Emotions in context: Revolutionary accelerators, hope, moral outrage, and other emotions in the making of Nicaragua's revolution

Theory and Society

Volumn 33, Issue 6, 2004, Pages 653-703

  Reed, Jean Pierre ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF MEMPHIS   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 24044536574     PISSN: 03042421     EISSN: 15737853     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1023/B:RYSO.0000049194.07641.bb     Document Type: Review

References (339)

1. Teodor Shanin, The Roots of Otherness: Russia's Turn of the Century, Volume 2: Russia, 1905-07: Revolution as a Moment of Truth (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1986), 30-31.
2. See Charles Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution (Reading: Addison-Wesley, 1978);
3. The Contentious French: Four Centuries of Popular Struggle (Cambridge: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1986);
4. Charles Tilly, Louise Tilly, and Richard Tilly, The Rebellious Century: 1830-1930 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1975);
5. Doug McAdam, Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency 1930-1970 (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1982);
6. "Recruitment to High Risk Activism: The Case of Freedom Summer," American Journal of Sociology 92 (1986): 64-90;
7. James Rule and Charles Tilly, "1830 and the Unnatural History of Revolution," Journal of Social Issues 28 (1972): 49-76;
8. Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement: Social Movements and Contentious Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994).
9. For example, see Jeff Goodwin and James Jasper, "Caught in a Winding, Snarling Vine: The Structural Bias of Political Process Theory," Sociological Forum 14 (1999): 27-54.
10. James M. Jasper, The Art of Moral Protest: Culture, Biography, and Creativity in Social Movements (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1997), 179.
11. I am specifically referring to the Theda Skocpol and William Sewell debate on the role of ideas during the French revolution. Skocpol, the struturalist par excellence, who reconsiders her non-voluntarist (structural determination) position on revolution following her evaluation of the Iranian case, proposes that the key to understanding successful revolutionary mobilization is "cultural idioms," long-standing, anonymous, and local systems of meaning through which popular groups embody their actions. This is a position she espouses against the role of ideology (as championed by revolutionary groups) during revolutionary scenarios, yet by it she does not imply that ideologies are entirely irrelevant, but instead poses an alternative as to how the habitus of customs together with established networks of communication work as the central structuring structures of revolutionary mobilization. Sewell, a prominent cultural historian, calls for a dynamic and causal analysis of ideology. To counteract Skocpol's critical position on ideology as "voluntarist" and structurally bounded, he offers as an alternative the view of revolutionary ideology as an anonymous, transpersonal, and collective social force that constitutes revolutionary action and is a causal factor in "the replacement of one socio-political order by another." See William H. Sewell, Jr., "Ideologies and Social Revolutions: Reflections on the French Revolution," in Theda Skocpol, editor, Social Revolutions in the Modern World (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994 [1985]), 173;
12. Theda Skocpol, "Cultural Idioms and Political Ideologies in the Revolutionary Reconstruction of State Power: A Rejoinder to Sewell," The Journal of Modern History 57 (March 1985): 86-96.
13. See Mustafa Emirbayer and Jeff Goodwin, "Network Analysis, Culture, and the Problem of Agency," American Journal of Sociology 99/6: (May 1994): 1411-1454;
14. Emirbayer and Goodwin, "Symbols, Positions, Objects: Toward a New Theory of Revolutions and Collective Action," History and Theory: Studies in the Philosophy of History 35/3 (1996): 358-374;
15. John Foran, "The Comparative-Historical Sociology of Third World Social Revolutions: Why a Few Succeed, Why Most Fail," 226-267, in John Foran, editor, Theorizing Revolutions (New York: Routledge, 1997);
16. Foran, "Revolutionizing Theory/Revising Revolution: State, Culture, and Society in Recent Works on Revolutions," Contention: Debates in Society, Culture, and Science 2/2 (Winter 1993): 65-88;
17. Foran, "Theories of Revolution Revisited: Toward a Fourth Generation?," Sociological Theory 11/1 (March 1993): 1-20;
18. Jeffrey Goodwin, "Toward a New Sociology of Revolutions," Theory and Society 23 (1994): 731-803.
19. John Foran, "Discourses and Social Forces: The Role of Culture and Cultural Studies in Understanding Revolutions," 203-225, in John Foran, editor, Theorizing Revolutions (New York: Routledge, 1997), 208.
20. On discourse, see Foran, "Discourses and Social Forces," On the relationship between popular culture and ideology,
21. see Gilbert Shapiro and John Markoff, Revolutionary Demands: A Content Analysis of the Cahiers de Doléances of 1789 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1998);
22. John Markoff, The Abolition of Feudalism: Peasants, Lords, and Legislators in the French Revolution (University Park: Penn State University Press, 1996);
23. and Tim MacDaniel, Autocracy, Modernization and Revolution in Russian and Iran (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1991).
24. On language, see Chik Collins, Language, Ideology and Social Consciousness (Adelshot, England: Ashgate Publishing Ltd., 1999);
25. Marc Steinberg, Fighting Words: Working-Class Formation, Collective Action and Discourse in Early Nineteenth-Century England (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1999);
26. Mark D. Steinberg, Voices of Revolution: 1917 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2001).
27. See Doug McAdam, Sidney Tarrow, and Charles Tilly, Dynamics of Contention (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001) on the contingent as interpretive and interactive.
28. On the temporal, spatial, emotional, and demographic, see Ron Aminzade, Jack Goldstone, Doug McAdam, Elizabeth Perry, William Sewell, Sidney Tarrow, and Charles Tilly, editors, Silence and Voice in the Study of Contentious Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001).
