Onomastic evidence for an anglo-saxon animal name: OE *PUR 'Male lamb'

English Studies

Volumn 83, Issue 5, 2002, Pages 377-390

  Hough, Carole ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF GLASGOW   (United Kingdom)

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EID: 22844449857     PISSN: 0013838X     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1076/enst.83.5.377.8677     Document Type: Review

References (137)

1. A. H. Smith, English Place-Nome Elements, 2 vols, EPNS, 25-26 (Cambridge, 1956), II, 75, s.v. pur. The head-form was emended to pur in
2. Journal of the English Place-Name Society 1 (1968-69), 33, but the place-name spellings are not decisive for either a long or a short vowel. No further occurrences have been identified in later volumes of the English Place-Name Survey. Other place-names in Pur- derive from different etymons, as for instance Purley in London from OE pyrige 'pear tree'
3. (A. D. Mills, A Dictionary of London Place Names (Oxford, 2001), p. 183), Purley Covert in Gloucestershire from eModE purlieu 'outskirts'
4. (A. H. Smith, The Place-Names of Gloucestershire, 4 vols, EPNS, 38-41 (Cambridge, 1964-65), I, 107), Pur-brook in Hampshire from OE/ME pūca 'gobiin'
5. (R. Coates, The Place-Names of Hampshire (London, 1989), p. 135) and Purslow in Shropshire from a personal name OE Pussa
6. (M. Gelling, The Place-Names of Shropshire: Part I, EPNS, 62/63 (Nottingham, 1990), p. 247). All references are to the county boundaries preceding the local government reorganisation of 1974.
7. J. B. Johnston, Place Names of England and Wales (London, 1915), p. 408, s.n. Purheck;
8. E. Ekwall, Studies on English Place- and Personal Names (Lund, 1931), pp. 80-1. Both also suggested the term as the first element of Purfleet in Essex - Johnston confidently, Ekwall cautiously - but this is ruled out by the early spellings compiled by the editor of the Essex volume of the English Place-Name Survey, including Purteflyete 1258 and Pourt(e)flet(e) 1312-17, 1324, 1358, 1327, 1346
9. (P. H. Reaney, The Place-Names of Essex, EPNS, 12 (Cambridge, 1935), pp. 130-1). Modern scholarship prefers a derivation from a personal name OE *Purta
10. (A. D. Mills, A Dictionary of English Place-Names, 2nd edn (Oxford, 1998), p. 279, s.n. Pur-fleet), despite Reaney's observation that the occurrence of the same etymon in several place-names connected with water appears to be indicative of a meaningful word.
11. A. D. Mills, The Place-Names of Dorset: Part I, EPNS, 52 (Cambridge, 1977), pp. 1-3. Since Purbeck is the only place-name to contain this generic, its meaning cannot be regarded as certain:
12. see D. Parsons and T. Styles with C. Hough, eds, The Vocabulary of English PlaceNames (Á-Box) (Nottingham, 1997), p. 96, s.v. *bica.
13. Reaney, The Place-Names of Essex, p. 222.
14. M. Gelling, The Place-Names of Berkshire, 3 vols, EPNS, 49-51 (Cambridge, 1973-6), I, 215.
15. J. E. B. Gover, A. Mawer and F. M. Stenton, The Place-Names of Hertfordshire, EPNS, 15 (Cambridge, 1938), p. 68. Although unrecorded before the thirteenth century, Pursley can be regarded as an Anglo-Saxon formation since OE lēah did not continue in use as a place-name-forming element into the Middle English period.
16. Also of potential interest is Purlbridge Cross in Devon (Purlebrugge 1330). J. E. B. Cover, A. Mawer and F. M. Stenton, The Place-Names of Devon, 2 vols, EPNS, 8-9 (Cambridge, 1931-32), II, 622, note that 'the earliest form suggests that the place takes its name from a bridge over a small stream called Parle'. Alternatively, it may be possible that Purlbridge takes its name from a bridge beside a place called Parle, a doublet of Purleigh, Purley and Pursley. In the absence of further evidence, no certainty can be reached.
