The business of ethics: Gender, medicine, and the professional codification of the American physiotherapy association, 1918-1935

Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences

Volumn 60, Issue 3, 2005, Pages 320-354

  Linker, Beth ^a  

^a NONE

Author keywords

Allied health professions; AMA Council on Physical Therapy; American Medical Association; Code of ethics; Ethics of care; Gender; Medicine; Physiotherapy; Professionalization; World War I

Indexed keywords

BIOETHICS AND PROFESSIONAL ETHICS; BUSINESS ETHICS; ETHICS; FEMALE; HEALTH CARE ORGANIZATION; HISTORY; HUMAN; MEDICAL ETHICS; MEDICAL SOCIETY; MILITARY MEDICINE; PHYSIOTHERAPY; PUBLIC RELATIONS; REVIEW; UNITED STATES; WAR;

BIOETHICS AND PROFESSIONAL ETHICS;

AMERICAN MEDICAL ASSOCIATION; CODES OF ETHICS; ETHICS, BUSINESS; ETHICS, MEDICAL; FEMALE; HISTORY, 20TH CENTURY; HUMANS; INTERPROFESSIONAL RELATIONS; MILITARY MEDICINE; PHYSICAL THERAPY (SPECIALTY); SOCIETIES; UNITED STATES; WORLD WAR I;

EID: 21444445836     PISSN: 00225045     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1093/jhmas/jri043     Document Type: Review

References (169)

