"Democratic peace" and "Asian democracy": A universalist-particularist tension

Alternatives

Volumn 22, Issue 1, 1997, Pages 135-155

  Tanji, Miyume ^b   Lawson, Stephanie ^a  

^a AUSTRALIAN NATIONAL UNIVERSITY   (Australia)

^b NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 21744443116     PISSN: 03043754     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1177/030437549702200106     Document Type: Article

References (75)

1. See David Held, "Democracy: Past, Present and Possible Futures," Alternatives 18, no. 3 (1993): 262.
2. "Domestic" democracy has also been seen as a precondition for the democratization of the international system itself. See Daniele Archibugi and David Held, eds., Cosmopolitan Democracy: An Agenda for a New World Order (Cambridge, Polity Press, 1995), esp. the editors' introduction, p. 9.
3. See Stephanie Lawson, "Culture, Democracy and Political Conflict Management in Asia and the Pacific: An Agenda for Research," Pacifica Review 6, no. 2 (1994): 90.
4. Robert W. Cox, "Social Forces, States, and World Orders: Beyond International Relations Theory," in Robert Keohane, ed., Neorealism and Its Critics (New York, Columbia University Press, 1986), p. 207.
5. See Bruce Russett, Grasping the Democratic Peace (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993), pp. 24-25.
6. Kenneth N. Waltz, Theory of International Relations (Reading, Mass.: Addison-Wesley, 1979).
7. Stanley Hoffmann, "An American Social Science: International Relations," Daedalus 106, no. 3 (1977): 47-48. With specific reference to Hoffmann's assertion, however, it has been pointed out that Hans Morgenthau was a vigorous opponent of US involvement in Vietnam and Kenneth Waltz argued strongly against US involvement in the Gulf War.
8. We refer here to a seminar presented by Chris Reus-Smit on "The Constructivist Turn: Rationalism and Critical Theory after the Cold War," Department of International Relations, Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, Australian National University, Canberra, June 21, 1996. Opposition to such important foreign policy decisions by two of the most prominent US realists must therefore be treated as strong "counterfactuals," although this does not completely negate Hoffmann's point.
9. Bruce Russett, Christopher Layne, David E. Spiro, and Michael W. Doyle, "Correspondence: The Democratic Peace," International Security 19, no. 4 (1995): 164.
10. The thesis, of course, also has efficacy in European contexts. See the special issue on "Democracy and Peace" in European Journal of International Relations 1, no. 4 (1995).
11. Thomas Carothers, "Democracy Promotion under Clinton," Washington Quarterly 18, no. 4 (1995): 13.
12. Russet, note 5, Grasping the Democratic Peace: 124-125.
13. Morton H. Halperin, "Guaranteeing Democracy," Foreign Policy (summer 1993): 112-115.
14. Ido Oren, "The Subjectivity of the 'Democratic' Peace," International Security 20, no. 2 (1995): 180.
15. International Security Ibid., p. 147.
16. Donald K. Emerson, "Region and Recalcitrance: Rethinking Democracy Through Southeast Asia," Pacific Review 8, no. 2 (1995): 239.
17. William J. Dixon, "Democracy and the Peaceful Settlement of International Conflict," American Political Science Review 88, no. 1 (1994): 15-16.
18. American Political Science Review Ibid., p. 21.
19. Zeev Maoz and Bruce Russett, "Normative and Structural Causes of Democratic Peace, 1946-1986," American Political Science Review 87, no. 3 (1993): 624-638. Two writers make the point, which has been relatively neglected in democratic peace studies, that democracies are also far less likely to go to war against, or murder, their own citizens.
20. See R. J. Rummel, "Democracy, Power, Genocide, and Mass Murder, "Journal of Conflict Resolution 39, no. 1 (1995): 3-26.
21. Ted Robert Gurr, Minorities at Risk: A Global View of Ethnopolitical Conflict (Washington, D.C.: United States Institute of Peace Press, 1993). See also Lawson, note 3, p. 97.
22. Dixon, note 16, p. 16.
23. John M. Owen, "How Liberalism Produces Democratic Peace," International Security 19, no. 2 (1994): 123.
24. International Security Ibid., pp. 99-100.
25. For a critical analysis of the contextual development of liberal democracy, see Bhikhu Parekh, "The Cultural Particularity of Liberal Democracy," in David Held, ed., Prospects for Democracy: North, South, East, West (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1993).
26. Quoted in Yahudah Mirsky, "Democratic Politics, Democratic Culture," Orbis 37, no. 4 (1993): 569.
27. Halperin, note 12, p. 106 (emphasis added).
28. Mirsky, note 23, pp. 572-573.
29. Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba, The Civic Culture: Political Attitudes and Democracy in Five Nations, 2nd edn. (London: Hutchinson, 1986).
30. The Civic Culture: Political Attitudes and Democracy in Five Nations, 2nd edn. Ibid., p. 3.
31. The Civic Culture: Political Attitudes and Democracy in Five Nations, 2nd edn. Ibid., p. 13.
32. Stephen Welch, The Concept of Political Culture (New York: St. Martin's, 1993), p. 64.
33. See also John R. Gibbins, ed., Contemporary Political Culture: Politics in a Postmodern Age (London: Sage, 1989),
34. and Michael Brint, A Genealogy of Political Culture (Boulder: Westview, 1991).
35. Brint, note 29, p. 109.
36. Ibid., pp. 108-109.
37. Ibid., pp. 115-116.
38. MacIntyre has criticized Almond and Verba's research for treating certain analytical concepts as though they have homogeneous implications across Western cultures. The concept of "pride" in Italy, for example, has a different meaning to that in England. In Italian, its meaning is actually closer to the English concept of "honor." The judgment that the "pride" the Italian people take in their political system is lower compared with the English is therefore dubious, since there is no consideration of the possibility that the investigated people might have answered differently to different questions. Cited in Brint, ibid., p. 116.
