absence of a common language among Europeans may present an obstacle to the formation of a truly transnational public sphere. Habermas suggests that national education systems would in fact have to provide the basis for such a common language, most likely English (PC 103). However, the reliance on a second or third language raises the concern that postnational democratic politics would be dominated by an elite agenda. As Will Kymlicka has said, democracy is "politics in the vernacular." Will Kymlicka, Politics in the Vernacular (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001). Yet others have argued that multi-lingual debate can actually enhance the quality of deliberation. See William Scheuerman, "Globalization and Democratic Theory," Polity 33 (Winter 2001): 339.
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    • It remains to be seen whether the absence of a common language among Europeans may present an obstacle to the formation of a truly transnational public sphere. Habermas suggests that national education systems would in fact have to provide the basis for such a common language, most likely English (PC 103). However, the reliance on a second or third language raises the concern that postnational democratic politics would be dominated by an elite agenda. As Will Kymlicka has said, democracy is "politics in the vernacular." Will Kymlicka, Politics in the Vernacular (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001). Yet others have argued that multi-lingual debate can actually enhance the quality of deliberation. See William Scheuerman, "Globalization and Democratic Theory," Polity 33 (Winter 2001): 339.
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    • Habermas, The Inclusion of the Other, 225. See also Jürgen Habermas, The New Conservatism: Cultural Criticism and the Historians' Debate, trans. S.W. Nicholsen (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1989).
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    • Dudley Seers in discussing the political economy of the European Union discusses the future of Europe in these terms. Seers. The Political Economy of Nationalism. See also Hettne, "Global Market versus Regionalism."
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    • In this sense it is important to note that I do not equate the ethnic/civic nationalism divide to be one between culture and reason, or between inheritance and choice, such as in Michael Ignatieff's Blood and Belonging (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1993). Rather as stated I understand the distinction as one between prepolitical identity and identity inseparable from political and legal institutions. Habermas is clear that "constitutional patriotism" includes a dimension of culture or shared way of life. See also Kymlicka, Politics in the Vernacular, 41, note 3.
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    • note 3
    • In this sense it is important to note that I do not equate the ethnic/civic nationalism divide to be one between culture and reason, or between inheritance and choice, such as in Michael Ignatieff's Blood and Belonging (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1993). Rather as stated I understand the distinction as one between prepolitical identity and identity inseparable from political and legal institutions. Habermas is clear that "constitutional patriotism" includes a dimension of culture or shared way of life. See also Kymlicka, Politics in the Vernacular, 41, note 3.
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    • Contesting citizenship: Indigenous movements and democracy in Latin America
    • October
    • Deborah J. Yashar, "Contesting Citizenship: Indigenous Movements and Democracy in Latin America, " Comparative Politics 31 (October 1998): 25.
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    • Yashar, "Contesting Citizenship." See also Deborah J. Yashar, "Democracy, Indigenous Movements, and the Postliberal Challenge in Latin America," World Politics 52 (October 1999): 76-104.
    • Contesting Citizenship
    • Yashar1
  • 83
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    • Democracy, indigenous movements, and the postliberal challenge in Latin America
    • October
    • Yashar, "Contesting Citizenship." See also Deborah J. Yashar, "Democracy, Indigenous Movements, and the Postliberal Challenge in Latin America," World Politics 52 (October 1999): 76-104.
    • (1999) World Politics , vol.52 , pp. 76-104
    • Yashar, D.J.1
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    • Katzenstein, "World of Regions." Also for more on the network economy of Asia see P. Katzenstein and T. Shiraishi, eds., Network Power: Japan and Asia (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1997).
    • World of Regions
    • Katzenstein1
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    • Ithaca: Cornell University Press
    • Katzenstein, "World of Regions." Also for more on the network economy of Asia see P. Katzenstein and T. Shiraishi, eds., Network Power: Japan and Asia (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1997).
    • (1997) Network Power: Japan and Asia
    • Katzenstein, P.1    Shiraishi, T.2
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    • trans. A.M Henderson and Talcott Parsons, ed. Talcott Parsons (New York: Oxford University Press)
    • Max Weber, The Theory of Social and Economic Organization, trans. A.M Henderson and Talcott Parsons, ed. Talcott Parsons (New York: Oxford University Press, 1947), 154.
    • (1947) The Theory of Social and Economic Organization , pp. 154
    • Weber, M.1
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    • Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press
    • Joel S. Migdal, Strong Societies and Weak States (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1988), and Joel S. Migdal, State in Society (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001).
    • (1988) Strong Societies and Weak States
    • Migdal, J.S.1
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    • Cambridge: Cambridge University Press
    • Joel S. Migdal, Strong Societies and Weak States (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1988), and Joel S. Migdal, State in Society (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001).
    • (2001) State in Society
    • Migdal, J.S.1
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    • Jürgen Habermas's theory of cosmopolitanism
    • December
    • According to Habermas, the universality of cosmopolitan right and the particularity of democratic legitimacy may be reconciled in the concept of "constitutional patriotism." However, as Robert Fine and Will Smith have recently argued, "constitutional patriotism" may prove to be either too strong or too weak to be successful. Either it strongly binds a political community together around their own vigorous particular interpretations of abstract constitutional rights at the cost of cosmopolitan identification, or its content remains at such a level of generality that it allows for cosmopolitan identification but fails to produce the "ethic of solidarity" on the domestic level necessary for the production of democratic legitimacy. See Robert Fine and Will Smith, "Jürgen Habermas's Theory of Cosmopolitanism," Constellations 10 (December 2003): 469-87.
    • (2003) Constellations , vol.10 , pp. 469-487
    • Fine, R.1    Smith, W.2


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