Conceiving mobility: Weavers' migrations in pre-colonial and colonial India

Indian Economic and Social History Review

Volumn 36, Issue 1, 1999, Pages 35-67

  Haynes, Douglas E ^a   Roy, Tirthankar ^b  

^a DARTMOUTH COLLEGE   (United States)

^b INDIRA GANDHI INSTITUTE OF DEVELOPMENT RESEARCH   (India)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 22844456868     PISSN: 00194646     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1177/001946469903600102     Document Type: Article

References (184)

1. For some examples of works which have broken outside the deindustrialisation model to produce a more variegated picture of change among artisans during the colonial period, see C.J. Baker, An Indian Rural Economy 1880-1955: The Tamilnad Countryside. Delhi, 1984, chapter 5;
2. Tirthankar Roy, Artisans and Industrialization: Indian Weaving in the Twentieth Century, Delhi, 1993;
3. Konrad Specker, 'Madras Handlooms in the Nineteenth Century', Indian Economic and Social History Review (hereafter IESHR), Vol. 26(2), April-June 1989;
4. Douglas Haynes, 'The Dynamics of Continuity in Indian Domestic Industry', IESHR, Vol. 23(2), April-June 1986;
5. Douglas Haynes, idem, 'Weavers' Capital and the Origins of the Powerlooms: Technological Transformation and Structural Change among Handloom Producers in Western India: 1920-1950', Paper Presented at the Meeting of the Association of Asian Studies, Chicago, 1997.
6. For example Lalita Chakravarty, 'Emergence of an Industrial Labour Force in a Dual Economy', IESHR, Vol. 15(3), July-September 1978:
7. Ranajit Das Gupta, 'Factory Labour in Eastern India: Sources of Supply, 1855-1947, Some Preliminary Findings', IESHR, Vol. 13(3), July-September 1976;
8. C.P. Simmons, 'Recruiting and Organizing an Industrial Labour Force in Colonial India: The Case of the Coal Mining Industry, c. 1880-1939', IESHR, Vol. 13(4), October-December 1976;
9. Crispin Bates and Marina Carter, 'Tribal Migration in India and Beyond', in Cyan Prakash, ed., The World of the Rural Labourer in Colonial India, Delhi, 1992;
10. Hugh Tinker, A New System of Slavery: The Export of Indian Labourers Overseas, 1810-1920, New York, 1974;
11. Arjan de Haan, 'Migration in Eastern India: A Segmented Labour Market, IESHR, Vol. 32(1), January-March 1995;
12. Rajnarayan Chandavarkar, The Origins of Industrial Capitalism in India: Business Strategies and the Working Classes in Bombay, 1900-19-10. Cambridge, 1994, chapter four;
13. Anand Yang, 'Peasants on the Move: A Study of Internal Migration in India', Journal of Interdisciplinary History, Vol. 10(1), 1979;
14. Jan Breman, Of Peasants, Migrants and Paupers: Rural Labour Circulation and Capitalist Production in Western India, Delhi, 1985.
15. David Ludden, 'Caste Society and Units of Production in Early Modern South India', in Burton Stein and Sanjay Subrahmanyam, eds, Institutions and Economic Change in South Asia, Delhi, 1996, p. 108.
16. David Washbrook, 'Progress and Problems: South Asian Economic and Social History, c. 1720-1860', Modern Asian Studies, Vol. 22(1), February 1988, p. 81.
17. We, of course, do not mean to suggest that all members of any community grouping followed a given profession. In referring to hereditary profession, we mean to identify the occupation around which a given 'caste' or 'community' shaped its identity.
18. Mattison Mines, Warrior Merchants: Textiles, Trade and Territory in South India. Cambridge, 1984;
19. Burton Stein, Peasant State and Society in Medieval South India. Delhi, 1980;
20. Brenda Beck, Peasant Society in Konku: A Study of Right and Left Stibcastes in South India. Vancouver, 1972;
21. and Gyanendra Pandey, The Construction of Communalism in Colonial North India. Delhi, 1990, chapter 3.