29. See Jeff Goodwin, "The Libidinal Constitution of a High-Risk Social Movement: Affectual Ties and Solidarity in the Huk Rebellion, 1946-54," American Sociological Review 62 (February 1997): 53-69;
30. Jeff Goodwin and James Jasper, editors, Rethinking Social Movements: Structure, Meaning, and Emotions (Landham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2004);
31. Jeff Goodwin, James M. Jasper, and Francesca Polletta, "The Return of the Repressed: The Fall and Rise of Emotions in Social Movement Theory," Mobilization 5/1 (2000): 65-84;
32. Jeff Goodwin, James M. Jasper, and Francesca Polletta, editors, Passionate Politics: Emotions and Social Movements (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2001);
33. James Jasper, The Art of Moral Protest;
34. "The Emotions of Protest: Affective and Reactive Emotions in and around Social Movements," Sociological Forum 13 (1998): 397-424.
35. On a recent issue that emphasizes the importance of subjectivity in revolutions, see John Foran, editor, Revolutions: Rethinking Radical Change in the Age of Globalization (New York: Zed Books Ltd., 2003).
36. This work specifically represents a direct challenge to interpretations that strictly focus on vanguard-driven mobilization, equate revolutionary action with ideological mobilization (as opposed to the radicalization of existing customs), and undermine the significance of spontaneity and contingency in the making of revolution. The following two main questions have been pursued in this type of research: (1) How is a desire for liberation, as manifested in revolutionary action, more than a matter of ideology and formal organization? (2) What role do events play in the unfolding of revolution and in the making of revolutionary subjectivities? See Jean-Pierre Reed, Sandinista Narratives: Culture, Ideology, and Revolutionary Contexts in the Making of Insurgent Actors (Albany: SUNY Press, forthcoming);
37. Jean-Pierre Reed and John Foran, "Political Cultures of Opposition: Exploring Idioms, Ideologies, and Revolutionary Agency in the Case of Nicaragua," Critical Sociology 28 (2002): 335-370;
38. Jean-Pierre Reed, '"Culture in Action': Nicaragua's Revolutionary Identities Reconsidered," New Political Science 24 (2002): 235-263;
39. Jean -Pierre Reed, "Revolutionary Subjectivity: The Cultural Logic of the Nicaraguan Revolution," Ph.D. Dissertation, Department of Sociology, University of California, Santa Barbara, June 2000.
40. On this political dynamic point that focuses on action/reaction, see Pamela Oliver, "Bringing the Crowd Back In: The Nonorganizational Elements of Social Movements," Research in Social Movements, Conflict and Change 11 (1989): 1-30.
41. On the related topics of spontaneity and diffusion in the emergence of political action, see also Anthony Oberschall, "The 1960s Sit-Ins: Protest Diffusion and Movement Take-Off," Research in Social Movements, Conflict, and Change 11 (1989): 31-53;
42. Oberschall, "Loosely Structured Collective Conflict," Research in Social Movements, Conflict, and Changed (1980): 45-68;
43. Social Conflict and Social Movements (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1973);
44. Ralph Turner and Lewis Killian, Collective Behavior (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1987);
45. and Lewis Killian, "Organization, Rationality and Spontaneity in the Civil Rights Movement," American Sociological Review 49 (1984): 770-783.
46. See, for example, George Black, Triumph of the People: The Sandinista Revolution in Nicaragua (London: Zed Press, 1981);
47. Amalia Z. Chamorro, Los Rasgos Hegemónicos del Somocismo y la Revolución Sandinista (Managua, Nicaragua: Institute de Investigaciones Económicas y Sociales, 1983);
48. Forrest D. Colburn, The Vogue of Revolution in Poor Countries (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994);
49. Farideh Farhi, States and Urban-Based Revolutions: Iran and Nicaragua (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1990);
50. Eric Selbin, Modem Latin American Revolutions (Boulder: Westview Press, 1993, second edition, 1999);
51. Harry E. Vanden, "The Ideology of the Insurrection," 41-62, in Thomas Walker, editor, Nicaragua in Revolution (New York: Praeger Publishers, 1982);
52. Carlos Vilas, Perfiles de la Revolución Sandinista (Managua: Editorial Nueva Nicaragua, 1987);
53. and Henri Weber, Nicaragua: The Sandinist Revolution (London: Verso, 1981).
54. I am not referring to journalistic accounts, which not unpredictably touched on the emotional dimensions of the revolution.
55. Mark Everingham, Revolution and the Multiclass Coalition in Nicaragua (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1996);
56. Lynn Horton, Peasants in Arms: War and Peace in the Mountains of Nicaragua, 1979-1994 (Athens: Center for International Studies, Ohio University, 1998);
57. Misagh Parsa, States, Ideologies, and Social Revolutions: A Comparative Analysis of Iran, Nicaragua, and the Philippines (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000).
58. (Ortega, 1984), 33.
59. On the issues of cultural contention and heterogeneity, see Donald C. Hodges, Intellectual Foundations of the Nicaraguan Revolution (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1986);
60. Roger N. Lancaster, Thanks to God and the Revolution: Popular Religion and Class Consciousness in the New Nicaragua (New York: Columbia University Press, 1988);
61. David E. Whisnant, Rascally Signs in Sacred Places: The Politics of Culture in Nicaragua (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995).
62. On political dynamics, see John Booth, The End and the Beginning: The Nicaraguan Revolution (Boulder: Westview Press, 1982, second edition, 1985).
63. Instituto de Estudio del Sandinismo [IES], ¡Y se armó la runga! testimonios de la insurreción popular sandinista en Masaya (Managua: Editorial Nueva Nicaragua, 1982). The author has done all translations.