1. For the "world's first national code," see Robert B. Baker, "Introduction," in The American Medical Ethics Revolution: How the AMA's Code of Ethics Has Transformed Physicians' Relationships to Patients, Professionals, and Society, ed. Robert Baker (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1999), pp. xiii-xxxix.
2. For a sampling of historical treatments of the AMA and its codes of ethics, see Robert B. Baker, "The American Medical Ethics Revolution," in Baker, American Medical Ethics Revolution, pp. 17-51;
3. Chester R. Burns, "Setting the Stage: Moral Philosophy, Benjamin Rush, and Medical Ethics in the United States before 1846," in Baker, American Medical Ethics Revolution, pp. 3-16;
4. Susan Lederer, "Medical Ethics and the Media: Oaths, Codes, and Popular Culture," in Baker, American Medical Ethics Revolution, pp. 91-103;
5. as well as John Harley Warner, "The 1880s Rebellion against the AMA Code of Ethics: 'Scientific Democracy' and the Dissolution of Orthodoxy," in Baker, American Medical Ethics Revolution, pp. 52-69.
6. See also Robert Veatch, "Medical Codes and Oaths: History," in Encyclopedia of Bioethics, 2nd ed. (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1995), pp. 1419-35;
7. as well as Albert Jonsen, The Birth of Bioethics (New York: Oxford University Press, 1998);
8. and Albert Jonsen, A Short History of Medical Ethics (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000).
9. For a sociological perspective on the history of the AMA's codes of ethics, see Jeffrey L. Berlant, Profession and Monopoly: A Study of Medicine in the United States and Great Britain (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1975).
10. Physical therapist-ethicist Ruth Purtilo provides a brief historical synopsis of the APA's 1935 Code of Ethics in "The American Physical Therapy Association's Code of Ethics: Its Historical Foundations," Physical Therapy, 1977, 57, 1001-6.
11. Women made up over 90 percent of the APA since its inception in 1920. For exact membership numbers, see member rosters published yearly in the P. T. Review and Physiotherapy Review.
12. See Wendy Murphy's commemorative book about the history of the American Physical Therapy Association, Healing the Generations: A History of Physical Therapy and the American Physical Therapy Association (Alexandria, Va.: American Physical Therapy Association, 1995).
13. Today physiotherapists call themselves "physical therapists," and in 1946 the APA became the American Physical Therapy Association. This transition in name and association title is a complex story that is most comprehensively discussed in Glenn Gritzer and Arnold Arluke, The Making of Rehabilitation: A Political Economy of Medical Specialization, 1890-1980 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985), esp. appendixes, pp. 172-76.
14. Some obvious exceptions include dentists, pharmacists, and osteopaths. For more about these fields and their codes of ethics, see Chester Burns, "The Evolution of Professional Ethics in American Dentistry," Bull. Hist. Dentistry, 1974, 22, 59-70;
15. Robert A. Buerki, "The Historical Development of an Ethic for American Pharmacy," Pharm. Hist., 1997, 39, 54-72;
16. and Norman Gevitz, The DO's: Osteopathic Medicine in America (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1982).
17. For a history of nursing ethics and the ANA code of ethics, see Marlene Cianci, "The Code of Ethics and the Role of Nurses: An Historical Perspective," Nursing Connections, 1992, 5, 37-42;
18. Marsha D. Fowler, "The Evolution of the ANA Code of Ethics," Imprint, 2000, 47, 53-54;
19. and Marjorie J. Stenberg, "The Search for a Conceptual Framework as a Philosophical Basis for Nursing Ethics: An Examination of Code, Contract, Context, and Covenant," Mil. Med., 1979, 144, 9-22.
20. The Principles of Occupational Therapy Ethics were adopted in April 1977 and revised in April 1980. For the 1980 revision, see Am. J. Occ. Ther., 1980, 34, 896-99. The American Dietetic Association, formed in 1917, did not adopt its first code of ethics until 1952.
21. See Emma Seifrit Weigley, "Professionalization and the Dietitian," J. Am. Dietetic Assoc., 1979, 74, 317-20. Also, the American Association for Social Workers did not have a formal code of ethics until 1947.
22. See Encyclopedia of Social Work, 19th ed., s.v. "ethics and values."
23. A notable exception here is Susan Lederer's work on the ethics of human research as well as popular usages of the Hippocratic Oath in the early twentieth century. See Susan Lederer, Subjected to Science: Human Experimentation in America before the Second World War (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1997);
24. and Lederer, "Medical Ethics and the Media."