22. For epigraphical evidence from South India see Vijaya Ramaswamy, Textiles and Weavers in Medieval South India, Delhi, 1985, p. 34.
23. Vijaya Ramaswamy, Textiles and Weavers in Medieval South India, Ibid., pp. 6-13.
24. A.I. Chicherov, India: Economic Development in the 16th-18th Centuries. Outline History of Crafts and Trade, Moscow, 1971, p. 35.
25. A.L. Basham, 'The Mandasor Inscription of the Silk Weavers', in Bardwell Smith, Essays on Gupta Culture, Columbia, 1983, p. 95.
26. A.L. Basham, Essays on Gupta Culture, Ibid., pp. 93-106;
27. M.K. Pal, Crafts and Craftsmen in Traditional India, New Delhi, 1978.
28. Basham, 'The Mandasor Inscription';
29. H.N. Randle, The Saurashtras of South India, Madura, 1949.
30. Basham, 'The Mandasor Inscription', p. 95.
31. Tapan Raychaudhuri, 'Non-Agricultural Production: Mughal India', in Irfan Habib and Tapan Raychaudhuri, eds, The Cambridge Economic History of India, Vol.I, c. 1200-1700, Cambridge, 1982, p. 271;
32. Abu'l Fazl Allami, The A'in-i Akbari, trans. H. Blochmann, New Delhi, 3rd edn, 1977, p. 57.
33. 'The Baroda Court', Journal of Indian Art and Industry; Vol. 1(16), 1884-86, p. 129.
34. Douglas Haynes was able to see a number of these volumes in Baroda. See also Surendra Gopal, Commerce and Crafts in Gujarat, 16th and 17th Centuries: A Study of the Impact of European Expansion on a Precapitalist Economy, New Delhi, 1975, p. 186.
35. 'The Baroda Court', p. 130;
36. 'The Industries of the Punjab', Journal of Indian Art and Industry, Vol. 2(20), 1887-88, p. 30.
37. R.E. Enthoven, Tribes and Castes of the Bombay Presidency, Bombay, 1920. Vol. I, p. 147,
38. R.E. Enthoven, Tribes and Castes of the Bombay Presidency, Vol. III, p. 116;
39. Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, Vol. IX, Part I: Gujarat Population: Hindus, Bombay, 1901, p. 177;
40. Hameeda Hossain, The Company Weavers of Bengal: The East India Company and the Organization of Textile Production in Bengal, Delhi, 1988, p. 49;
41. W. Crooke, Tribes and Castes of the North-western Provinces and Oudh, Vol. I, Calcutta, 1896, p. 134,
42. W. Crooke, Tribes and Castes of the North-western Provinces and Oudh, Vol. II, p. 222,
43. W. Crooke, Tribes and Castes of the North-western Provinces and Oudh, Vol. III, p. 316;
44. R.V. Russell, Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces of India, Vol. II, London, 1916, p. 429.
45. William Foster, ed., The English Factories in India, 1630-33, Vol. IV, Oxford, 1910, pp. 97, 122, 146, 178.
46. Foster, ed., The English Factories in India, 1634-36, Vol. V, Oxford, 1911, p. 290.
47. Gopal, Commerce and Crafts in Gujarat, p. 201.
48. Prasannan Parthasarathi, 'Weavers, Merchants and States: The South Indian Textile Industry, 1680-1800', Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Economics, Harvard University, 1992;
49. Ramaswamy, Textiles and Weavers.
50. See also S. Arasaratnam, 'Weavers, Merchants and Company: The Handloom Industry in South-eastern India, 1750-1800', in Sanjay Subrahmanyam, ed., Merchants, Markets and the State in Early Modern India, Delhi, 1990, p. 207.