17. M. Gelling and A. Cole, The Landscape of Place-Names (Stamford, 2000), pp. 240-1.
18. A. diP. Healey and R. L. Venezky, A Microfiche Concordance to Old English (Toronto, 1980), s.vv. pur, pures.
19. G. Tengvik, Old English Bynames (Uppsala, 1938), pp. 364-5.
20. The possibilities are of course not mutually exclusive. The argument to be presented in this article will support the latter, but I have also suggested elsewhere that the demotic term for a bittern was OE bēmere; see C. Hough, 'Place-name evidence for Old English bird-names', Journal of the English Place-Name Society 30 (1997-98), 60-76, at 60-3.
21. Smith, English Place-Name Elements, II, 75, s.v. pur.
22. P. R. Kitson, 'Old English bird names (II)', ENGLISH STUDIES 79 (1998), 2-22, at 2. Kitson describes OE pur as 'the best evidenced name for [a wader] in place-names and glossaries'. However, this may turn out to be a misconception if, as suggested below, the place-names in question refer to a different type of creature altogether.
23. A similar problem is presented by OE *grǣg 'wolf, an animal named from its colouring and mistakenly believed to denote the badger by comparison with fifteenth-century usage of the reflex grey: see C. Hough, 'OE grǣg in place-names', Neuphilologische Mitteilungen 96 (1995), 361-5.
24. 1.
25. H. Kurath and S. M. Kuhn (eds), Middle English Dictionary (Ann Arbor, 1952-2001), has no entry for the term. However, surnames cited in MED under the headword for the adjective pūr(e 'unadulterated, etc.' appear more likely to derive from a reflex of the Old English appellative, and will be discussed further below. No additional information is provided by
26. J. Wright, The English Dialect Dictionary, 6 vols (Oxford, 1898-1905), s.v. purr(e, which cites two nineteenth-century occurrences only.
27. P. H. Sawyer, Anglo-Saxon Charters: An Annotated List and Bibliography, Royal Historical Society Guides and Handbooks, 8 (London, 1968), no. 493.
28. A personal name derived from the bird name is also formally possible, but a collective use of the genitive singular is well attested in toponymic references to birds and animals. The standard work is E. Tengstrand, Genitival Composition in Old English Place-Names (Uppsala, 1940).
29. Gelling and Cole, The Landscape of Place-Names, p. 241.
30. Sawyer, Anglo-Saxon Charters, no. 1434.
31. J. K. Wallenberg, Kentish Place-Names (Uppsala, 1931), p. 149.
32. J. K. Wallenberg, The Place-Names of Kent (Uppsala, 1934), p. 378.
33. K. I. Sandred, 'The boundaries of Godmersham in Kent as described in BCS 378', in E. Brylla, S. Strandberg and M. Wahlberg (eds), Fra°n götarna till Noreens kor: Hyllningsskrift till Lennart Elmevik på 60-årsdagen 2 februari 1996 (Uppsala, 1996), pp. 145-56, at p. 150. This is a revised English-language version of an article first published in Swedish as
34. 'En forengelsk gränsbeskrivning', Namn och Bygd 53 (1965), 67-83.
35. The English Place-Name Survey has not yet covered Kent, but Dr Paul Cullen has recently been appointed as county editor. If the quality of his unpublished D Phil thesis cited elsewhere in this article is anything to go by, the work is in safe hands.
36. In view of the irregular word division in manuscripts of Old English, there can be no certainty whether purlamb should be regarded as a compound or as two separate words.
37. S. J. Crawford, The Old English Version of The Heptateuch, EETS 160 (London, 1922), p. 243. The non-Ælfrician sections of the Hexateuch have traditionally been attributed to a single translator who was also responsible for assembling the compilation as a whole during the first half of the eleventh century. However
38. R. Marsden, Translation by committee? The "anonymous" text of the Old English Hexateuch', in R. Barnhouse and B. C. Withers (eds), The Old English Hexateuch: Aspects and Approaches (Michigan, 2000), pp. 41-89, adduces stylistic evidence that two different translators were responsible for the earlier and later parts of Exodus, with at least three translators being involved overall.
39. Kurath and Kuhn, Middle English Dictionary, s.v. pur̄ adj.;
40. T. F. Hoad, The Concise Oxford Dictionary of English Etymology (Oxford, 1986), p. 378, s.v. pure.
41. J. R. Clark Hall, A Concise Anglo-Saxon Dictionary, 1st-4th edns (Cambridge, 1894-1960)
42. Supplement by H. D. Meritt (Cambridge, 1960), s.v. purlamb. Wallenberg quotes Clark Hall's definition, although he also draws attention to the dialectal use of pur to refer to 'a ram or wether lamb; also a male child' (Kentish Place-Names, p. 149).