25. The most explicit discussion of the role that gender has played in the formation of the health care professions can be found in the histories written about women physicians and nurses. See Susan Reverby, Ordered to Care: The Dilemma of American Nursing, 1850-1945 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987);
26. Joan I. Roberts and Thetis M. Group, Feminism and Nursing: An Historical Perspective of Power, Status, and Political Activism in the Nursing Profession (Westport, Conn.: Praeger, 1995);
27. Barbara Melosh, "The Physician's Hand:" Work, Culture, and Conflict in American Nursing (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1982);
28. Regina Morantz-Sanchez, Sympathy and Science: Women Physicians in American Medicine (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985);
29. and Ellen S. More, Restoring the Balance: Women Physicians and the Profession of Medicine, 1850-1995 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1999).
30. For a more general historical overview of women and professionalization, see Anne Firor Scott, Natural Allies: Women's Associations in American History (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1991).
31. For a sociological perspective on the medical profession and its exclusion of women, see Anne Witz, Professions and Patriarchy (London: Routledge, 1992).
32. For a useful definition of "ancillary professions," see Walter I. Wardwell, Chiropractic: A History and Evolution of a New Profession (St. Louis: Mosby Year Book, 1992).
33. The argument that physiotherapists created a post-Victorian identity comes from Beth Linker, "Strength and Science: Gender, Physiotherapy, and Medicine in the United States, 1918-1935," J. Women's Hist., forthcoming.
34. For the number of physical education graduates, see Frank Granger, "The Development of Physiotherapy," P. T. Rev., 1923, 3, 16.
35. For more on gender segregation within the field of physical education, see Martha Verbrugge, Able-Bodied Womanhood: Personal Health and Social Change in Nineteenth-Century Boston (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988);
36. and Verbrugge, "Knowledge and Power: Health and Physical Education for Women in America," in Women, Health, and Medicine in America: A Historical Handbook, ed. Rima D. Apple (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1992), pp. 361-82.
37. See also Paul Atkinson, "The Feminist Physique: Physical Education and the Medicalization of Women's Education," in From "Fair Sex" to Feminism: Sport and the Socialization of Women in the Industrial and Post-Industrial Eras, ed. J. A. Mangan and Roberta J. Park (London: Frank Cass, 1987), pp. 78-57.
38. Also, in this the same volume, see Patricia Vertinsky, "Body Shapes: The Role of the Medical Establishment in Informing Female Exercise and Physical Education in Nineteenth-Century North America," pp. 256-81.
39. See Emma Vogel, "Physical Therapists before World War II," in Army Medical Specialist Corps, ed. Robert S. Anderson, Harriet S. Lee, and Myra L. McDaniel (Washington D.C.: Office of the Surgeon General, 1968), pp. 44-57.
40. Murphy, Healing the Generations, p. 50.
41. Lettie Gavin, American Women in World War I: They Also Served (Boulder: University Press of Colorado, 1997), pp. 101-28.
42. See also "Harvard Medical School Physiotherapy Course, 1918," Courtesy American Physical Therapy Association Archives (APTA), Alexandria, Va., box 37, file 4.
43. As quoted in Gavin, American Women in World War I, p. 104.
44. Doris Ball Crawford, "Recollections and Reminiscences from Former Reconstruction Aides," Phys. Ther., 1976, 56, 26.
45. See also Marguerite Irvine, "Recollections and Reminiscences from Former Reconstruction Aides," Phys. Ther., 1976, 56, 29.
46. These are just two of the verses of a seven-verse song that the Reed College graduates composed. See APTA, box 6, file 1.
47. The military ideal of a svelte body coincides with the new slimming trend among American middle-class women in the 1910s and 1920s. See Joan Jacobs Brumberg, The Body Project: An Intimate History of American Girls (New York: Random House, 1997).
48. One reason the military wanted to keep the physiotherapists from "flirting" (as the song puts it) with patients was to control male-female fraternization, especially among soldiers and health care workers. Making the healer-patient interaction "business-like" was a cornerstone of the military's World War I campaign against venereal disease. See Allan Brandt, No Magic Bullet: A Social History of Venereal Disease in the United States since 1880, 2nd ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987).
49. APTA, box 6, file 1.
50. For a reprint of the Nightingale Pledge, see Fowler, "Evolution of the ANA Code of Ethics," p. 53.