51. Ramaswamy, Textiles and Weavers, pp. 120-21.
52. Robert Sewell, A Forgotten Empire (Vijayanagar), London, 1900.
53. Ramaswamy, Textiles and Weavers, p. 13.
54. Ramaswamy, Textiles and Weavers, Ibid., p. 63.
55. Ramaswamy, Textiles and Weavers, Ibid., p. 34.
56. Enthoven, Tribes and Castes, Vol. 1, p. 302.
57. Madras District Gazetteer, Salem, Vol. 1, Part 1, Madras, 1913, p. 181.
58. There are instances of Sanskritisation by silk-weaving communities in southern India which did not necessarily involve the memory of migration. For the Tamil Saliyans (distinct from the Telugu-speaking Salis), of Kornad and Ayyampet, see Edgar Thurston and K. Rangachari, Castes and Tribes of Southern India, Madras, 1909, Vol. VI, p. 277;
59. for the Kannada-speaking Devangas of Tamil Nadu, see Edgar Thurston and K. Rangachari, Castes and Tribes of Southern India, ibid., Vol. II, p. 160.
60. Tirthankar Roy, 'Capitalism and Community: A Study of the Madurai Sourashtras', IESHR, Vol. 34(4), October-December, 1997.
61. See I.R. Dave, Saurashtrians in South India: Their Language, Literature and Culture, Rajkot, 1976, pp. 19-25. The connection posited in community migration myths between the Mandasor inscription and the South Indian Sourashtras, while fascinating, seems to have little convincing empirical foundation.
62. K. Rangachari, 'The History of the Naik Kingdom of Madura', Indian Antiquary, Vol. 18, 1914, p. 138.
63. Francis Buchanan observed this, but found the trade in depression during the aftermath of the Anglo-Mysore wars. See A Journey from Madras Through the Countries of Mysore, Canara and Malabar, Vol. 1, London, 1807, p. 198.
64. Thurston and Rangachari, Castes and Tribes, Vol. VI, pp. 187-88;
65. Enthoven, Tribes and Castes of the Bombay Presidency, Vol. II, p. 224;
66. Madras District Gazetteer, Madura, Madras, 1906, p. 110;
67. H.V. Nanjundayya and L.K.A. Anamhakrishna Iyer, The Mysore Tribes and Castes, Vol. IV, Mysore 1928-37, p. 476.
68. Thurston and Rangachari, Castes and Tribes, Vol. III, pp. 282-87. The Khatris disavow any connection to the Sourashtras.
69. R.E. Enthoven, Tribes and Castes of Bombay Presidency, Vol. I, p. 301.
70. F.J. Richards, Madras District Gazetteers, Salem, Vol. 1, Part I, p. 181.
71. Chicherov, India: Economic Development, p. 92,
72. citing Annual Progress Report of the Assistant Archaeological Superintendent for Epigraphy Southern Circles. 1909-1910, No. 354, p. 112;
73. Annual Report of South India Epigraphy, 1928-29, No. 292, p. 31;
74. Annual Report of South India Epigraphy, 1928-29, 1930-31, No. 218, p. 20.
75. David Washbrook, 'Progress and Problems';
76. C.A. Bayly, The New Cambridge History of India, Vol. 2, Part 1, Indian Society and the Making of the British Empire, Cambridge, 1988, chapters 1 and 2.
77. Bayly, Rulers, Townsmen and Bazaars: North Indian Society in the Age of British Expansion, Cambridge, 1983, pp. 145-46.
78. Bayly, Rulers, Townsmen and Bazaars: North Indian Society in the Age of British Expansion, Ibid., p. 292;
79. for other settlements in Awadh, see Gyanendra Pandey, 'Economic Dislocation in Nineteenth-Century Eastern Uttar Pradesh: Some Implications of the Decline of Artisanal Industry in Colonial India', in Peter Robb, ed., Rural South Asia: Linkages, Change and Development, London, 1983, p. 93.