43. Simpson and Weiner, Oxford English Dictionary, s.v. pur1. The earliest citation is OE purlamb, the next being from a. 1722. A transferred sense 'a male child, a boy' is also on record from the eighteenth century. OE purlamb is defined as 'wether-lamb' by
44. T. N. Toller, An Anglo-Saxon Dictionary Based on the Manuscript Collections of the Late Joseph Bosworth (Oxford, 1898), p. 779
45. although the connection with the Modern English reflex pur was not made until the Supplement (1921), p. 682.
46. F. Holthausen, Altenglisches Etymologisches Wörterbuch, 3rd edn (Heidelberg, 1974), p. 250, s.v. pur-lamb. Holthausen's definition is männliches Lamm 'male lamb'.
47. Parsons, Styles and Hough, The Vocabulary of English Place-Names (Á-Box), p. 101, s.v. binde. The headword is not asterisked as the simplex is attested independently with the sense 'band, ribbon'.
48. Smith, English Place-Name Elements, I, 245, s.v. hice.
49. The head-form was emended to *hīce in Journal of the English Place-Name Society 1 (1968-9), 24.
50. Journal of the English Place-Name Society Ibid., II, 36, s.v. *mapel, *mapul.
51. Journal of the English Place-Name Society Ibid., II, 234, s.v. wacu. The head-form was emended to *wacu in
52. Journal of the English PlaceName Society 1 (1968-9), 40.
53. This is proposed in C. Hough, 'English place-names in Lap-', Nomina 19 (1996), 43-50, which also cites further examples of words attested as Simplexes in place-names but otherwise only in compounds. The etymology of Lapford remains uncertain, however, and the most recent place-name dictionary gives a personal name OE *Hlappa and the putative bird name as alternative possibilities
54. (Mills, A Dictionary of English Place-Names, p. 215, s.n. Lapford).
55. J. Roberts and C. Kay with L. Grundy, A Thesaurus of Old English, 2 vols (London, 1995), I, 84. A secondary form *wier "ram, wether' may also be evidenced in the place-names Withersdale and Withersfield in Suffolk
56. (Smith, English Place-Name Elements, II, 271, s.v. *wioer).
57. A. C. Amos and A. diP. Healey, Dictionary of Old English (Toronto, 1986- ), s.v. cilfor-lamb. Additionally, Amos and Healey record a nonce occurrence of a compound OE ēowu-lamb 'ewe lamb' (ibid., s.v.) attested only in a late-twelfth-century gloss.
58. Simpson and Weiner, Oxford English Dictionary, s.v. chilver. Another parallel with the simplex pur is that both are now found mostly in southern dialects.
59. Germanic cognates such as OHG chilhurra, - ira are cited for instance by Holthausen, Altenglisches Etymologisches Wörterbuch, p. 48, s.v. cilfor-, ceolfor-lamb, and by
60. Simpson and Weiner, Oxford English Dictionary, s.v. chilver. There are no certain occurrences of the term in place-names recorded from the Anglo-Saxon period, but Chilverton in Devon (Chilverton 1281) is considered most likely to derive from an original OE *cilfor-tun 'lamb farm'
61. (Gover, Mawer and Stenton, The Place-Names of Devon, II, 365). The head-form cilfor 'ewe-lamb' is not asterisked as an unattested term in
62. Smith, English Place-Name Elements, I, 94, s.v., but I do not find it on independent record. Again, the irregular word division in manuscripts of Old English may have led to confusion as to whether the term is to be regarded as one word or as two. Other possible occurrences are as the first element of the field-names Kilvercotegreve (1220-50) 'perhaps "wood at the ewe-lamb's fold'" in Cheshire
63. (J. McN. Dodgson, The Place-Names of Cheshire, 5 vols in 7, EPNS, 44-8, 54, 74 (Cambridge and Nottingham, 1970-97) [part 5.2 completed and edited by A. R. Rumble], V:I.i, xxxvi) and Chilversland (1487) 'ewe-lamb land' in Gloucestershire
64. (Smith, The Place-Names of Gloucestershire, IV, 111), but both may alternatively derive from the later reflex of the word.
