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Volumn 18, Issue 2, 2005, Pages 217-242

Beijing's dilemma with Taiwan: War or peace?

Author keywords

China; International relations; Japan; Peace; Taiwan; United States; War

Indexed keywords

FOREIGN POLICY; INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS; POLITICAL RELATIONS; TERRITORIAL DISPUTE;

EID: 23744436109     PISSN: 09512748     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/09512740500162980     Document Type: Review
Times cited : (14)

References (92)
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    • After Bush's criticism, Chen Shui-bian revised the questions for his proposed referendum. The new version asks whether Taiwan should buy more advanced weapons if China refuses to withdraw its missiles, and whether the island should try to open talks with Beijing. Beijing rebuked both proposals as provocative. See Philip P. Pan, 'China rebukes Taiwan's leader on new plans for referendum, The Washington Post, January 20, 2003, p. A13.
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    • In the Taiwan White Paper, the PRC government states: [I]f a grave turn of events occurs leading to the separation of Taiwan from China in any name, or if Taiwan is invaded and occupied by foreign countries, or if the Taiwan authorities refuse, sine die, the peaceful settlement of cross-Straits reunification through negotiations, then the Chinese government will only be forced to adopt all drastic measures possible, including the use of force, to safeguard China's sovereignty and territorial integrity and fulfill the great cause of reunification. See 'The one-China principle and the Taiwan issue', Renmin Ribao [People's Daily], February 22, 2000, p. 1. The English version was reprinted in Issues & Studies 36(1) (January/February 2000): 161-81. Previously, the conditions for China's intervention were the declaration of Taiwan independence or foreign power occupation.
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    • For a detailed analysis of Lee Teng-hui's 'go slow, be patient' policy, see Tun-jen Cheng, 'Limits of statecraft: Taiwan's political economy under Lee Teng-hui', (Paper presented at the Conference on 'Taiwan under Lee Teng-hui (1988-2000): An Era of Democratization in Retrospect and Prospect', September 14-15, 2001, at Wake Forest University, North Carolina, p. 24.
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    • For comprehensive analysis on the rising nationalism in China and its impact on Chinese foreign policy, see Suisheg Zhao, [2004] A Nation-State by Construction: Dynamics of Modern Chinese Nationalism, Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press;
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    • In this speech, Chen made a clear statement: ...[that] as long as the CCP regime has no intention to use military force against Taiwan, I pledge that during my term in office, I will not declare independence, I will not change the national title, I will not push forth the inclusion of the so-called 'state-to-state" description in the Constitution, and I will not promote a referendum to change the status quo in regard to the question of independence or unification. See Chen Shui-bian 'Taiwan stands up: toward the dawn of a rising era' Inaugural speech, May 20, 2000, reprinted in Taiwan International Review 6(1), (January-August 2000), p. 19.
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    • This impression is based primarily on this author's participation in a number of international conferences held in the PRC in 2002-04 including: February 21-23, Shanghai
    • This impression is based primarily on this author's participation in a number of international conferences held in the PRC in 2002-04 including: International Symposium 'Sino-US Relations in Retrospect and in Prospect", February 21-23, 2002, Shanghai;
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    • and, March 8-9, Beijing. During these occasions, the author also had opportunities to discuss the issue of Taiwan with high-ranking government officials. Many arguments below are drawn from these visits. In this article, names of these officials and scholars will be kept confidential. My knowledge on official lines on both sides of the Taiwan Strait has also been strengthened by my experience as an observer of presidential elections in Taiwan. In that capacity, I visited Taiwan in March 2000, invited by the mainland Affairs Council, and, in March 2004, invited by the Foreign Affairs Ministry as a member of the Delegation of American Scholars and Experts
    • and International Conference 'Security and Community-Building Issues in East Asia', March 8-9, 2004, Beijing. During these occasions, the author also had opportunities to discuss the issue of Taiwan with high-ranking government officials. Many arguments below are drawn from these visits. In this article, names of these officials and scholars will be kept confidential. My knowledge on official lines on both sides of the Taiwan Strait has also been strengthened by my experience as an observer of presidential elections in Taiwan. In that capacity, I visited Taiwan in March 2000, invited by the mainland Affairs Council, and, in March 2004, invited by the Foreign Affairs Ministry as a member of the Delegation of American Scholars and Experts.
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    • For an excellent historical account of US policy toward Taiwan, see, Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe
    • For an excellent historical account of US policy toward Taiwan, see Richard C. Bush (2004) At Cross Purposes: US-Taiwan Relations since 1942, Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe.
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    • For a detailed historical account of China's use of military forces, see, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press
    • For a detailed historical account of China's use of military forces, see Andrew Scobell (2003) China's Use of Military Force: Beyond the Great Wall and the Long March, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
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    • Deputy Minister of China's Taiwan Affair Officer Wang Zaixi made a similar statement on July 28
    • Deputy Minister of China's Taiwan Affair Officer Wang Zaixi made a similar statement on July 28, 2004;
    • (2004)
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    • Paper presented by Robert Sutter, 'Recent convergence in China-U.S. views - Rethinking US policy options', international conference on US Taiwan Policy and the Dynamics of the Taipei-Beijing-Washington Triangle, January 28, 2005, American University, Washington, DC.
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    • 'China Protests US-Japan accord'
    • February 21
    • Edward Cody, 'China Protests US-Japan accord', The Washington Post, February 21, 2005, p. A24.
    • (2005) The Washington Post
    • Cody, E.1
  • 87
  • 88
    • 33645203361 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 'Anti-submarine alliance among US, Japan, and Taiwan triangle against PLA'
    • December 3
    • Qiao Bao [China Press], 'Anti-submarine alliance among US, Japan, and Taiwan triangle against PLA', December 3, 2004, p. B4.
    • (2004) Qiao Bao [China Press]
  • 90
    • 0035705349 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 'South Korea between eagle and dragon: Perceptual ambivalence and strategic dilemma (2001)
    • For an analysis on South Korea's dilemma over China, see
    • For an analysis on South Korea's dilemma over China, see Jae Ho Chung (2001) 'South Korea between eagle and dragon: perceptual ambivalence and strategic dilemma (2001) Asian Survey 41(5): 777-96.
    • (2001) Asian Survey , vol.41 , Issue.5 , pp. 777-796
    • Chung, J.H.1
  • 91
    • 33645208515 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • note
    • For example, the talks between Wang Daohan and Koo Chen-fu in April 1993 in Singapore were widely hailed as 'the first formal meeting" across the Taiwan Strait since the end of the civil war in 1949.
  • 92
    • 14944371901 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 'Preventing a war over Taiwan'
    • Kenneth Lieberthal, among others, made this proposal several years ago. For his latest analysis, see
    • Kenneth Lieberthal, among others, made this proposal several years ago. For his latest analysis, see Kenneth Lieberthal (2005) 'Preventing a war over Taiwan', Foreign Affairs, 84(2): 53-63.
    • (2005) Foreign Affairs , vol.84 , Issue.2 , pp. 53-63
    • Lieberthal, K.1


* 이 정보는 Elsevier사의 SCOPUS DB에서 KISTI가 분석하여 추출한 것입니다.