64. Secondary testimonial/ethnographic sources, include Claribel Alegria and D. J. Flakoll, Nicaragua: La Revolution Sandinista (Mexico: Series Popular Era, 1982);
65. Pilar Arias, Nicaragua: Revolution, Relatos de Combatientes del Frente Sandinista (Mexico: Siglo Veintiuno, 1980);
66. Teófilo Cabestrero, Revolutionaries for the Gospel: Testimonies of Fifteen Christians in the Nicaraguan Government (New York: Orbis Books, 1986);
67. Ernesto Cardenal, The Gospel in Solentiname, Vol. 1 (New York: Orbis Books, 1976);
68. Abdollah Dashti, "The Forbidden Revolution: Participatory Democracy and the Cultural Politics of Class, Community, and National Identity in Nicaragua," Ph.D. Dissertation, Yale University, 1994;
69. Dieter Eich and Carlos Rincón, The Contras: Interviews with Anti-Sandinistas (San Francisco: Synthesis Publications, 1984);
70. Jeffrey Gould, To Lead as Equals: Rural Protest and Political Consciousness in Chinandega, Nicaragua, 1912-1979 (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1990);
71. Denis Lynn Daly Heyck, Life Stories of the Nicaraguan Revolution (New York: Routledge, 1990);
72. Institute de Estudio del Sandinismo (IES), El Principio del Fin. . . 1956, 23 años de lucha . . .El triunfo. . . 1979 (Managua: Editorial Nueva Nicaragua, 1981),
73. and Parque Viven Siempre Entre Nosotros: Heroes y Martires de la Insurrección Popular Sandinista en Masaya (Managua, Nicaragua: Editorial Nueva Nicaragua, 1982);
74. Carlos Nuñez, Un pueblo en Armas: Informe del Frente Interno (Managua: Secretaria Nacional de Propaganda y Educación Política del F.S.L.N., 1980);
75. Margaret Randall, Christians in the Nicaraguan Revolution (Vancouver, B.C.: New Star Books, 1983);
76. M. Randall, Cristianos en la Revolución: Del Testimonio a la Lucha (Buenos Aires: Ediciones Nueva América, 1985);
77. Gary Ruchwarger, People in Power: Forging a Grass-roots Democracy in Nicaragua (Massachusetts: Bergin & Garvey Publishers, 1987).
78. IES, 19.
79. See John Walton, Reluctant Rebels: Comparative Studies of Revolution and Underdevelopment (New York: Columbia University Press, 1984).
80. See Rick Fantasia, Cultures of Solidarity: Consciousness, Action, and Contemporary American Workers (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989);
81. François Furet, Interpreting the French Revolution (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981).
82. On collective action, see Russell Hardin, One for All: The Logic of Group Conflict (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995);
83. Susan Olzak, "Analysis of Events in the Study of Collective Action," Annual Review of Sociology 15 (1989): 119-141;
84. and Susanne Lohmann, "The Dynamics of Informational Cascades: The Morning Demonstrations in Liepzig, East Germany, 1989-1991," World Politics 47 (1994): 42-101.
85. On violence, see John W. Burton, Violence Explained: The Sources of Conflict, Violence and Crime and Their Prevention (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997).
86. On strikes, riots, and protests respectively, see Roberto Franzosi, The Puzzle of Strikes: Class and State Strategies in Postwar Italy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995);
87. Joe Feagin and Harlan Hahn, Ghetto Revolts: The Politics of Violence in American Cities (New York: Macmillan, 1975);
88. and Dieter Rutch, Ruud Koopmans, and Freidhelm Neidhardt, Acts of Dissent: New Developments in the Study of Protest (Berlin: Sigma Rainer Bohn Verlag, 1998);
89. and Dieter Rucht and Ruud Koopmans, editors, "Special Issue: Protest Event Analysis," Mobilization (Fall 1999).
90. On claim-making see Tarrow, Power in Movement,
91. and Doug Imig and Sidney Tarrow, editors, Contentious Europeans: Protest and Politics in an Emerging Polity (Landham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2001).
92. Rod Aya, Rethinking Revolutions and Collective Violence: Studies on Concept, Theory, and Method (Amsterdam: Het Spinhuis, 1990), 21-50.
93. Michael Mann, Consciousness and Action among the Western Working Class (London: Macmillian Press, 1977).
94. See Andrew Abbott, "Conceptions of Time and Events in Social Science Methods: Causal and Narrative Approaches," Historical Methods 23/24 (Fall 1990): 140-150;
95. "From Causes to Events: Notes on Narrative Positivism," Sociological Methods and Research 20/24 (May 1992): 428-455;
96. Robin George Collingwood, The Idea of History (New York: Oxford University Press, 1956);
97. Wilhem Dilthey, Patterns and Meanings in History (New York: Harper and Row, 1961);
98. Clifford Geertz, The Interpretation of Cultures (New York Basic Books, 1973);
99. John R. Hall, "Temporality, Social Action, and the Problem of Quantification in Historical Analysis," Historical Methods 17/24 (Fall 1984): 206-218;
100. William Sewell, "Historical Events as Transformations of Structure: Inventing Revolution at the Bastille," Theory and Society 25 (1996): 841-881;
101. Max Weber, Economy and Society (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1968).
102. Philip Abrams, Historical Sociology (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1982), 192.
103. On the disruption of the quotidian and its consequences, see Richard Flacks, Making History: The American Left and the American Mind (New York: Columbia University Press, 1988);
104. Hank Johnston, Tales of Nationalism: Catalonia, 1939-1979 (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1991);
105. Henri Lefebvre, Everyday Life in the Modern World (New York: Harper Torchbooks, 1971);
106. Ron E. Robertz and Robert March Kloss, Social Movements: Between the Balcony and the Barricade (St. Louis: C.V Mosby and Company, 1979);
107. and, on a most elucidating recent piece, David Snow, Daniel M. Cress, Liam Downey, and Andrew W. Jones, '"Disrupting the Quotidian': Reconceptualizing the Relationship Between Breakdown and the Emergence of Collective Action," Mobilization 3 (Spring 1998): 1-22.