51. Mary Binderman, MLS, director of Information Resources at the American Occupational Therapy Foundation, was kind enough to send me a photocopy of the original postcard-sized Pledge and Creed for Occupational Therapists. For a reprint of the pledge, see William R. Dunton, ed., Occupational Therapy and Rehabilitation, vol. 5 (Baltimore, Md.: Williams and Wilkins, 1926), p. 449.
52. Wilma E. Motley, History of the American Dental Hygienists' Association, 1923-1982 (Chicago: American Dental Hygienists' Association, 1983). For a reprint of the ADHA's first code, see pp. 75-76.
53. "A Suggested Code: A Code of Ethics Presented for the Consideration of the American Nurses' Association," Am. J. Nurs., 1926, 26, 599-601.
54. Dunton, Occupational Therapy and Rehabilitation, p. 449.
55. Virginia A. M. Quiroga, Occupational Therapy: The First Thirty Years, 1900-1930 (Bethesda, Md.: American Occupational Therapy Association, 1995).
56. This discussion about physiotherapy comes from Linker, "Strength and Science." For the direct quotation and an account of the labor required to perform physiotherapy, see Ida May Hazenhyer, "A History of the American Physiotherapy Association," Physiother. Rev., 1946, 26, 3-13,
57. continued in Physiother. Rev., 1946, 26, 66-74,
58. with the final entry in Physiother. Rev., 1946, 26, 122-31.
59. Robert A. Nye, "Honor Codes and Medical Ethics in Modem France," Bull. Hist. Med., 1995, 69, 91-111. Nye's article is one of the few accounts of the role that gender, and more specifically "maleness, " played in the construction of twentieth-century medical codes of ethics.
60. Murphy, Healing the Generations, p. 71.
61. For discussion about the change of name, see the association's first meeting notes from 15 January 1921, titled "Preliminary Meeting of the A.W.P.T.A."
62. reprinted in the P. T. Rev., 1921, 1, 4-5.
63. See also, "American Women's Physical Therapy Association Constitution," P. T. Rev., 1921, 1, 5-7.
64. "Presidential Messages: The First Fifty Years," Phys. Ther., 1971, 51, 621.
65. "American Women's Therapy Association," p. 5.
66. Ibid., p. 6.
67. Ibid. Ray Lyman Wilbur served as the chair of the APA's advisory committee from 1927 to 1930. Wilbur was also an honorary member of the APA from 1925 to 1935.
68. See membership lists published yearly in the P. T Rev. and Physiother. Rev.
69. "Editorials," P. T. Rev., 1925, 5, 3.
70. Abraham Flexner, "Is Social Work a Profession?" Paper presented at the National Conference on Charities and Correction, New York, 17 May 1915 (New York: New York School of Philanthropy, 1915).
71. In response to Flexner's speech, the American Pharmaceutical Association drafted a new code of ethics, the "Principles of Pharmaceutical Ethics" in 1922. See Buerki, "Historical Development of an Ethic for American Pharmacy," p. 57.
72. Flexner, "Is Social Work a Profession?"
73. I b i d.
74. Louisa Lippitt, R.N., to Dr. Frank Granger, Madison, Wisc., 19 February 1920, APTA archives, Board of Directors (BOD) box 1, file 1. For Granger's response, see Frank Granger to Louisa Lippitt, R.N., Boston, 26 February 1920, APTA archives, BOD 1, file 1.
75. Ruby Decker, "A Hard Look," presented at the 43rd annual conference of the APTA, 11 July 1966, APTA archives, box 128, file 42.
76. American Electrotherapeutic Association to APA, New York, 19 December 1924, APTA archives, BOD 1, file 14.
77. I b i d.
78. Gritzer and Arluke, Making of Rehabilitation, pp. 21-22.
79. See also A. B. Hirsch to Dorothea Beck, New York, 3 February 1926, APTA archives, BOD 1, file 14.
80. Gritzer and Arluke, Making of Rehabilitation, p. 26.
81. Gritzer and Arluke, Making of Rehabilitation, p. 28.
82. See also American Electrotherapeutic Association to APA, New York, 19 December 1924, APTA archives, BOD 1, file 14.
83. For more on the specialty status of the electrotherapists (who eventually became known as physiatrists), see Rosemary Stevens, American Medicine and the Public Interest, 2nd ed. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998).
84. Morris Fishbein, The Medical Follies: An Analysis of the Foibles of Some Healing Cults, Including Osteopathy, Homeopathy, Chiropractic, and the Electronic Reactions of Abrams, with Essays on the Antivivisectionists, Health Legislation, Physical Culture, Birth Control, and Rejuvenation (New York: Boni and Liveright, 1925), p. 107.
85. Morris Fishbein, The New Medical Follies: An Encyclopedia of Cultism and Quackery in These United States, with Essays on the Cult of Beauty, the Craze for Reduction, Rejuvenation, Eclecticism, Bread and Dietary Fads, Physical Therapy, and a Forecast as to the Physician of the Future (New York: Boni and Liveright, 1927), p. 166.
86. Jessie Wright to Dorothea Beck, Leetsdale, Penn., 6 April 1925, APTA archives, BOD 1, file 14.
87. "Editorials," Physiother. Rev., 1926, 6, 2.
88. Dorothea Beck to Electrotherapeutic Association, New Jersey, 29 June 1926, APTA archives, BOD 1, file 14.
