Potential forests: Degradation narratives, science, and environmental policy in protectorate Morocco, 1912-1956

Environmental History

Volumn 10, Issue 2, 2005, Pages 211-238

  Davis, Diana K ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AT AUSTIN   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

COLONIAL LEGACY; DEFORESTATION; ENVIRONMENTAL HISTORY; ENVIRONMENTAL POLICY; POLITICAL HISTORY;

ARIDA;

EID: 20844440387     PISSN: 10845453     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1093/envhis/10.2.211     Document Type: Article

References (155)

1. See, for example, David M. Anderson, Eroding the Commons: The Politics of Ecology in Baringo, Kenya, 1890s-1963 (Oxford: James Currey, in collaboration with the Ohio University Press, 2002);
2. Thomas J. Bassett and Donald Crummey, eds., African Savannas: Global Narratives & Local Knowledge of Environmental Change (Oxford: James Currey, 2003);
3. James Fairhead and Melissa Leach, Misreading the African Landscape: Society and Ecology in a Forest-Savanna Mosaic (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996);
4. James Fairhead and Melissa Leach, Reframing Deforestation: Global Analyses and Local Realities: Studies in West Africa (London: Routledge, 1998);
5. Tim Forsyth, Critical Political Ecology: The Politics of Environmental Science (London: Routledge, 2003);
6. Christian Kull, "Deforestation, Erosion, and Fire: Degradation Myths in the Environmental History of Madagascar," Environment and History (2000): 423-50;
7. Melissa Leach and Robin Mearns, The Lie of the Land: Challenging Received Wisdom on the African Environment (London: International African Institute, 1996);
8. James McCann, Green Land, Brown Land, Black Land: An Environmental History of Africa (Portsmouth, N.H.: Heinemann, 1999);
9. Roderick P. Neumann, Imposing Wilderness: Struggles over Livelihood and Nature Preservation in Africa (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1998);
10. Nancy L. Peluso, Rich Forests, Poor People: Resource Control and Resistance in Java (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1992);
11. Thaddeus Sunseri, "Reinterpreting a Colonial Rebellion: Forestry and Social Control in German East Africa, 1874-1915," Environmental History (2003): 430-51;
12. and Mary Tiffen, Michael Mortimore, and Francis Gichuki, More People, Less Erosion: Environmental Recovery in Kenya (Chichester: John Wiley & Sons, 1994).
13. North Africa is used in this paper to refer to Algeria, Morocco, and Tunisia, collectively also known as the Maghreb. Research for this article, and a related book project, is based on extensive research in Morocco and in the French colonial archives. Translations from the French are mine unless otherwise noted.
14. Paul Boudy, Économie Forestière Nord-Africaine, 4 vols. (Paris: Éditions Larose, 1948-1955).
15. P. Christian, L'Afrique Française, L'Empire de Maroc et les Déserts de Sahara (Paris: A. Barbier, Editeur, 1846), 315;
16. J.-A.-N. Perier, Exploration Scientifique de l'Algérie: Sciences Médicales, 2 vols. (Paris: Imprimerie Royale, 1847), 1:29.
17. For a detailed discussion of the development and use of this environmental narrative, see Diana K. Davis, "Desert Wastes of the Maghreb: Desertification Narratives in French Colonial Environmental History of North Africa," Cultural Geographies (2004): 359-87.
18. Henri Verne, La France en Algérie (Paris: Charles Douniol, 1869), 20;
19. and Service des Affaires Indigènes, Historique de l'Annexe des Affaires Indigènes de Ben-Gardane (Bourg: Imprimerie Victor Berthod, 1931), 13.
20. Contemporary research has led many to conclude that Roman overcultivation was followed by "a phase of relative soil conservation and vegetative regeneration with the more nomadic land-use system of the Arabs." See Bruno Messerli and Mathias Winiger, "Climate, Environmental Change, and Resources of the African Mountains from the Mediterranean to the Equator," Mountain Research and Development (1992): 315-36, quote on 332.
21. Both Berber and Arabic belong to the Hamito-Semitic language group, of which the Semitic languages, including Arabic, form a subgroup. Berber is thought to be the oldest language in North Africa, while Arabic was introduced to the Maghreb during the seventh century.
22. For an excellent discussion of the Berber policy in Morocco, see Edmund Burke, "The Image of the Moroccan State in French Ethnological Literature: A New Look at the Origin of Lyautey's Berber Policy," in Arabs and Berbers: From Tribe to Nation in North Africa, ed. Ernest Gellner and Charles Micaud (Lexington, Mass.: Lexington Books, 1972), 175-99.