108. On political opportunities see Craig Jenkins, The Politics of Insurgency: The Farm Worker Movement in the 1960s (New York: Columbia University Press, 1985);
109. Hanspeter Kriesi, Political Mobilization and Social Change: The Dutch Case in Comparative Perspective (Aldershot, England: Avebury, 1993);
110. Charles Kurzman, "Structural Opportunity and Perceived Opportunity in Social-Movement Theory: The Iranian Revolution of 1979," American Sociological Review 61 (1996): 153-170;
111. Tarrow, Power in Movement.
112. See Stephen Ellingson, "Understanding the Dialectic of Discourse and Collective Action: Public Debate and Rioting in Antebellum Cincinnati," American Journal of Sociology 101/1 (July 1995): 100-144:104.
113. This is an insight that Ellingson derives from the works of Bert Klandermans, William Gamson, Eric Hirsh, Doug McAdam, and Sydney Tarrow. See Bert Klandermans, "The Formation and Mobilization of Consensus," in Bert Klandermans, Hanspeter Kriesi, and Sidney Tarrow, editors, International Social Movement Research, vol. 1 (Greenwich, Conn: JAI Press, 1988), 173-96;
114. "The Social Construction of Protest and Multi-Organizational Fields," in Aldon D. Morris and Carol McClurg Mueller, editors, Frontiers of Social Movement Theory (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992), 77-103;
115. William Gamson, "Political Discourse and Collective Action," in Klandermans et al., International Social Movement Research, Vol. 1, 219-244;
116. Eric I. Hirsh, "Sacrifice for the Cause: The Impact of Group Processes on Recruitment and Commitment in Protest Movements," American Sociological Review 55 (1990): 243-55;
117. McAdam, Political Process;
118. McAdam, "Tactical Innovation and the Pace of Insurgency" American Sociological Review: 48 (1983): 735-754;
119. Sidney Tarrow, Democracy and Disorder: Protest and Politics in Italy 1965-1975 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989).
120. Sewell, "Historical Events as Transformations of Structure," 861.
121. I b i d.
122. See Edgar Morin, "Le retour de lévénement," Communications 18 (1972): 6-20;
123. Marshall Sahlins, "The Return of the Event Again: With Reflections on the Beginnings of the Great Fijian War of 1843 to 1855 Between the Kingdoms of Bau and Rewa," in Aletta Biersack, editor, Clio in Oceania: Toward a Historical Anthropology (Washington: Smithsonian Institute Press, 1991), 37-100;
124. Ellingson, "Understanding the Dialectic of Discourse and Collective Action."
125. McAdam et al., Dynamics of Contention, 202 and 224.
126. Sewell, "Historical Events as Transformations of Structure," 845, 865.
127. Ron Aminzade and Doug McAdam, "Emotions and Contentious Politics," in Aminzade et al., Silence and Voice, 33.
128. Randall Collins, "Social Movements and the Focus of Emotional Attention," in Goodwin et al., editors, Passionate Politics, 27-44.
129. J. M. Barbalet, Emotion, Social Theory, and Social Structure: A Macrosociological Approach (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 157-161.
130. Thomas Scheff, "Emotions and Identity: A Theory of Ethnic Nationalism," in Craig Calhoun, editor, Social Theory and the Politics of Identity (Cambridge: Blackwell Publishers, 1994).
131. bid., 268.
132. Ellingson, "Understanding the Dialectic of Discourse and Collective Action," 103.
133. Alexandra Georgakopoulou and Dionysis Goutsos, Discourse Analysis: An Introduction (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1999), 14-21.
134. See also Roman Jakobson, On Language (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1990);
135. Jakobson, "Concluding Statement: Linguistics and Poetics," in Thomas Albert Sebeok, editor, Style in Language (Cambridge; The MIT Press, 1960), 350-377.
136. On the unique historical accessibility of oral communication (or orality) as opposed to written expression, see Anthony Giddens, "Structuralism, Post-Structuralism, and the Production of Culture," in Anthony Giddens and Jonathan Turner, editors, Social Theory Today (Standford: Standford University Press, 1987);
137. Michele Foucault, I Pierre Riviere: A Case of Patricide in the 19th Century (Harmondsworth, Middlesex: Penguin, 1978);
138. Claude Lévi-Strauss, Structural Anthropology (London: Allen Lane, 1963).
139. See references on memory below. On the issue of testimonies as a reliable historical source, see Louis Reichenthal Gottschalk, Clyde Kluckhohn, and Robert Angell, The Use of Personal Documents in History, Anthropology, and Sociology (New York: Social Science Research Council, 1945).
140. On the issue of measurability see Loius A. Gottschalk and Goldine C. Gleser, The Measurement of Psychological States (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1969);
141. Louis Gottschalk, editor, The Content Analysis of Verbal Behavior: Further Issues (New York: Spectrum Publications, 1979);
142. Suzanne M. Retzinger, Violent Emotions: Shame and Rage in Marital Quarrels (Newbury Park: Sage, 1991);
143. Thomas J Scheff and Suzanne M Retzinger, Emotions and Violence: Shame and Rage in Destructive Conflicts (Lexington, MA: Lexington Books, 1991).
144. Gérard Genette, Narrative Discourse: An Essay in Method (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1980), 164.
145. I arrive at the term "sociobiographical benchmarks" by considering the collective memory, socio-psychological, and psychological dimensions of (political) events. On the collective memory dimensions of events, see Yael Zerubavel, Recovered Roots: Collective Memory and the Making of Israeli National Tradition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995);
146. and Zerubavel, "Social Memories: Steps to a Sociology of the Past," Qualitative Sociology 19/3 (1996).
147. On the sociopsychological dimensions of political events, see James W. Pennebaker, Dario Paez, and Bernard Rimé, editors, Collective Memory of Political Events: Social Psychological Perspectives (Mahwah: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1997).
148. On the psychological dimensions of events, see Robyn Fivush, "The Functions of Event Memory: Some Comments on Nelson and Barsalou," in Ulrich Neisser and E. Winnograd, editors, Remembering Reconsidered: Ecological and Traditional Approaches to the Study of Memory (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1988), 277-282;
149. Ulric Neisser, "Snapshots or Benchmarks?" in Ulrich Neisser, editor, Memory Observed: Remembering in Natural Contexts (San Francisco: Fremman, 1982), 43-48.
