The rough and rosy road: Sites of contestation in Malaysia's shackled media industry

Pacific Affairs

Volumn 78, Issue 1, 2005, Pages 39-56

  Brown, Graham ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD   (United Kingdom)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

INTERNET; MEDIA INDUSTRY; REGULATORY APPROACH; STATE ROLE;

EID: 23644462116     PISSN: 0030851X     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.5509/200578139     Document Type: Article

References (70)

1. R. Nadeswaran, "Take the rap and resign graciously," The Sun, 4 August 2004, available online at , site last accessed 10 March 2005.
2. Although now somewhat dated, the paradigmatic examination of the politics of the media in Malaysia remains Edmund Terence Gomez, Political Business, Corporate Involvement of Malaysian Political Parties (Townsville, Australia: Centre for South-East Asian Studies, James Cook University of North Queensland, 1994).
3. For more recent analyses, see Zaharom Nain, "The structure of the media industry: implications for democracy," in Francis Loh Kok Wah and Khoo Boo Teik, eds., Democracy in Malaysia: Discourses and Practices (Richmond, UK: Curzon, 2002);
4. and Edmund Terence Gomez, "Politics of the media business: the press under Mahathir," in Bridget Welsh, ed., Reflections: The Mahathir Years (Washington, DC: School of Advanced International Studies, Johns Hopkins University, 2004).
5. For the classic work on the emergence of Malay nationalism, see William R. Roff, The Origins of Malay Nationalism, 2nd edition (Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1994).
6. See Timothy N. Harper, The End of Empire and the Making of Malaya (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2000), especially pp. 282-291.
7. For a full account of this strike by the then chief editor, see Said Zahari, Dark Clouds at Dawn: A political memoir (Kuala Lumpur: Institute For Social Analysis - INSAN, 2001). During the strike, Said was banned from entering Malaya and was subsequently detained without trial for over 17 years in Singapore after the island separated from Malaysia.
8. Since the early 1990s, the UMNO has apparently divested itself of direct control of these companies and its business interests more generally, preferring to maintain its empire through trusteeships and close links with influential tycoons such as the now out-of-favour Halim Saad and Tajudin Ramli. See Edmund Terence Gomez and Jomo K.S., Malaysia's Political Economy: Politics, patronage and profits (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997).
9. "Dewan Rakyat Report," Daily Express, 22 July 1999, p. 4.
10. Zaharom, "The structure of the media industry."
11. Garry Rodan, "Do markets need transparency? The pivotal cases of Singapore and Malaysia," New Political Economy, 7.1 (2002), pp. 23-47.
12. "Regional briefing," Far Eastern Economic Review, 10 December 1998, p. 2.
13. Zaharom, "Apologists and eunuchs: the state of Malaysian media," Aliran Monthly, 10.11 (1990) pp. 12-13.
14. See also Francis Loh Kok Wah and Mustafa K. Anuar, "The press in Malaysia in the early 1990s: Corporatisation, technological innovation and the middle class," in Muhammad Ikmal Said and Zahid Emby, eds., Malaysia: Critical perspectives (Petaling Jaya: Persatuan Sains Sosial Malaysia, 1996);
15. and Mustafa K. Anuar, "Defining democratic discourses: The mainstream press," in Francis Loh Kok Wah and Khoo Boo Teik, Democracy in Malaysia.
16. For a detailed content analysis of the Sun, see John Hilley, Malaysia: Mahathirism, Hegemony and the New Opposition (London: Zed Books, 2001), especially pp. 141-7.
17. Lorien Holland, "Two Chinese papers fall into government hands," Far Eastern Economic Review, 14 June 2001, pp. 26-28. The Edge itself has on occasion been directly and damningly critical of specific government policies or projects,. also exuding a more general distaste for the "crony capitalism" of the BN.
18. For a recent discussion of these issues, see Garry Rodan, ed., "Electronic media, markets and civil society in East and Southeast Asia," special issue of Pacific Review, 16.4 (2003).
19. Jason P. Abbott, "Democracyιnternet.asia? The challenges to the emancipatory potential of the net: Lessons from China and Malaysia," Third World Quarterly, 22.1 (2001), pp. 99-114.
20. Susan Loone, "Web vital for aiding reformasi, says Chandra," Malaysiakini, 24 March 2001, available online at , site last accessed 10 March 2005.
21. Jason Abbott, "The Internet, reformasi and democratisation in Malaysia," in Edmund Terence Gomez, ed., The State of Malaysia: Ethnicity, Equity and Reform (London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2004);
22. see also Graham Brown, "Between Gramsci and Graffiti: Opposition politics and the impact on the Internet in Malaysia," in Jason Abbott, The Political Economy of the Internet in the Asia-Pacific (Greenwood, UK: Praeger, 2003).
23. Personal interview, Steven, Gan, Malaysiakini editor, 10 January 2002, Bangsar, Malaysia. Statistics for visits are not entirely accurate. Multiple visits by the same person would register as two separate visitors. Conversely, more than one person visiting from a local area network (e.g., a university campus) would register as only one visit.
24. Interview, Steven Gan.
25. "Uphold integrity, DAP tells Malaysakini," New Straits Times, 23 December 2001, p. 2.
26. Interview, Steven Gan.
27. "Power 50: 2001," Asiaweek, 1 June 2001, available online at .
28. Tong Yee-Siong, "Gov't to launch upgraded 'missiles' on dangerous websites," Malaysiakini, 5 July 2001, available online at , site last accessed 10 March 2005.