23. For an enlightening discussion of France's mid-nineteenth-century ideas of its Roman heritage, see Patricia M. Lorcin, "Rome and France in Africa: Recovering Colonial Algeria's Latin Past," French Historical Studies (2002): 295-29;
24. and Perier, Exploration Scientifique.
25. The quote is from Jean Colin, L'Occupation Romaine du Maroc (Rabat: Service des Affaires Indigènes, 1925), 3.
26. Christian, L'Afrique Française, 52;
27. Xavier Durrieu, The Present State of Morocco: A Chapter of Muslim Civilisation (London: Longan, Brown, Green, and Longmans, 1854), 49;
28. and Maurice Besnier, "La Géographie Économique du Maroc dans l'Antiquité," Archives Marocaines 7 (1906): 271-93, quote on 276.
29. Following their occupation of Algeria in 1830, the French easily conquered Tunisia in 1881. The conquest of Morocco in 1912 was considerably more difficult and more complicated politically. For details, see Edmund Burke, Prelude to Protectorate in Morocco (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1976).
30. Maurice Besnier, Géographie Ancienne du Maroc (Paris: Ernest Leroux, 1904), 50.
31. See also Besnier, "Géographie Économique," 271.
32. For a good discussion of the government sanctioned Mission Scientifique du Maroc, see Edmund Burke, "La Mission Scientifique au Maroc," in Actes de Durham: Recherches Recentes sur le Maroc Moderne, ed. Paul Pascon (Rabat: B.E.S.M., 1979), 37-56.
33. A later, separate effort also sanctioned by the French government and organized by the Geographical Society, the Scientific Exploration of Morocco (Exploration Scientifique du Maroc), produced a botanical survey in 1913, likely the first such survey of the protectorate. Although this survey is nearly entirely a long list cataloging the plants of western Morocco, it does contain traces of the narrative in the preface. See M. C.-J. Pitard, Exploration Scientifique du Maroc: Premier Fascicule: Botanique (Paris: Masson et Cie, 1913). This exploratory mission also included studies of the agronomy and zoology of the protectorate.
34. Christian, L'Afrique Française, 52-53;
35. and Besnier, "Géographie Économique," 273.
36. For a detailed study of the development of Morocco's agricultural sector at this time, see Will D. Swearingen, Moroccan Mirages: Agrarian Dreams and Deceptions, 1912-1986 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987).
37. Despite numerous studies that demonstrate the exaggerations and false aspects of these myths of extreme fertility, closely related ideas continue to drive much of agricultural development in Morocco to this day. For examples, see Jean-Louis Ballais, "Conquests and Land Degradation in the Eastern Maghreb During Classical Antiquity and the Middle Ages," in The Archaeology of Drylands, ed. Graeme Barker and David Gilbertson (London: Routledge, 2000), 125-36;
38. Graeme Barker, "A Tale of Two Deserts: Contrasting Desertification Histories on Rome's Desert Frontiers," World Archaeology (2002): 488-507;
39. René Dumont, Types of Rural Economy (London: Methuen, 1957): 164-208;
40. and Brent Shaw, Environment and Society in Roman North Africa (Aldershot, Great Britain: Variorum, 1995).
41. See footnote 26.
42. Auguste Terrier, Le Maroc (Paris: Librairie Larousse, 1931), 187.
43. See, also, Jean Celerier, Histoire du Maroc: Sommaire des Leçons Professées au Cours de Perfectionnement du Service des Renseignements (Rabat: Direction des Affaires Indigènes et du Service des Renseignements, 1921);
44. and Stéphane Gsell, Histoire Ancienne de l'Afrique du Nord (Paris: Librairie Hachette, 1921).
45. Paul Boudy, "L'Oevre Forestière Française au Maroc," Bulletin de la Société Forestière de Franche-Comté et des Provinces de L'Est (1954): 1-10, quote on 2.
46. In addition to directing the forestry department for approximately three quarters of the colonial period, Boudy headed the delicate reorganization of the property and land registry department from 1936 to 1939. See Philibert Guinier, "Nécrologie: Paul Boudy (1874-1957)," Revue Forestière Française (1958): 219-22.
47. Although Boudy apparently worked in close agreement with Lyautey on many issues, he also opposed Lyautey on at least one occasion by strongly advising against giving a concession or exclusive private exploitation of the Ainleuh forest to a Frenchman, M. de Nuchèze: See telegram of 9 March 1922 from Urbain Blanc, Délegué of the Resident General Lyautey, to Lyautey, Maroc/DAI/Inv. 8/319a, Centre des Archives Diplomatiques de Nantes (hereafter CADN). For information on Boudy in Morocco, see letter no. 290 of 23 March 1912, Maroc/dossiers personnels, carton two, CADN, and letter no. 141 of 3 March 1913, Maroc/dossiers personnels, carton two, CADN. On Algerian cork harvests and revenues, see H. Marc, Notes sur les Forêts de l'Algérie (Alger: Typographie Adolphe Jourdan, 1916).