80. N G Mukherji, Monograph on the Silk Fabrics of Bengal, Calcutta, 1903, pp. 123, 126, 133.
81. Russell, Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces, Vol. IV, p. 474.
82. Susan Bean, 'The Fabric of Social Life in Pre-British Mysore', The Quarterly Journal of the Mythic Society, Vol. 78(1-2), 1986, p. 83.
83. S Arasaratnam, 'Weavers, Merchant and Company', p. 207;
84. Joseph Brennig, 'Textile Producers and Production in Late Seventeenth Century Coromandel', in Sanjay Subrahmanyam, ed., Merchants, Markets and the State in Early Modern India, Delhi, 1990, p. 80.
85. Hameeda Hossain, Company Weavers of Bengal, p. 3.
86. Pandey, 'Economic Dislocation', p. 93.
87. Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency: Gujarat, Surat and Broach, Vol. II, p. 134.
88. Ramaswamy, Textiles and Weavers, p. 121.
89. Prasannan Parthasarathi, 'Weavers, Merchants and States', p. 202.
90. See also S. Arasaratnam, 'Weavers, Merchants and Company', p. 207.
91. Hossain, Company Weavers of Bengal, pp. 163-67. In this case, however, many weavers seemed to have abandoned weaving altogether.
92. Letter from John Dunlop, Action Collector, Dharwar District, to Acting Secretary to Government, Bombay, 2 February, Maharashtra State Archives (hereafter MSA), Revenue Department, 1836, Vol. 62/749, comp. 274; Petition of some inhabitants of Nagar Village, Nagar Jillah, 21 Sept. 1835 in MSA, RD 1836, comp. 33, vol. 52/739, beginning page 281. Ashanna Lachhammayya Irabatti, Notes from My Life: With Travelogue and a Biography of Markandeya, Sholapur, 1971, note 2.
93. Syed Siraj-ul-Hassan, The Castes and Tribes of H.E.H. the Nizam's Dominions, Madras, 1989 (reprint of 1920 original), p. 543, mentions that some Padmasalis had moved into agriculture as landowning peasants, tenants and farm labourers at the time of his writing. Contemporary Padmasalis tend to downplay participation by community fellows in the agrarian sector.
94. Selections from the Records of the Bombay Presidency, n.s., Vol. DLXVI, Papers Relating to the Second Revision Settlement of the Hungud Taluka of the Bijapur Collectorate. Bombay, 1920, pp. 3-4.
95. K.S. Venkatraman, 'The Economic Condition of Haridloom Weavers', Journal of the University of Bombay, n.s. Vol. 10, Part 4, 1942, pp. 75-104.
96. Interviews done by Douglas Haynes in Sholapur, Bhiwandi, Telengana and Allahabad District in eastern Uttar Pradesh.
97. For migration to mills during World War I, see Land Revenue Report for the Bombay Presidency, 1915-16 in MSA, RD 1916, comp. 511, Part 1, pp. 14, 19 and
98. Administrative Report for Ahmednagar District, 1915-16 in MSA, RD 1916, comp., 511, Part V, p. 25.
99. See, for instance, H.C. Sharma, Artisans of the Punjab: A Study of Social Change in Historical Perspective, 1849-1947, Delhi, 1996, pp. 94-101;
100. V. Ramakrishna Reddy, Economic History of Hyderabad State (Warangal Suba: 1911-1950), Delhi, 1990, p. 516.
101. Chandavarkar, The Origins of Industrial Capitalism, chapter 3.
102. Report of the Indian Famine Commission, Simla, 1898, p. 297.
103. On the effect of scarcity of food and work on urban weavers in the Bombay Presidency during the late nineteenth century, see Douglas E. Haynes, 'Urban Weavers and Rural Famines in Western India', Paper Presented for the Conference on New Trends in the History of Modern Maharashtra, Bombay, 1994. According to the 1880 Famine Commission, weavers were 'the most numerous class among artisans who habitually require relief', cited in the 1898 Report, p. 298.