29. The forum was located on the Department of National Unity homepage, accessible online at , and has since been discontinued.
30. Shamsul Akmar, "Idealistic webmasters should accept the reality of party politics," New Straits Times, 27 May 2000, p. 2;
31. "Rumourville on the net," New Sunday Times, 9 November 1999, p. 4.
32. "Websites used to attack government identified," New Straits Times, 9 August 1999, p. 2.
33. "UMNO panel considers legal action," New Straits Times, 28 May 1999, p. 4.
34. Arjuna Ranawana, "A crackdown on dissent: the Malaysian government targets web critics," Asiaweek, 15 March 2001, available online at , site last accessed 10 March 2005.
35. Beh Lih Yi, "'Be careful, we are watching,' Malaysiakini warned," Malaysiakini, 16 October 2003.
36. Personal interview, Internet journalist (name withheld), 15 April 2003.
37. "Tun Mustapha member of Jewish conspiracy," Daily Express, 4 March 1977, p. 1.
38. Harold Crouch, Government and Society in Malaysia (St. Leonard's, New South Wales, Australia: Allen & Unwin, 1996), pp. 87-88.
39. This section relies on an analysis of reportage and commentary in English- and Malay-language newspapers; a similar analysis of the Chinese-language press, whilst obviously desirable, was beyond the linguistic skills of this researcher.
40. The government-funded school system currently operates three different types of national schools with tuition in Malay, Chinese and Tamil. Education is an extremely sensitive issue for the Chinese. The political strength of the educationalist movement is well documented by Tan Liok Ee, "Dongzhaojong and the challenge to cultural hegemony, 1951-1987," in Joel S. Kahn and Francis Loh Kok Wah, Fragmented Vision.
41. For a more general history of Chinese education in Malaysia, see Tan Liok Ee, The Politics of Chinese Education in Malaysia (Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1996).
42. Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia (Gerakan - the Malaysian People's Movement Party) is nominally multiracial, but in reality its support is overwhelmingly Chinese and geographically restricted to the Chinese majority state of Penang.
43. Zalina Yahaya, "Politik pendidikan Cina," Utusan Malaysia, 29 October 2002, available online at , site last accessed 10 March 2005;
44. Awang Sulung, "Isu BI semakin rumit," Mingguan Malaysia, 27 October 2002, available online at , site last accessed 10 March 2005. Mingguan Malaysia is the Sunday edition of Utusan Malaysia.
45. "MCA denies claims," Straits Times (Singapore), 30 October 2002, p. 1.
46. "One step forward...," New Sunday Times, 20 October 2002, p. 8;
47. Shamsul Akmar, "MCA stand reflects selfishness," New Sunday Times, 27 October 2002, p. 7.
48. Jocelyn Tan, "Chinese parties meet on education," Sunday Star, 27 October 2002, p. 4.
49. "Minister meets Gerakan," Star, 22 October 2002, p. 4;
50. "Finding consensus," Sunday Star, 6 October 2002.
51. V.K. Chin, "Democracy at Work," Star, 24 October 2002.
52. "Democracy at Work," Star, 24 October 2002;
53. V.K. Chin, "The spirit of muafakat," Star 25 October 2002, p. 14.
54. Kadir Dikoh, "Penyokong BN diminta jangan emosi," Berita Harian, 15 October 2002, p. 8.
55. Crouch, Government and Society, pp. 86-87.
56. "Razaliegh accuses newspapers," New Straits Times, '9 May 1987, p. 4.
57. Francis Loh, "The Nanyang takeover crisis: representing or opposing community interests?" Aliran Monthly 21 (5), May 2001, available online at , site last accessed 10 March 2005.
58. "Ling: MCA supports politically Nanyang takeover by Huaren," New Straits Times, 28 May 2001, p. 8.
59. "Keng Yaik: Reconsider take over of Nanyang," New Straits Times, 6 June 2001, p. 1.
60. "Purchase of Nanyang a politically strategic investment, says Ling," Business Times, 18 June 2001, p. 1.
61. Tong Yee Siong, "Nanyang was against us: Dr M," Malaysiakini, 22 June 2001, available online at , site last accessed 10 March 2005.
62. "Chua, 9 others question Nanyang deal," Business Times, 30 May 2001, p. 1.
63. As party president, Ling had a great deal of control over the representatives sent to the EGM, and the narrowness of his victory was thus probably indicative of an even greater level of discontent within the party.
64. V. Vasudevan, "Battle lines being drawn," Malay Mail, 1 June 2001, p. 4.
65. Over the past few years a number of letters have appeared on the Malaysiakini Web site, allegedly from Star journalists and editors, detailing how they operate under orders to give preferential treatment and coverage to Ling and his faction. The actual provenance of these letters is impossible to ascertain.
66. Y.S. Tong, "Two MCA-owned dailies attack Team B in same editorial," Malaysiakini, 8 April 2002.
67. Ironically, Ling himself had been swept into the party presidency in 1986 on the back of a grassroots revolt by supporters of tycoon Tan Koon Swan against the incumbent leader Neo Yee Pan. Tan had held the presidency for die briefest of periods, passing it on to his close factional comrade Ling after he (Tan) was indicted in Singapore on criminal breach of trust charges. See Heng Pek Koon, "The New Economic Policy and the Chinese community in Peninsular Malaysia," The Developing Economies, 35.3 (1997), pp. 262-292.
68. Susan Loone, "MCA's Team A exerted pressure on the Sun: Party source," Malaysiakini, 8 January 2002;
69. Y.S. Tong, "TV2 drops Nanyang feature after phone call from MCA top leader," Malaysiakini, 10 June 2002.
70. Mustafa, "Defining democratic discourses," p. 154.