150. Donatella Della Porta, Social Movements, Political Violence, and the State (Cambridge, MA: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 19.
151. Jan Assmann, Das kulturelle Gedächtnis: Schrift, Erinnerung und politische Identität in frühen Hochkulturen (Munich: CH Beck, 1999).
152. On "Bringing People Back In," see Eric Selbin, "Revolution in the Real World: Bringing Agency Back In," in Foran, Theorizing Revolutions, 123-136,
153. and Selbin, Modern Latin American Revolutions (Boulder: Westview, 1993, 1999).
154. See also Jean-Pierre Reed, "Culture in Action";
155. Reed and Foran, "Political Cultures of Opposition."
156. See, respectively, Leila J. Rupp and Verta Taylor, Survival in the Doldrums: The American Women's Rights Movements, 1945 to the 1960s (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987);
157. Elisabeth Wood, "The Emotional Benefits of Insurgency in El Salvador," in Goodwin et al., Passionate Politics, 267-281;
158. and Verta Taylor, "Watching for Vibes: Bringing Emotions into the Study of Feminist Organizations," in Myra Marx Ferree and Patricia Yancey Martin, editors, Feminist Organizations: Harvest of the New Women's Movement (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1995), 223-233;
159. Nancy Whittier, "Emotional Strategies: The Collective Reconstruction and Display of Oppositional Emotions in the Movement Against Child Sexual Abuse," Passionate Politics 233-250.
160. A growing number of scholars from a variety of disciplines recognize the illusory or false division the emotion/reason dichotomy represents and increasingly have come to see how thinking and feeling are mutually constitutive of each other. On this point, see Barbalet, Emotion, Social Theory, and Social Structure;
161. Simon J. Williams and Gillian Bendelow, "Introduction: Emotions in Social Life," in Gillian Bendelow and Simon J. Williams, editors, Emotions in Social Life: Critical Themes and Contemporary Issues (London: Routlege, 1998), xv-xx;
162. Antonio R. Damasio, The Feeling of What Happens: Body and Emotion in the Making of Consciousness (New York: Harcourt Brace and Company, 1994);
163. Simon J. Williams and Gillian Bendelow, The Lived Body: Sociological Themes, Embodied Issues (New York: Routledge, 1998);
164. and Alison Jaggar, "Love and Knowledge: Emotion in Feminist Epistemology," Inquiry 32 (1989): 161-176.
165. On especially cogent and penetrating essays on the same point, see Margot L. Lyon, "The Limitations of Cultural Constructionism in the Study of Emotion," in Bendelow and Williams, editors, Emotions in Social Life, 39-59;
166. Michelle Z. Rosaldo, "Toward an Anthropology of Self and Feeling," in Richard A. Shweder and Robert A. Le Vine, editors, Culture Theory: Essay on Mind, Self, and Emotion (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), 137-157.
167. See Nick Crossley, Making Sense of Social Movements (Open University Press, 2002), 48-51.
168. See Theodore D. Kemper, A Social Interactional Theory of Emotions (New York: Wiley, 1978);
169. Steven L. Gordon, "Social Structural Effects on Emotions," in Theodore D. Kemper, editor, Research Agendas in the Sociology of Emotions (New York: State University of New York Press, 1990).
170. See James R. Averill, "A Constructivist View of Emotion," in Robert Plutchik and Henry Kellerman, editors, Emotion: Theory, Research, and Experience, Vol. 1, Theories of Emotion (New York: Academic Press, 1980);
171. Ronald de Sousa, The Rationality of Emotions (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1995);
172. Arlie Russell Hochschild, The Managed Heart (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983);
173. Russell, "Ideology and Emotion Management: A Perspective and Path for Future Research" in Kemper, editor, Research Agendas in the Sociology of Emotions, 117-142.
174. See Nico Frijda, The Emotions (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987);
175. J. M. Mandler, Stories, Scripts and Scenes: Aspects of Schema Theory (Hillsdale: Erlbaum, 1984);
176. R. Schank and R. Abelson, Scripts, Plans, Goals, and Understanding (Hillsdale: Erlbaum, 1977);
177. Phillip Shaver, Judith Schwartz, Donald Kirson, and Cary O'Connor, "Emotion Knowledge: Further Exploration of a Prototype Approach," Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 52 (1987): 1061-1086;
178. Robert C. Solomon, The Passions (New York: Doubleday-Anchor, 1976).
179. On emotions as important constituents of social transactions, see Shaver et al, "Emotion Knowledge." On the role of emotions in the transformation of consciousness,
180. see Keith Oatley, "Plans and the Communicative Function of Emotions," in Vernon Hamilton, Gordon H. Bower, and Nico Frijda, editors, Cognitive Perspectives on Emotion and Motivation (Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1988).
181. See C. Wright Mills, "Situated Actions and the Vocabulary of Motives" in Irving Louis Horowitz, editor, Power, Politics, and People: The Collected Essays of C. Wright Mills (New York: Oxford University Press, 1963 [1940]).
182. On how emotions exhibit social orientation tendencies, see Randall Collins, "On the Micro-Foundations of Macro-Sociology," American Journal of Sociology 86 (1981): 984-1014;
183. Collins, "Stratification, Emotional Energy, and the Transient Emotions" in Kemper, editor, Research Agendas in the Sociology of Emotions, 27-57;
184. Gordon, "Social Structural Effects on Emotions."
185. See Jack Katz, How Emotions Work (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1999), 340.
186. On how emotions are more than cognition, see Lyon, "The Limitations of Cultural Constructionism in the Study of Emotion";
187. Nick Crossley, "Emotion and Communicative Action: Habermas, Linguistic Philosophy and Existentialism," in Bendelow and Williams, editors, Emotions in Social Life, 16-38.