104. For instance, Madras, Report of Famine in the Madras Presidency, 1896-97,
105. cited in Thurston and Rangachari, Castes and Tribes, Vol. VI, p. 275;
106. Report of the Indian Famine Commission, Calcutta, 1901, p. 78.
107. Digby, writing on Bombay, reported, 'those who received relief mainly belonged to the humbler castes of the Hindu community, and to the class of field labourers, of rude artisans, and of village menials', in Famine Campaign in Southern India, London, 1878, Vol. I, p. 369 (emphasis added). Other contemporary records mention part-time weavers as the main constituent of the class of 'rude artisans'.
108. Digby, Famine Campaign, Vol. II, pp. 352-53.
109. A fuller discussion of their migratory patterns is found in Haynes, 'Urban Weavers and Rural Famines'.
110. N.M. Joshi, Urban Handicrafts of the Bombay Deccan, Poona, 1936;
111. S.M. Edwardes, A Monograph upon the Silk Fabrics of the Bombay Presidency, Bombay, 1900, p. 54;
112. Indian Famine Commission 1901, Appendix: Vol. I: Evidence of Witnesses, Bombay Presidency, Calcutta, 1901, p. 1,195.
113. Discussion of some of these patterns in clothing can be found in Bernard Cohn, 'Cloth, Clothes and Colonialism: India in the Nineteenth Century', Colonialism and Its Forms of Knowledge: The British in India, Cambridge, 1996;
114. C.A. Bayly, 'The Origins of Swadeshi (home industry): Cloth and Indian Society, 1700-1930', in A. Appadurai, ed., The Social Life of Things: Commodities in Cultural Perspective, Cambridge, 1986.
115. To a certain extent, this analysis follows Chakravarty, 'Emergence of an Industrial Labour Force in a Dual Economy'.
116. Haynes, 'Market Formation in Khandesh, 1880-1920', Paper Presented at the 12th International Economic History Congress, Madrid, 1998;
117. Roy, Artisans and Industrialization, chapter 4, especially, p. 113;
118. H. Maxwell-Lefroy and E.C. Ansorge, Report on an Enquiry into the Silk Industry in India, Calcutta, 1916-18.
119. This process was accompanied by the 'urbanisation' of weaving, see Roy, Artisans and Industrialization, chapter 5.
120. See Haynes, 'The Logic of the Artisan Firm in a Capitalist Economy: Handloom Weavers and Technological Change in Western India, 1880-1947', in Stein and Subrahmanyam, eds, Institutions and Economic Change in India, pp. 182-95.
121. Roy, Artisans and Industrialization, pp. 80-88, 96-101;
122. Haynes, 'The Logic of the Artisan Firm', pp. 195-203.
123. Haynes, 'The Logic of the Artisan Firm'. We do not intend here to imply an inexorable pattern of development towards the kind of productive relations that Marx has described as typical of industrial capitalism. Family-based units persisted alongside larger workshops, few karkhanas developed into full-fledged industrial factories, and these few were always a minority. Mercantile capitalists have shown (in recent times) a tendency to regain positions of dominance in textile production, even when bigger weaving units have existed. The question is not whether capitalist relations have shown a tendency to strengthen themselves, but what kinds of such relations reproduce themselves in what kind of contexts?
124. Syed Siraj-ul-Hasan, The Castes and Tribes of H.E. Nizam's Dominions, pp. 536-44;
125. P. Swarnalatha, 'The World of the Weaver in Northern Coromandel, 1750-1850', Ph.D. dissertation, Department of History, University of Hyderabad, 1991, p. 79.
126. Nanjundayya and Ananthakrishna Iyer, The Mysore Tribes and Castes, Vol. IV, Mysore, p. 560;
127. Ramaswamy, Textiles and Weavers, chapter 6.
128. Irabatti, Notes from My Life, discusses the history of settlement in Maharashtrian towns.
129. Census of India, Vol. IX, Hyderabad, 1951, Part IA (Report), pp. 90-95. Many of the migrants, of course, were not Padmasalis.