65. Johnston, Place Names of England and Wales, p. 408, s.n. Purbeck.
66. Gelling and Cole, The Landscape of Place-Names, p. 241.
67. Smith, English Place-Name Elements, II, 174, s.v. *tacca, *tacce. Alternatively, the derivation may be from a personal name.
68. Englis Place-name Elements Ibid., II, 257, s.v. weoer.
69. Gelling and Cole, The Landscape of Place-Names, p. 241. In combination with OE wudu 'wood', however, they note 'a surprising absence of animals'
70. (The Landscape of Place-names ibid., p. 258).
71. Reaney, The Place-Names of Essex, p. 185. Although not recorded until the late fourteenth century, Horseleigh may reliably be attributed to the Anglo-Saxon period since, as noted above, OE lēah appears to have gone out of use as a place-name-forming element soon after the Norman Conquest.
72. Gelling, The Place-Names of Berkshire, I, 38-9.
73. Gover, Mawer and Stenton, The Place-Names of Hertfordshire, pp. 197-8.
74. Gelling and Cole, The Landscape of Place-Names, p. 46. By contrast, Gelling and Cole cite no actual occurrences of OE fenn in combination with bird names, and only one instance in connection with a wild creature of any kind: this is Mason in Northumberland from OE mearo 'marten'.
75. P. H. Reaney, A Dictionary of English Surnames, 3rd edn by R. M. Wilson (Oxford, 1991), s.nn. Definitely referring to the bird, however, is Purfowle, a rare and now obsolete Sussex surname mentioned by Reaney and discussed more fully by
76. R. McKinley, The Surnames of Sussex, English Surnames Series, 5 (Oxford, 1988), p. 394.
77. Kurath and Kuhn, Middle English Dictionary, s.v. pur(e adj., section (6). The classification of surnames here under the headword for the adjective "unadulterated, etc.' is surely erroneous. The MED editors have perhaps been misled by the occurrence of the French definite article in one instance, but compare for example Hulle le Bule 1201, William le Bole 1214, Ralph le Bulle 1288 and Robert le Bool 1327
78. (Reaney, A Dictionary of English Surnames, p. 71, s.n. Bull).
79. Reaney, A Dictionary of English Surnames, p. 188, s.n. Gelding, Gilding. The topic of sexual innuendo in bynames is discussed by
80. D. Postles, "'Oneself as another" and Middle English nickname bynames', Nomina 22 (1999), 117-32.
81. Tengvik, Old English Bynames, pp. 364-65. Many further instances of bynames from both animal and bird names are included in the section on 'Nicknames derived from animals, plants and minerals: 1. Animals' at pp. 358-8. While it is always dangerous to argue from negative evidence, it may be worth noting that OE pur/pur does not appear to be represented in the corpus of Old English personal name themes, which draws more extensively on references to wild than to domestic creatures (
82. W. G. Searle, Onomasticon Anglo-Saxonicum: a List of Anglo-Saxon Proper Names from the time of Beda to that of King John (Cambridge, 1897)).
83. Gelling, The Place-Names of Berkshire, I, 216. The scanty coverage of field-names in early volumes of the English Place-Name Survey means that comparable evidence is unavailable for Purleigh in Essex.
84. Reaney, The Place-Names of Essex, p. 661, records a single field-name (Foxborough) from this parish, and no major studies of Essex field-names are cited in
85. J. Spittal and J. Field, A Reader's Guide to the Place-Names of the United Kingdom (Stamford, 1990), pp. 136-9 'Essex', other than the lists of names from Tithe Awards compiled by Waller during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and acknowledged by Reaney (p. 574) as the basis of his corpus.
86. P. Cullen, The Place-Names of the Lathes of St Augustine and Shipway, Kent' (unpublished DPhil thesis, University of Sussex, 1997), pp. 25-6.
87. The Place-names of the Lathes of St Augustine and Shipway, Kent' Ibid., p. 1.
88. The Place-names of the Lathes of St Augustine and Shipway, Kent' Ibid., pp. 27-8.
89. Wallenberg, Kentish Place-Names, pp. 150-1.
90. Sandred, The boundaries of Godmersham in Kent as described in BCS 378', p. 152.
91. Cullen, The Place-Names of the Lathes of St Augustine and Shipway, Kent', pp. 21-2, 88 and 366-7.
92. It is regrettable that the English Place-Name Survey stops short at the present English/Scottish border, without taking into account the wider range of evidence relating to the Anglo-Saxon settlements in southern Scotland. The Scottish Place-Name Survey itself is as yet much less advanced, and the lack of a comprehensive dictionary of Scottish place-names adds to the difficulties involved in accessing the relevant material.