39. Cited ibid., pp. 117-119.
40. For a summary of critiques of the "scientific" methodology from the German hermeneutic school (or the "Verstehen" school), in relation to the study of international relations, see Mervyn Frost, Towards a Normative Theory of International Relations (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), pp. 17-26.
41. James G. Carrier, "Occidentalism: The World Turned Upside-Down," American Ethnologist 19, no. 2 (1992): 195.
42. Clifford Geertz, "Interpretive Anthropology," in Herbert Applebaum, ed., Perspectives in Cultural Anthropology (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1987), p. 520.
43. See Maria L. Herrera, "On the Interpretation of Cultures," in Eliot Deutsch, ed., Culture and Modernity: East-West Philosophic Perspectives (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1991), p. 510.
44. Ferenc Feher, "Between Relativism and Fundamentalism: Hermeneutics as Europe's Mainstream Political and Moral Tradition," in Deutsch, ed., note 38, pp. 174-175.
45. Between Relativism and Fundamentalism: Hermeneutics as Europe's Mainstream Political and Moral Tradition Ibid., p. 181. A more reflective view on ethnocentrism recognizes that it is not an evil to be avoided at all costs but an inevitable constraint on all human thinking (and not just that of Westerners). Awareness, rather than repudiation, of ethnocentrism is therefore the key to more tolerant and sensitive thinking.
46. See Roland Bleiker, "Neorealist Claims in Light of Ancient Chinese Philosophy: The Culutral Dimension of International Theory," Millennium 22, no. 3 (1993): 404.
47. Lucian W. Pye with Mary W. Pye, Asian Power and Politics: The Cultural Dimensions of Authority (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1985), pp. 329-334.
48. See Daniel A. Bell, "Democracy in Confucian Societies: The Challenge of Justification," in Daniel A. Bell et al., Towards Illiberal Democracy in Pacific Asia (London: Macmillan, 1995).
49. Schwartz, quoted Towards Illiberal Democracy in Pacific Asia ibid., p. 21.
50. Towards Illiberal Democracy in Pacific Asia Ibid., pp. 20-26.
51. Pye, note 41, p. 339.
52. Michael Haas, "Asia and International Relations," in Jongsuk Chay, ed., Culture and International Relations (New York: Praeger, 1990), pp. 178-179.
53. Culture and International Relations Ibid., p. 182.
54. Roger M. Keesing, "Asian Cultures?" Asian Studies Review 15, no. 2 (1991): 46.
55. Asian Studies Review Ibid., p. 43.
56. See Stephanie Lawson, "Culture, Relativism and Democracy: Political Myths About 'Asia' and the 'West,'" in Richard Robison, ed., Pathways to Asia: The Politics of Engagement (St. Leonard's: Allen & Unwin, 1996), pp. 108-128.
57. Craig Calhoun, "Social Theory and the Politics of Identity," in Craig Calhoun, ed., Social Theory and the Politics of Identity (Cambridge: Blackwell, 1994), p. 13.
58. Social Theory and the Politics of Identity Ibid., p. 20.
59. See Lawson, note 50.
60. Kishore Mahbubani, "The Pacific Way," Foreign Affairs 74, no. 1 (1995): 105.
61. Foreign Affairs Ibid., p. 103.
62. At the end of an interview with Zakaria, Lee handed him three pages from a book, to "emphasize how alien Confucian culture is to the West. The pages were from the book East Asia: Tradition and Transformation, by John Fairbank, an American Scholar." Fareed Zakaria, "Culture Is Destiny: A Conversation with Lee Kuan Yew," Foreign Affairs 73, no. 2 (1994): 126.
63. Bell, note 42, p. 15.
64. Joseph B. Tamney, "Confucianism and Democracy," Asian Profile 19, no. 5 (1991): 405.
65. Asian Profile Ibid., pp. 399-400
66. James Cotton, "The Limits to Liberalization in Industrialising Asia: Three Views of the State," Pacific Affairs 64, no. 3 (1991): 320.
67. Tamney, note 58, p. 403.
68. "Confucius Says: Go East, Young Man," Guardian Weekly, December 31, 1995, p. 12.
69. See Lawson, note 50.
70. Emerson, note 15, p. 238.
71. Harold Crouch and James W. Morley, "The Dynamics of Political Change," in James W. Morley, ed., Driven by Growth: Political Change in the Asia-Pacific Region (New York: M. E. Sharpe, 1992), p. 282. There are some similarities between the concepts of "civil society" (which we do not see as exclusively "Western") and "civic culture," but important differences, too. There is not the space here to elaborate on this.
72. See Ambrose Y. C. King, "A Non-Paradigmatic Search for Democracy in a Post-Confucian Culture: The Case of Taiwan, R.O.C.," in Larry Diamond, ed., Political Culture and Democracy in Developing Countries, (Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 1994).
73. See especially Angelika Bammer's discussion of Todorov's approach in "Xenophobia, Xenophilia, and No Place To Rest," in Gisela Brinker-Gabler, ed., Encountering the Other(s): Studies in Literature, History and Culture (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1995), p. 57;
74. and R. B. J. Walker's discussion of democracy, solidarity, and universality in One World, Many Worlds: Struggles for a Just World Peace (Boulder and London: Lynne Reinner and Zed Books, 1988), especially pp. 134-137.
75. A more detailed discussion of some of these points, and an elaboration of a pluralistic approach to understanding democracy, is set out in Stephanie Lawson, "Democracy and the Problem of Cultural Relativism: Normative Issues for International Politics," paper prepared for presentation to the International Studies Association/Japan Association of International Relations Joint Convention, Makuhari, Japan, Sept. 20-22, 1996.