89. "Meeting of the Council on Physical Therapy, American Medical Association Headquarters, Chicago, Illinois, 16 October 1925," Courtesy AMA Archives, Chicago, Ill., vertical file. The other members of the Council on Physical Therapy included W. T. Bovie (Boston), Arthur Compton (Chicago), Ralph Pemberton (Philadelphia), Harry Mock (Chicago), Walter B. Cannon (Boston), A. S. Warthin (Ann Arbor), Francis Carter Wood (New York City), George Miller MacKee (New York City), and A. U. Desjardins (Rochester, Minnesota).
90. I b i d.
91. thank Laura Carroll, archivist at the AMA, for providing me with Dr. Puckner's full name and biography. Quotations from "Resolution Providing the Establishment of a Council on Physical Therapy," AMA House of Delegates Proceedings, Chicago, Ill., 25-29 May 1925, APTA archives, box 41, file 17.
92. I b i d.
93. See also "Resolution Providing the Establishment of a Council on Physical Therapy," AMA House of Delegates Proceedings, Chicago, Ill., 25-29 May 1925, APTA archives, box 41, file 17.
94. Robert D. Kohn, "The Significance of the Professional Ideal: Professional Ethics and the Public Interest," Ann. Am. Acad. Pol. Soc. Sci., 1922, 101, no. 190, 1-5.
95. Edward A. Filene, "A Simple Code of Business Ethics," Ann. Am. Acad. Pol. Soc. Sci., 1922, 101, no. 190, 223-28.
96. "Report of Committee on Present Status of Physical Therapy," J. Am. Med. Assoc., 1926, 87, 1302.
97. For the committee's discussion of General Electric, see "Meeting of the Council on Physical Therapy, American Medical Association Headquarters, Chicago, Illinois, 16 October 1925," Courtesy AMA Archives, vertical file.
98. "Report of Committee on Present Status of Physical Therapy," p. 1302.
99. "Report of Committee on Present Status of Physical Therapy," p. 1303.
100. I b i d.
101. I b i d.
102. Gertrude Beard to Dorothea Beck, Chicago, 14 December 1926, APTA archives, BOD 1, file 10. Although the AMA and the Electrotherapeutic Association allowed the Physiotherapy Association to keep its professional title, they still called individual physiotherapists "technicians."
103. Dorothea Beck to Gertrude Beard, New Jersey, 10 October 1926, APTA archives, BOD 1, file 25.
104. Margaret Campbell to Catherine Worthingham, 27 February 1933, APTA archives, BOD 1, file 23.
105. See also "Editorials," Physiother, Rev., 1934, 14, 121.
106. See "Chapter News," Physiother. Rev., 1934, 14, 35;
107. and "Chapter News," Physiother. Rev., 1933, 13, 155, 154, 149.
108. For the membership fee moratorium, see Physiother. Rev., 1933. 13, 150.
109. Emphasis added. "Chapter News," Physiother. Rev., 1933, 13, 153;
110. "Chapter News," Physiother. Rev., 1935, 15, 152.
111. Therapists also talked about transferring the publicity "campaign initiative to the medical profession." For more on this, see "Chapter News," Physiother. Rev., 1934, 14, 119;
112. and again in "Chapter News," Physiother. Rev., 1935, 15, 68.
113. Veatch, "Medical Codes and Oaths: History," pp. 1419-27.
114. Buerki, "Historical Development of an Ethic for American Pharmacy," p. 55. Buerki makes the same point about the pharmacists who drafted the 1848 Code of Ethics for Pharmacists.
115. "Our Profession," Physiother. Rev., 1935, 15, 27.
116. I b i d.
117. I b i d.
118. Morantz-Sanchez, Sympathy and Science, p. 5.
119. For a more comprehensive treatment of the relationship between gender, medical professionalism, and science, see Ellen Singer More and Maureen A. Milligan, eds., The Empathic Practitioner: Empathy, Gender and Medicine (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1994).
120. The articles of particular relevance are: Susan Lederer, "Gender, Animal Experimentation, and the Doctor-Patient Relationship," pp. 59-73;
121. Ellen S. More, " 'Empathy' Enters the Profession of Medicine," pp. 19-39;
122. and Regina Morantz-Sanchez, "How Women Physicians Became More Empathic than Men," pp. 40-58.
123. See also Morantz-Sanchez, Sympathy and Science.
124. Howard A. Carter, "The Council on Physical Therapy," Physiother. Rev., 1934, 14, 181.
125. I b i d.
126. See, for example, APA to Catherine Worthingham, 27 December 1932, Chicago, 111., APTA archives, BOD 1, file 23;
127. and Dr. Harold Behneman to APA, 14 February 1933, San Francisco, Calif., APTA archives, BOD 1, file 23.
128. Paul Starr, The Social Transformation of American Medicine: The Rise of a Sovereign Profession and the Making of a Vast Industry (New York: Basic Books, 1982).
129. Nancy Tomes, "Merchants of Health: Medicine and Consumer Culture in the United States, 1900-1940," J. Am. Hist., 2001, 88, 519-47. For direct quotation, see p. 528. Tomes estimates that during the 1910s and 1920s, 80 percent of health care spending came directly from patients.
130. Catherine Worthingham to APA, 17 November 1932, San Jose, Calif, APTA archives, BOD 1, file 23.