188. Williams and Bendelow, The Lived Body, 138.
189. Katz, How Emotions Work, 6-7.
190. Ibid., 332.
191. Ibid., 143.
192. Williams and Bendelow, The Lived Body, 13.
193. Social movement and revolution scholars have firmly established a connection between emotion and political mobilization. Much of this scholarship has focused on the role, the transformative effect, and types of emotion in the making of politics. On these points, see Deborah Gould, "Passionate Political Processes: Bringing Emotions Back into the Study of Social Movements," in Jeff Goodwin and James Jasper, editors, Rethinking Social Movements: Structure, Meaning, and Emotion (Landham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2004);
194. Aminzade and McAdam, "Emotions and Contentious Politics;"
195. Helena Flam, "Emotional 'Man' I: The Emotional 'Man' and the Problem of Collective Action," International Sociology 5 (1990): 39-56;
196. Foran, "Discourses and Social Forces;"
197. Goodwin et al., "The Return of the Repressed";
198. Jasper, The Art of Moral Protest;
199. Jasper, "The Emotions of Protest;"
200. Jasper and Jane Poulsen, "Recruiting Strangers and Friends: Moral Shocks and Social Networks in Animal Rights and Anti-Nuclear Protests, Social Problems 42 (1995): 493-512.
201. Feminist scholarship in particular has played a significant role in coming to terms with the emotional dimensions of political involvement. See Sandra Morgen, "It Was the Best of Times, It Was the Worst of Times: Emotional Discourse in the Work Cultures of Feminist Health Clinics," in Ferrre and Martin, editors, Feminist Organizations, 234-247;
202. Deborah A. Smith and Rebecca Eriksson, "For Love or Money? Work and Emotional Labor in a Social Movement Organization," Social Perspectives on Emotions 4 (1995): 317-346;
203. Verta Taylor "Emotions and Identity in Women's Self-Help Movements," in Sheldon Sryker, Tim Owens, and Bob White, editors, Self Identity, and Social Movements (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2000).
204. William M. Reddy, "Sentimentalism and its Erasure: The Role of Emotions in the Era of the French Revolution," Journal of Modem History 72 (2000): 109-153.
205. On this point, also see Gould, "Passionate Political Processes."
206. On reactive vs. affective emotions, see Jasper, The Art of Moral Protest;
207. and Jasper, "The Emotions of Protest." "High order" emotions are the emotions that require a modicum of cognitive processing; that is, an evaluation of situational/event contexts as part of the emotional definition of the latter.
208. For a more comprehensive definition of "dominant emotions" see John Lofland, Protest: Studies of Collective Behavior and Social Movements (New Brunswick: Transactions Books, 1985), 39-40.
209. Sharon Erikson Nepstad and Christian Smith, "The Social Structure of Moral Outrage in Recruitment to the U.S. Central America Peace Movement," in Goodwin et al., Passionate Politics, 171, 173.
210. See Barrington Moore, Injustice: The Social Bases of Obedience and Revolt (New York: M. E. Sharpe, 1978), 490.
211. Arbitrary state repression is an obvious case when punishment goes too far, incurring moral outrage responses that function as a catalyst for "blaming the system." Repression, especially against non-violent protesters, produces moral uneasiness, system-wide alienation, and plays a role in the radicalization of collective mobilization. It tends to backfire because it provokes an anti-status-quo logic in protest mobilization, often resulting in "belief amplification" and a "natural progression" towards adopting violent means of contention. On the relationship between repression and moral uneasiness, societal alienation, and insurgent effect see respectively James DeNardo, Power in Numbers: The Political Strategy of Protest and Rebellion (New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1985);
212. Karl-Dieter Opp and Wolfgang Roehl, "Repression, Micromobilization, and Political Protest," Social Forces 69 (1990): 521-547;
213. Karl-Dieter Opp, "Repression and Revolutionary Action," Rationality and Society 6 (1994): 101-138.
214. On the relationship between repression and non-violent protesters, see also T. David Mason and Dale A. Krane, "The Political Economy of Death Squads: Toward a Theory of the Impact of State-Sanctioned Terror," International Studies Quarterly 33 (1989): 175-198;
215. Dean Hoover and David Kowalewski, "Dynamic Models of Dissent and Repression," Journal of Conflict Resolution 36 (1992): 150-182;
216. Ronald A. Francisco, "The Relationship Between Coercion and Protest," Journal of Conflict Resolution 39 (1995).
217. On how repression results in "belief amplification" and a "natural progression" towards violence, see Robert White, "From Peaceful Protest to Guerrilla War: Micromobilization of the Provisional Irish Republican Army," American Journal of Sociology 94 (1989): 1277-1302.
218. Goodwin et al., "The Return of the Repressed," 80.
219. Jasper, The Art of Moral Protest, 114.
220. Barbalet, Emotion, Social Theory, and Social Structure, 149.
221. On recent elaborations on the relations among fear, threat, and political mobilization, see Jack A. Goldstone and Charles Tilly, "Threat (and Opportunity): Popular Action and State Response in the Dynamics of Contentious Action," in McAdam et al., Silence and Voice;
222. Aminzade and McAdam, "Emotions and Contentious Politics";
223. and Jeff Goodwin and Steven Pfaff, "Emotion Work in High-Risk Social Movements: Managing Fear in the US and East German Civil Rights Movements," in Goodwin et al., editors, Passionate Politics, 282-302.
224. This is a point most aptly and lucidly made in the recent literature. See McAdam et al., Dynamics of Contention,
225. and Aminzade et al., Silence and Voice, for illustrations.