48. On Moroccan forest revenues, see Boudy, Économie Forestière, 1:274.
49. See also Général Lyautey, ed. Rapport Général sur La Situation du Protectorat du Maroc (Rabat: Résidence Générale de la République Française au Maroc, 1916).
50. Comments on indigenous land-use practices may be found in Gouvernement Général de l'Algérie, Commission d'Études Forestières (Alger: Imprimerie Typographique et Papeterie J. Torrent, 1904);
51. and Marc, Notes. Details of Boudy's article are found in Paul Boudy, "Les Forêts du Maroc," La Revue Générale des Sciences Pures et Appliquées 25 (1914): 350-54.
52. For details of the early inspections and decisions regarding Morocco's forests, see "Service des Forêts," no date, in Maroc/DAI/ Inv. 8/#101, CADN.
53. The 1827 Napoleonic forest code was, in turn, an updated version of the 1669 French forest code written under Jean-Baptiste Colbert, which had the primary purpose of assuring enough wood for the navy. See Georges Plaisance, La Forêt Française (Paris: Édition Denoël, 1979); 200-202.
54. Thus the 1669 and 1827 French forest codes were written more for economic and political purposes than for environmental or ecological purposes. Amendments to the 1827 forest code were made in France in the name of environmental protection throughout the nineteenth century, although the inherently political nature of many of these changes has been recently detailed. See Tamara L. Whited, Forests and Peasant Politics in Modern France (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2000).
55. For a discussion of the problems caused by the forest code in Algeria, see David Prochaska, "Fire on the Mountain: Resisting Colonialism in Algeria," in Banditry, Rebellion and Social Protest in Africa, ed. Donald Crummey (London: James Currey, 1986); 229-52.
56. Daniel Rivet, however, makes clear how much violence actually was used during the military campaigns of pacification in Morocco. See Daniel Rivet, Lyautey et l'Instauration du Protectorat Français au Maroc 1912-1925, 3 vols. (Paris: Éditions l'Harmattan, 1988).
57. The two quotes are from Lyautey, Rapport Général, 419.
58. Legal changes are detailed in Boudy, Économie Forestière, 1: 306-308.
59. See "Dahir sur l'exploitation & conservation des forêts," 1917, Maroc/DAI/Inv. 8/319a, CADN.
60. On Algeria, see Theodore Woolsey, French Forests and Forestry: Tunisia, Algeria, Corsica (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1917).
61. See "Dahir sur l'exploitation," CADN, 1;
62. and Boudy, Économie Forestière, 1: 276-77.
63. For estimates of forest cover at independence, see A. Metro, "Forêts" in Atlas du Maroc, Notices Explicatives, Section VI, Biogéographie: Forêts et Resources Végétales, ed. Comité de Geographie (Rabat: Comité de Géographie du Maroc, 1958).
64. Paul Boudy, L'Arbre et les Forêts au Maroc, Cours Préparatoire au Service des Affaires Indigènes (Rabat: Résidence Générale de France au Maroc, Direction Générale des Affaires Indigènes, 1927), 8;
65. Ibid., 17. This sentence must be considered within the context of the distinction between Arab and Berber that the French created in Morocco as part of their strategy to divide and rule. Boudy explained in the following sentence that, "the Berbers have respected their woods much better [than the Arab semites] and they have not destroyed them except for military necessity."
66. For an excellent discussion of this Berber policy, see Burke, "Image of the Moroccan State."
67. The final quote is from Boudy, "L'Arbre et les Forêts," 10.
68. For examples of common generalizations about the value of forests in France and elsewhere, see Jean Brunhes, La Géographie Humaine: Essai de Classification Positive, Principes et Exemples (Paris: F. Alcan, 1910);
69. Clarence Glacken, Traces on the Rhodian Shore (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1967);
70. Gustave Huffel, Économie Forestière (Paris: Lucien Laveur, 1919);
71. and George Perkins Marsh, Man and Nature, ed. David Lowenthal (1864; reprint, Cambridge, Mass: Belknap Press, 1965).
72. Boudy, "L'Arbre et les Forêts," 21-22.