93. S. Taylor, 'Place-names of Fife', in D. Omand (ed.), The Fife Book (Edinburgh, 2000), p. 218, f.n. 31.
94. Taylor (ibid., p. 218, f.n. 31) also draws attention to the Scots term pirr 'common tern'. However, this is first recorded in the eighteenth century according to
95. W. Grant and D. D. Murison (eds), The Scottish National Dictionary, 10 vols (Edinburgh, 1931-76), VII, 142, s.v. pirr, and the only occurrence cited from Fife refers to the black-headed gull. It is perhaps unfortunate that Pusk was not included by
96. J. B. Johnston in his Place-Names of Scotland, 1st-3rd edns (London, 1892-1934), where a connection with the interpretation suggested for Purbeck in his companion volume on English place-names might be expected to have been made.
97. Smith, English Place-Name Elements, II, 257-63, s.v. wīc, at 262 (6) (h) ix 'Words for products, especially] dairy produce', and (x) 'Names of domestic animals, birds, etc., especially] those producing food, etc.'. For the most recent discussion of this place-name element
98. see R. Coates, 'New light from old wicks: the progeny of Latin vicus', Nomina 22 (1999), 75-116. Further examples of similar formations are given at 96-7.
99. K. Cameron, The Place-Names of Derbyshire, 3 vols, EPNS, 27-9 (Cambridge, 1959), II, 415.
100. Cameron notes that 'alternatively the first element may be a family name', drawing attention to a fifteenth-century land-holder William Withir, Withur, but it seems more likely that the surname derives from the place-name.
101. This etymology is proposed in C. Hough, 'OE brūn in place-names', ENGLISH STUDIES 79 (1998), 512-21, at 520. The place-name was previously interpreted as 'brown specialized farm', a combination that made little apparent sense (
102. Coates, The Place-Names of Hampshire, pp. 42-3).
103. W. F. H. Nicolaisen, Scottish Place-Names: Their Study and Significance (London, 1976), pp. 79 and 80.
104. J. B. Johnston, The Place-Names of Berwickshire (Edinburgh, 1940), p. 48, explains Sunwick as 'Dwelling which gets the sun', but the derivation has little to recommend it and is representative of the type of unscholarly etymology that has led to Johnston's work being held in little regard by later toilers in the field.
105. Smith, English Place-Name Elements, I, 244, s.v. heorde-wīc.
106. English Place-name Elements Ibid., II, 257-63, s.v. wīe, at 261-3.
107. English Place-name Elements Ibid., II, 257-63, s.v. wīe, at 262.
108. The use of OE fugol in Fulwich, Kent, is perhaps debatable, since the term is generally held to have been used as a generic term for 'bird' during the Anglo-Saxon period, with the more limited sense 'domestic bird' being attested only from the sixteenth century. As Smith points out, however, place-name evidence testifies that the latter usage had developed by at least the late thirteenth century (ibid., I, 188-9, s.v. fugol). It therefore seems likely that the same sense is represented in Fulwich, whether the place-name dates from the pre-Conquest period or from a date closer to that of its earliest attestation (as de Foleswyk') in 1270
109. (Wallenberg, The Place-Names of Kent, pp. 33-4).
110. Note, however, that Woolwich was probably a trading centre rather than a farm, so that the parallel may not be exact: see Coates, 'New light from old wicks', 91.
111. A. J. Aitken and J. A. C. Stevenson (eds), A Dictionary of the Older Scottish Tongue: from the Twelfth Century to the end of the Seventeenth (Chicago and London, 1937-2002), s.w. pur, puyr and puré, pur (r) ay.
112. A Dictionary of the Older Scottish Tongue: from the Twelfth Century to the End of the Seventeenth Ibid., s.v. pur, puyr.
113. Kurath and Kuhn, Middle English Dictionary, s.v. purfil(e.
114. Roberts, Kay and Grundy, A Thesaurus of Old English, I, 84. The four terms are belflȳs and flīes 'sheep fleece' and feht and wulflys 'wool fleece'. The first and fourth are flagged ° to indicate a term of rare occurrence, while the third and fourth are flagged g to indicate a term recorded only in glossed texts or glossaries.