226. Collins, "Stratification, Emotional Energy, and the Transient Emotions." Randall Collins defines "emotional energy" as being similar to the psychological concept of "drive," but with the former exhibiting a social orientation tendency. He explains: "High emotional energy is a feeling of confidence and enthusiasm for social interaction [social action]. It is the personal side of having . . . ritual solidarity with a group. One gets pumped up with emotional strength from participating in the group's interaction . . . Emotional energy . . . includes feelings of what is right and wrong, moral and immoral. Individuals, who are full of emotional energy, feel like good persons; they feel righteous about what they are doing . . . They are pumped up with energy because of a successful interaction; this energy gets attached to ideas, and thinking those ideas allows these individuals to feel a renewed surge of socially-based enthusiasm . . . EE [Emotional Energy] [moreover] has some cognitive component; it is an expectation of being able to dominate particular kinds of situations . . . [especially when] certain symbols come to mind, or appear in the external environment spark[ing] off propensities . . . (positive or negative) for social action. "The expectation" may work on a subconscious level. It is an anticipation of being able to coordinate with someone else's responses, of anticipating the build-up of emotional force that goes on [during episodes of social action]" (32-40).
227. Doug McAdam, "Conceptual Origins, Current Problems, Future
228. I also consider organized accelerators in my work, but for the sake of brevity I focus on only three in this piece. I define the latter as protest events made by pre-existing political and civic organizations (initially unconnected to revolutionary groups) that are ultimately met with state intransigence. Organized accelerators add to the belief that a regime has no legitimate basis for governing by reinforcing the growing understanding during the course of political dynamics that "conventional" politics is an inadequate way of dealing with a corrupt state that repeatedly fails to meet peaceful demands for change.
229. My position on governing accelerators and their relationship to emotions has roots in social contract theories, which have demonstrated how political action on the part of citizens, subjects, and representatives of government during intense periods of social change, including revolution, may be seen as a (conflictual) process of redefining taken-for-granted political obligations and roles. Social contract theorists convincingly make a connection between the violation of social and political norms and moral outrage as a fundamental basis for political action. For them, episodes of political conflict project responses of moral outrage to the "disorder" that follows the violation of the political and social conventions that make for their sociopolitical "order," which is to say that political or revolutionary conflict arises from a clash of definitions and perceptions regarding the political. Governing accelerators thus represent instances when the taken-for-grantedness of the political and social order is re-evaluated. On social-contract based work, see Moore, Injustice;
230. Gerrit Huizer, The Revolutionary Potential of Peasants in Latin America (Lexington: Lexington Books, 1972);
231. James Scott, The Moral Economy of the Peasantry (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1976);
232. Scott, Weapons of the Weak: Everyday Forms of Peasant Resistance (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1985);
233. Scott, Domination and the Arts of Resistance: Hidden Transcripts (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990);
234. E. P. Thompson, Customs in Common: Studies in Traditional Popular Culture (New York: The New Press, 1993);
235. Eric Wolf, Peasant Wars of the Twentieth Century (New York: Harper Torchbooks, 1973).
236. See Mark N. Hagopian, The Phenomenon of Revolution (New York: Dodd, Mead & Company, 1975), 167.
237. Research on the civil rights movement similarly demonstrates how movement leaders' tactical mobilizations, as opposed to (just) extra-movement contingencies, played a key role in generating the necessary popular impulses to achieve movement goals - See, for example, Aldon D. Morris, "Birmingham Confrontation Reconsidered: An Analysis of the Dynamics and Tactics of Mobilization," American Sociological Review 58 (1993): 621-636.
238. On the relationship between movement-initiated actions and insurgent activities at the collective level, see Doug McAdam, "Tactical Innovation and the Pace of Insurgency" and "Micromobilization Contexts and Recruitment to Activism," International Social Movement Research, Vol 1 (1988): 125-154.
239. Hagopian, The Phenomenon of Revolution, 167.
240. Sewell, "Historical Events as Transformations of Structure," 845.
241. Goodwin et al., "Introduction: Why Emotions Matter," 14.
242. Ellingson, "Understanding the Dialectic of Discourse and Collective Action," 104.
243. See Craig J. Jenkins, "Resource Mobilization Theory and the Study of Social Movements" Annual Review of Sociology 9 (1983): 527-553;
244. Craig J. Jenkins and Charles Perrow, "Insurgency of the Powerless: Farm Worker Movements (1946-1972)," America Sociological Review 42 (1977): 249-268;
245. Moore, Injustice;
246. Anthony Oberschall, "Theories of Social Conflict," Annual Review of Sociology 4 (1978): 291-315;
247. Theda Skocpol, States and Social Revolutions: A Comparative Analysis of France, Russia, and China (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979);
248. Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution;
249. Wolf, Peasant Wars.
250. Colin Barker, "Fear, Laughter, and Collective Power: The Making of Solidarity at the Lenin Shipyard in Gdansk, Poland, August 1980," in Goodwin et al., editors, Passionate Politics, 177.
251. McAdam, Political Process;
252. David Snow and Robert D. Benford, "Master Frames and Cycles of Protest," in Morris and McClurg Mueller, editors, Frontiers of Social Movements Theory;
253. Tarrow, Power in Movement.
254. Chalmers Johnson, Revolutionary Change (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1982), 82.
255. Jürgen Habermas, Legitimation Crisis (Boston: Beacon, 1973);
256. Habermas, Communication and the Evolution of Society (Boston: Beacon, 1976);
257. Moore, Injustice;
258. and Skocpol, States and Social Revolutions.
259. Jeff Goodwin, "State-Centered Approaches to Social Revolutions: Strenghts and Limitations of a Theoretical Tradition," in Foran, editor, Theorizing Revolutions, 17-21.