131. "Radio Talk by Our President," Physiother. Rev., 1934, 14, 124, emphasis added.
132. Margaret Wallace, "Editorial," Physiother. Ref., 1934, 14, 120.
133. For the established relationship between pharmacists and the AMA, see Chapter III, section 4 of the AMA's "Principles of Medical Ethics (1912)," in Baker, ed., American Medical Ethics Revolution, p. 354.
134. One APA member, Margaret Cleveland, explicitly expressed concerns about the APA's inability to police its members. See Margaret Cleveland to Gertrude Beard, January 1927, Cleveland, Ohio, APTA archives, BOD 1, file 25.
135. See "Code of Ethics and Discipline," Physiother. Rev., 1935, 14, 157. The code has also been reprinted in appendix I.
136. I b i d.
137. I b i d.
138. I b i d.
139. "Report of Committee on Present Status of Physical Therapy," J. Am. Med. Assoc., 1926, 87, 1303.
140. "Editorial," Physiother. Rev., 1934, 14, 121. APA to Catherine Worthingham, 27 February 1933, Chicago, Ill., APTA archives, BOD 1, file 23.
141. APA to AMA Council on Physical Therapy, 20 August 1929, Chicago, Ill., APTA archives, Box 41, file 17.
142. I b i d.
143. I b i d.
144. I b i d.
145. I b i d.
146. "Code of Ethics and Discipline," p. 157.
147. For a reprint of the 1922 "Principles of Pharmaceutical Ethics," see Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, pp. 268-71. For direct quotation, see p. 269.
148. For a copy of the 1923 code of ethics, see Motley, History of the American Dental Hygienists' Association, pp. 75-76.
149. "A Suggested Code," p. 599.
150. Morantz-Sanchez, "How Women Physicians Became More Empathic Than Men," p. 55.
151. On the issue of gender and pharmacy, including statistics of the number of female practitioners from the years 1870-1940, see Teresa Catherine Gallagher, "From Family Helpmeet to Independent Professional: Women in American Pharmacy, 1870-1940," Pharm. Hist., 1989, 31, 60-77.
152. For the number of physiotherapy male members, see membership directories printed annually in P. T. Rev. and Physiother. Rev.
153. For a sampling of the ethics of care argument, see Carol Gilligan, In a Different Voice: Psychological Theory and Women's Development (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1982);
154. and Nell Noddings, Caring: A Feminine Approach to Ethics and Moral Education (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983).
155. For a more recent critique of the ethics of care theory, see Helga Kuhse, Caring: Nurses, Women and Ethics (Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1997).
156. Noddings, Caring, pp. 2, 33.
157. Latter quotation comes from Gilligan found in Susan Sherwin, No Longer Patient: Feminist Ethics and Health Care (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1992), p. 46.
158. Much of the historical literature on the 1921 Sheppard-Towner Maternity and Infancy Act and the U.S. Children's Bureau supports the idea that there were gender-specific approaches to professionalization and the dissemination of expert knowledge in the early twentieth century. Some of the best books on this topic include Molly Ladd-Taylor, Mother-Work: Women, Child Welfare and the State, 1890-1930 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994);
159. Kriste Lindenmeyer, Right to Childhood: The U.S. Children's Bureau and Child Welfare, 1912-46 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1997);
160. Richard A. Meckel, Save the Babies: American Public Health Reform and the Prevention of Infant Mortality, 1850-1929 (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1990);
161. Robyn Muncy, Creating a Female Dominion in American Reform, 1890-1935 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991);
162. and Sheila M. Rothman, Woman's Proper Place: A History of Changing Ideals and Practices, 1870 to the Present (New York: Basic Books, 1978). Nancy Cott complicates the notion that there were gender-specific views of professionalization after World War I by looking at several female professional groups after enfranchisement.
163. See Cott, The Grounding of Modem Feminism (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1987).
164. Hazenhyer, "History of the American Physiotherapy Association," p. 70.
165. "Report of the Committee on the Present Status of Physical Therapy,"J. Am. Med. Assoc., 1936, 107, 586, emphasis added.
166. Louis S. Reed, The Healing Cults, A Study of Sectarian Medical Practice: Its Extent, Causes, and Control (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1932), p. 113. This study was part of the 1932 study performed by the Committee on the Costs of Medical Care. For more on the CCMC,
167. see Medical Care for the American People: A Final Report of the Committee on the Costs of Medical Care (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1932).
168. Reed, Healing Cults, p. 120.
169. Sherwin, No Longer Patient, p. 50. s