130. For numerous qualitative discussions of migration, see Irabatti, Notes from My Life.
131. Census of India, 1931. H.E.H. Nizam's Dominions (Hyderabad State) Part I. Report, 1933, p. 66.
132. Raghbir Sahai, A Report on the Survey of the Handloom Weaving and Dyeing Industries in H.E.H. Nizam's Dominions, Hyderabad, 1933, p. 11.
133. Raghbir Sahai, A Report on the Survey of the Handloom Weaving and Dyeing Industries in H.E.H. Nizam's Dominions, Ibid., p. 12;
134. See also S.M. Bharucha, Agricultural indebtedness in H.E.H. Nizam's Dominions. Hyderabad, 1937, p. 44.
135. Hyderabad State, Annual Report on the Working of Co-operative Societies of H.E.H. Nizam's Government for the Year 1338-39 Fasli, Hyderabad, p. 9.
136. B.K. Narayan, 'Economic Development of Hyderabad State', Ph.D. dissertation, Mysore University, 1958. This was also corroborated in a large number of interviews with weavers and others involved in the business.
137. Hyderabad State, Report on the Working of the Department of Industries and Commerce for the Year 1343 Fasli, Hyderabad, p. 13.
138. Sahai gives an estimate of 9,000 weavers during the same time-period in A Report on the Survey of the Handloom Weaving and Dyeing Industries, p. 128.
139. Markets for these goods are discussed in Sahai and in D.V. Rao 'Cottage Industries and their Role in Hyderabad's Economy', in Hyderabad Bulletin of Economic Affairs, Vol. I (9), December 1948, pp. 1,098-1,102.
140. For such developments, see Carolyn Elliott, 'Decline of a Patrimonial Regime: The Telengana Rebellion in India, 1946-51', Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 34(1), 1974, pp. 28-30;
141. Sheela Raj, Medievalism to Modernism: Socio-Economic and Cultural History of Hyderabad, 1869-1911, Bombay, 1987, p. 99.
142. D.N. Dhanagare, Peasant Movements in India 1920-1950, Delhi, 1983, pp. 180-212;
143. Reddy, Economic History of Hyderabad State, pp. 169-200.
144. Sahai, Report on the Survey of the Handloom Weaving and Dyeing Industries. p. i.
145. See also Hyderabad State, Report on the Working of the Department of Industries and Commerce for the Year 1339 Fasti, p. 1.
146. Raj, Medievalism to Modernism, p. 176.
147. Sahai, Report on the Survey of Handloom Weaving and Dyeing Industries, pp. 12, 76;
148. for a discussion of the different rates of innovation in these two kinds of artisan production unit, see Haynes, 'The Logic of the Artisan Firm'.
149. Sahai, Report on the Survey of Handloom Weaving and Dyeing Industries, pp. 12, 76, 78.
150. Sahai, Report on the Survey o fHandloom Weaving and Dyeing Industries, p. 77.
151. R.G. Kakade, A Socio-Economic Survey of Weaving Communities in Sholapur, Poona, 1947, pp. 158-65.
152. For instance, the neighbourhood of Sakharpeth in Sholapur. For discussion of the problems of neighbourhood formation among the Salis in Sholapur see a brief discussion in Collector's memo No. 508 of 1908, 5 July 1908, Huzur Collector's Archives, Sholapur, 1908, No. 34, File A/864.
153. Irabatti, Notes from My Life.
154. The diversity of Momins or Julahas is discussed in Gyanendra Pandey, The Construction of Communalism, esp. pp. 94-96.
155. Interviews conducted with Momin weavers in Allahabad district.
156. Momin Mohiyuddin, Momin Ansari Biradari ki Tehzibi Tarikh, Bombay, 1994, discusses migration of Momins in some detail. See especially chapters 27, 33.