115. Simpson and Weiner, Oxford English Dictionary, s.v. wether, senses 1 and 4. The latter definition is 'the fleece obtained from the second or any subsequent shearing of a sheep', attested from the late nineteenth century.
116. This initial stage of settlement is generally attributed to the second quarter of the seventh century onwards. For a re-assessment of the evidence, and arguments in support of a potentially earlier date, see C. Hough, The earliest Old English place-names in Scotland', Notes and Queries 44 (1997), 148-50. For a re-interpretation of one of the toponyms in question from hām rather than from -ingahām, see further
117. C. Hough, The place-name Penninghame (Wigtownshire)', Notes and Queries 48 (2001), 99-102.
118. Nicolaisen, Scottish Place-Names, p. 81.
119. Taylor, 'Place-names of Fife', p. 211.
120. Nicolaisen, Scottish Place-Names, p. 79.
121. Taylor, 'Place-names of Fife', p. 218, f.n. 30.
122. Smith, English Place-Name Elements, I, 214, s.v. *hǣddre.
123. E. Proudfoot and C. Aliaga-Kelly, 'Place-names and other evidence for Anglian settlement in south-east Scotland', Landscape History 17 (1995), 17-26, at 23.
124. E. Proudfoot and C. Aliaga-Kelly, Towards an interpretation of anomalous finds and placenames of Anglo-Saxon origin in Scotland', Anglo-Saxon Studies in Archaeology and History 9 (1996), 1-13, at 1.
125. G. W. S. Barrow, The uses of place-names and Scottish history - pointers and pitfalls', in S. Taylor (ed.), The Uses of Place-Names, St John's House Papers, no. 7 (Edinburgh, 1998), pp. 54-74, at p. 68. A more conservative translation of OE hopl is 'dwelling, house': see
126. Parsons, Styles and Hough, The Vocabulary of English Place-Names (Á-Box), 135-7, s.v. bool, which notes that the term is used in literary sources 'of dwellings both ordinary and exceptional'.
127. S. Taylor, 'Babbet and Bridin Pudding or polyglot Fife in the Middle Ages', Nomina 17 (1994), 99-18, at 105-06.
128. Nicolaisen, Scottish Place-Names, p. 19.
129. S. Taylor, The Scandinavians in Fife and Kinross: the onomastic evidence', in B. E. Crawford (ed.), Scandinavian Settlement in Northern Britain: Thirteen Studies of Place-Names in their Historical Context (London, 1995), pp. 141-68, at pp. 155-6. The historical background to the bý(r) names is discussed in some detail in this article, and a good case is made for attributing them to the tenth century.
130. Scandinavian Settlement in Northern Britain: Thirteen Studies of Place-names in Their Historical Context Ibid., pp. 156-7.
131. Scandinavian Settlement in Northern Britain: Thirteen Studies of Place-names in Their Historical Context Ibid., p. 156.
132. Scandinavian Settlement in Northern Britain: Thirteen Studies of Place-names in Their Historical Context Ibid., p. 156. Taylor points out that the location of the Scandinavian Weatherhie between these two Gaelic toponyms 'indicates a high degree of integration into the local pastoral economy'.
133. Compare for instance the large number of English place-names combining an animal name with OE ford 'ford', 'denoting either the fitness of a ford for the crossing by these domestic animals or its habitual use by them' (Smith, English Place-Name Elements, I, 180-3, s.v. ford, at 182 (b) (vi).
134. J. E. B. Gover, A. Mawer and F. M. Stenton, The Place-Names of Wiltshire, EPNS, 16 (Cambridge, 1939), pp. 57-8. The etymology is presented as a possibility only, but it has stood the test of time and to the best of my knowledge no alternative derivation of Flisteridge has been put forward. No further occurrences of OE flies 'fleece' have been identified in English placenames.
135. 1, the modern dialectal use of pur to refer to a male lamb is mainly evidenced in south-west England, particularly Dorset.
136. Gelling and Cole, The Landscape of Place-Names, pp. 190-1.
137. M. G. Williamson, The Non-Celtic Place-Names of the Scottish Border Counties' (unpublished PhD thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1942), p. 246.