260. For comprehensive accounts of earthquake-related damages, see George Black, "The 1972 Earthquake and After: Somocismo in Crisis," in Peter Rosset and John Vandermeer, editors, The Nicaragua Reader: Documents of a Revolution Under Fire (New York: Grover Press, 1983);
261. Edmundo Jarquin and Pablo Emilio Barreto, "Dictatorship 'Made in the USA'," in Rosset and Vandermeer, editors, The Nicaragua Reader;
262. Vilas, Perfiles de la Revolución Sandinista, 158-167.
263. Aníbal Ortiz, author interview, Winter 1990.
264. ¡Y se armó arunga!, IES, 1982, 34.
265. I b i d.
266. Ibid., 36.
267. On this coalitional fact, see Black, "The 1972 Earthquake and After";
268. Booth, The End and the Beginning;
269. Jarquin and Barreto, "Dictatorship 'Made in the USA'."
270. Anibal Ortiz, author interview, Winter 1990.
271. IES, ¡Y se armó la runga!, 32.
272. Elizabeth Maeir, Nicaragua, La Mujer en la Revolución (México: Ediciones de Cultura Popular, 1980), 31-32.
273. IES, ¡Y se armó la runga!, 86-87.
274. Ibid., 84.
275. Ibid., 86, Miguel Maldonado, Revolutionary participant.
276. Ibid., 93, Constantino Tapia Rojas.
277. Ibid, 86, 26-year-old serigrapher.
278. Ibid., 109.
279. Henri Weber, "The Struggle for Power," in Rosset and Vandermeer, editors, The Nicaragua Reader, 153.
280. Booth, The End and the Beginning, 220.
281. IES, ¡Y se armó la runga!, 85.
282. Hector Meléndez, author interview, Winter 1990.
283. Moore, Injustice, 473.
284. Vilas, Perfiles, 188.
285. In this context popular means across class, racial, gender, and political lines. On this point see John Foran, Linda Klouzal, and Jean Pierre Rivera (now Reed), "Who Makes Revolutions? Class, Gender, and Race in the Mexican, Cuban and Nicaraguan Revolutions," Research in Social Movements, Conflicts, and Change 20 (1997): 1-60.
286. IES, ¡Y se armó la runga!, 45.
287. Ibid., 45, TELCOR [the Telephone and Postal Services company] messenger.
288. Ibid., 73.
289. Ibid., 77.
290. Hodges, Intellectual Foundations of the Nicaraguan Revolution, 247.
291. IES, ¡Y se armó la runga!, 73, Rolande Namendi Caldera.
292. Ibid., 73.
293. Ibid., 76, Juanita Bermudez, secretary.
294. Ibid., 76-77.
295. Ibid., anonymous.
296. I b i d.,
297. Julio César José Ruiz, twenty-three-year-old artisan.
298. Ibid., 76.
299. Gabriel Garcia Marquez, "Crónica del asalto a la 'Casa de los Chanchos'," in Gabriel Garcia Marquez, editor, Los Sandinistas (Bogota: Editorial La Oveja Negra, 1980), 32.
300. IES, ¡Y se armó la runga!, 186.
301. Ibid., 187.
302. Ibid., 259.
303. I b i d.
304. Ibid., 249.
305. Helen B. Lewis, Shame and Guilt in Neurosis (New York: International Universities Press, 1971).
306. IES, ¡Y se armó la runga!, 207.
307. Ibid., 154, Carlos Brenes.
308. Ibid., 247.
309. I b i d.
310. Ibid., 200.
311. Jasper, The Art of Moral Protest, 406.
312. Juan Corradi, "Towards Societies without Fear," in Juan E. Corradi, Patricia Weiss Fagen, and Manuel Antonio Garreton, editors, Fear at the Edge: State Terror and Resistance in Latin America (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992), 282.
313. Wood, "The Emotional Benefits of Insurgency in El Salvador," 268. The parallels between El Salvador and Nicaragua in terms of the experience of repression make the use of this quote possible.
314. On the relationship between the "management of fear" and political agency, see Goodwin and Pfaff, "Emotion Work in High-Risk Social Movements."
315. Leon Trotsky, The History of The Russian Revolution, Vol. 3 (New York: Path Finder Press, 1987), 168.
316. Hagopian, The Phenomenon of Revolution, 167.
317. Monimbó, a Masayan Indian barrio with a history of contention going back to nineteenth-century colonial struggles, is known locally as a community with a culture of resistance. Monimbó's uprising was not only a logical response to the circumstances of the time but it also spoke to a legacy of rebellion against government forces.
318. IES, ¡Y se armó la runga!, 109.
319. Ibid., 73, Constantino Tapia Rojas.
320. Ibid., 165.
321. Ibid., 164.
322. I b i d.
323. Collins, "Stratification, Emotional Energy, and the Transient Emotions."
324. IES ¡Y se armó la runga!, IES,1982, 164, Reynaldo López Garcia.
325. Ibid., 124, Rommel Martínez Cabeza.
326. Moore, Injustice, 459.
327. IES, ¡Y se armó la runga!, 167.
328. Ibid., 164, Manuel Aléman.
329. Sewell, "Historical Events as Transformations of Structure," 871.
330. I b i d.
331. deSousa, The Rationality of Emotions, 196.
332. On "frames of mind," see Gerald L. Clore and Andrew Ortony, "The Semantics of the Affective Lexicon," in Vernon Hamilton, Gordon H. Bower, and Nico Frijda, editors, Cognitive Perspectives on Emotion and Motivation (Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1988);
333. and Andrew Ortony, Gerald Clore, and Mark A. Foss, "The Referential Structure of the Affective Lexicon," Cognitive Science 11 (1987): 341-364.
334. On "paradigm scenarios," see de Sousa, The Rationality of Emotions.
335. On "action tendencies," see Frijda, The Emotions.
336. Mills, "Situated Actions and the Vocabulary of Motives."
337. See Wood, "The Emotional Benefits of Insurgency in El Salvador."
338. See John Foran, "A Theory of Third World Revolutions: Iran, Nicaragua, and El Salvador Compared," Critical Sociology 19/2 (1992): 3-27;
339. Foran, "Discourses and Social Forces."