157. This was brought up in numerous interviews conducted by one of the authors, but is also discussed in Momin Mohiyuddin, Momin Ansari Biradari ki Tehzibi Tarikh, passim.
158. Pandey, 'Economic Dislocation', pp. 96-104.
159. C.A. Silberrad, A Monograph on Cotton Fabrics Produced in the Northwestern Provinces and Oudh, Allahabad, 1898, p. 46.
160. On the drastic decline for the jamdani of Tanda, see Government of India, Report of the Indian Tariff Board (Cotton Textile Industry Enquiry), Vol. III, Bombay, 1927, p. 124.
161. Pandey, 'Economic Dislocation', p. 105;
162. Silberrad, A Monograph, pp. 45-48.
163. Handloom products constituted about one-third of cotton cloth (by weight) consumed in the United Provinces. A.C. Chatterjee, Notes on the Industries of the United Provinces, Allahabad, 1908, p. 12.
164. Abdullah Ibn Yususf Ali, A Monograph on Silk Fabrics of the United Provinces of Agra and Oudh, Allahabad, 1900, pp. 102-4.
165. Chatterjee, Notes on the Industries, pp. 17-18.
166. Chatterjee, Notes on the Industries, p. 20.
167. From Director of Industries to Director of Public Instruction, United Provinces, 27 September 1911 in Uttar Pradesh State Archives (hereafter UPSA), Department of Industries, File 410 of 1911; Chatterjee, Notes on the Industries, p. 21.
168. Azamgarh: A Gazetteer, District Gazetteers of the United Provinces of Agra and Oudh, Allahabad, 1911 (reporting on 1876), pp. 61-62.
169. Chatterjee, Notes on the Industries, pp. 17-18;
170. Mohammed Mushtaq, Report of the Industrial Survey of the United Provinces, Azamgarh District, Allahabad, 1923, p. 16.
171. Final Report on the Seventh Settlement of the Azamgarh District of the United Provinces, Allahabad, 1908, p. 8.
172. Chatterjee, Notes on the Industries, p. 16;
173. Jagdish S. Valal, Report on the Industrial Survey of the United Provinces: Allahabad, Allahabad, pp. 55-57.
174. In contrast to Azamgarh, there was a sharp difference between numbers of persons belonging to weaving communities and those actually involved in weaving. Note by Rai Bahadur R. Prasad, 24/10/21, Appendix to 'Report of the Weaving School Committee, United Provinces, 1921', in UPSA, Industries Department, File 407 of 1920.
175. Note Regarding Possibilities of Cooperative Societies', in 'Notes Required for the Industrial Commission', in UPSA, Industries Department, File 430 of 1916.
176. A Proceedings, December 1914, No. 21 in UPSA, Industries Department, File 281 of 1914.
177. This paragraph is based largely upon interviews done in Bhiwandi, Malegaon and Allahabad districts.
178. India, Report of the Fact-Finding Committee (Handloom and Mills), Delhi, 1942, p. 65;
179. India, Survey qf Handloom Industry in Madras State, 1955-56, Bombay, 1959, chapter V.
180. India, Survey of Handloom, p. 52.
181. This process is referred to in a recent study, K. Nagaraj, S. Janakarajan, D. Jayaraj and B. Harriss-White, 'Adjustment and Development: Agrarian Change, Markets and Social Welfare in South India, 1973-1993', Madras Institute of Development Studies, Madras, 1996, p. 69.
182. India, Fact-Finding Committee, p. 67.
183. Geert de Neeve, 'Continuity and Change: A Preliminary Outline of the Role of Communities and Individuals in Urban Dynamics', Madras Institute of Development Studies, Madras, 1996.
184. For recent work on spatial mobility within the informal sector see Jan Breman, Footloose Labour: Working in India's Informal Economy, Cambridge, 1996.