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Volumn 48, Issue 3, 1998, Pages 402-415

Teach in context: Responding to diverse student voices helps all students learn

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EID: 22444452841     PISSN: 00222208     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: None     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (9)

References (75)
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    • For purposes of this article, "diverse" is broadly defined to include not just racial diversity, but also culture, socioeconomic status, gender, sexual orientation, disability-in fact, any person who does not come from the white male middle-to upper-middle-class experience that is reflected in the legal system. Because most law school pedagogy tends to teach to a generic student, it does not adequately address ways in which learning is influenced by students' prior background and experience
    • For purposes of this article, "diverse" is broadly defined to include not just racial diversity, but also culture, socioeconomic status, gender, sexual orientation, disability-in fact, any person who does not come from the white male middle-to upper-middle-class experience that is reflected in the legal system. Because most law school pedagogy tends to teach to a generic student, it does not adequately address ways in which learning is influenced by students' prior background and experience.
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    • note
    • Laurie Zimet (Hastings) and I produced a videotape-Incorporating Academic Assistance Pedagogy into Our Classrooms and Clinics to Create an Effective Learning Environment-to present at the Diversity in the Law School Curriculum Conference, Society of American Law Teachers, University of Minnesota School of Law (1994). We used it later in other presentations. Even though the technical quality was poor (we edited the tape on two VCRs), the content was extremely powerful. As a result of the overwhelming response, the Institute for Law School Teaching produced Teach to the Whole Class: Barriers and Pathways to Learning, a faculty colloquia kit that contains teaching notes and a higher-quality video. The students we spoke with represented a spectrum of experience from first year to fourth year. Some were at the top of their class; some had to repeat their first year. The nine schools were selected for their geographic and demographic diversity; they included both private and public schools. What was surprising was the universality of the diverse students' experience. To protect the anonymity of the students, their names and the names of the law schools do not appear in this article. We are grateful for their willingness to share their experiences, and for the assistance of several academic support colleagues.
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    • A 1986 study found that students entering law school did not differ significantly from the general population in a variety of psychological attributes, but that after the first year they exhibited elevated levels of psychological symptoms, such as depression and hostility. Other symptoms included obsessive-compulsive behavior, phobic anxiety, paranoid ideation, and social alienation and isolation. The study revealed that these symptoms became progressively worse during law school and did not decrease until the first two years after law school. The authors concluded that it was the law school experience itself that exacerbated these symptoms rather than law students' predilection to suffer from them. The study found that before entering law school, 10.3 percent of the prospective law students were clinically depressed, a level equal to that of the general population. By the end of the first year, the percentage increased to 17.9 percent. By the end of the third year, it increased to 33.6 percent. At the time of the study, employment prospects for law students were considerably better than they are today.
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    • see also, supra note 5, at 337, citing P. Reiman & M. Chi, Human Expertise in Human and Machine Problem Solving, ed. K. J. Gilhooly, 161 New York
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    • A cognitive theory of the learning progression of law students
    • A answer presumes a level of knowledge and judgment that struggling students have not yet acquired. When the struggling students try to model the A, either they will feel defeated or, worse, they will skip important steps of analysis because they have not yet internalized enough of the discourse. Paula Lustbader, Construction Sites, Building Types, and Bridging Gaps
    • The A answer presumes a level of knowledge and judgment that struggling students have not yet acquired. When the struggling students try to model the A, either they will feel defeated or, worse, they will skip important steps of analysis because they have not yet internalized enough of the discourse. Paula Lustbader, Construction Sites, Building Types, and Bridging Gaps: A Cognitive Theory of the Learning Progression of Law Students, 33 Willamette L. Rev. 315, 345 (1997).
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    • Because people have different learning styles, teachers can be more effective by using different teaching techniques and explicitly teaching different learning techniques. See Don Peters & Martha M. Peters, Maybe That's Why I Do That
    • Because people have different learning styles, teachers can be more effective by using different teaching techniques and explicitly teaching different learning techniques. See Don Peters & Martha M. Peters, Maybe That's Why I Do That: Psychological Type Theory, the Myers-Briggs Type Indicator, and Learning Legal Interviewing, 35 N. Y. L. Sch. L. Rev. 169 (1990);
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    • See also Susan H. Williams, Legal Education, Feminist Epistemology, and the Socratic Method, 45 Stan. L. Rev. 1571, 1573-76 (1993).
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    • see also, Cooperative Learning in the Classroom, in Changing College Classrooms: New Teaching and Learning Strategies for an Increasingly Complex World, eds. Diane F. Halpem et al., San Francisco
    • See also James L. Cooper et al., Cooperative Learning in the Classroom, in Changing College Classrooms: New Teaching and Learning Strategies for an Increasingly Complex World, eds. Diane F. Halpem et al., 74 (San Francisco, 1994).
    • (1994) , vol.74
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