73. It should be noted that many western experts believed at this time that most of the habitable earth was once and should again be heavily wooded. The concept of the taux de boisement and its importance may be traced back to at least the nineteenth century in France and likely much earlier. A taux de boisement of 30 percent was the widely accepted minimum for civilization in France and much of Europe. It was applied to Algeria to make much the same argument in favor of extensive reforestation during the last half of the nineteenth century. See Gouvernement Général de l'Algérie, Commission.
74. For Boudy's estimates, see Paul Boudy, "La Forêt Marocaine," in La Science au Maroc, ed. Paul Boudy and P. Despujols (Casablanca: Imprimeries Réunies, 1934); 191.
75. For Emberger's calculations, see Louis Emberger, "Aperçu Générale [de la végétation]," in La Science au Maroc, ed. Boudy and Despujols, 163.
76. For details on Emberger's life, see Jacques Miège, "In Memorium: Louis Emberger," Candollea (1970): 183-87. Emberger was likely influenced by a French botanist with long experience in Algeria, René Maire. Maire began botanical investigations in Morocco early in the protectorate period and Emberger accompanied him on many of his excursions. While Maire and several other botanists researched and published on Moroccan vegetation, Emberger was the first to quantify and map the potential vegetation and to calculate the extent of presumed deforestation in the Protectorate.
77. Immanuel Noy-Meir and E. van der Maarel, "Relations Between Community Theory and Community Analysis in Vegetation Science: Some Historical Perspectives," Vegetatio (1987): 5-15, quote on 7.
78. For an overview of the influence of Emberger's work on studies of Mediterranean ecology, see I. Nahal, "The Mediterranean Climate from a Biological Viewpoint," in Mediterranean-Type Shrublands, ed. Francesco di Castri and David Goodall (New York: Elsevier Scientific Publishing Co., 1981), 63-86.
79. Louis Emberger, "La Végétation de la Région Méditerranéene: Essai d'une Classification es Groupements Végétaux," Revue Génerale de Botanique (1930): 641-62 and 705-21, quotes on 718, 708;
80. and Louis Emberger, "Aperçu Générale sur la Végétation du Maroc. Commentaire de la Carte Phytogéographique du Maroc," Veröffentlichungen des Geobotanischen Institutes Rübel in Zürich (1939): 40-157, quote on 43.
81. For Mikesell's work, see Marvin Mikesell, "Deforestation in Northern Morocco," Science 132 (1960): 441-48.
82. For a discussion of the serious problems of deducing natural vegetation from relict vegetation in other parts of Africa, see Fairhead and Leach, Misreading the African Landscape;
83. and Fairhead and Leach, Reframing Deforestation.
84. For paleoecological research, see H. F. Lamb, F. Damblon, and R. W. Maxted, "Human Impact on the Vegetation of the Middle Atlas, Morocco, During the Last 5000 Years," Journal of Biogeography (1991): 519-32;
85. H. F. Lamb, et al., "Lacustrine Sedimentation in a High-Altitude, Semi-Arid Environment: The Palaeolimnological Record of Lake Isli, High Atlas, Morocco," in Environmental Change in Drylands, ed. A. C. Millington and K. Pye (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1994), 147-61;
86. H. F. Lamb, U. Eichner, and V.R. Switsur, "An 18,000-Year Record of Vegetation, Lake-level and Climate Change from Tigalmamine, Middle Atlas, Morocco," Journal of Biogeography (1989): 65-74;
87. and M. Reille, "Contribution Pollenanalytique à l'Histoire Holocène de la végétation des Montagnes du Rif (Maroc Septentrional)," Supplément au Bulletin AFEQ (1977): 53-76. Reille's article probably has received the most scholarly attention, and it shows a greater decline in more species than other fossil pollen studies in Morocco. His study is limited, however, because it covered no more than a seventy-five kilometer region of the Rif Mountains and was not carbon dated. In fact, his dates are mostly inferred from the standard environmental history described in this article.
88. For a good discussion of the "naturalness" of disturbance, see Douglas G. Sprugel, "Disturbance, Equilibrium, and Environmental Variability: What is 'Natural' Vegetation in a Changing Environment?" Biological Conservation (1991): 1-18.
89. See, also, Mark A. Blumler, "Biogeography of Land-Use Impacts in the Near East," in Nature's Geography: New Lessons for Conservation in Developing Countries, ed. Karl Zimmerer and Kenneth Young (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1998), 215-36.
90. Charles Flahault, "Au Sujet de la Carte Botanique Forestière et Agricole de France," Annales de Géographie (1896): 449-57, quote on 456.
91. For information on phytosociological methods, see Michael G. Barbour, et al., Terrestrial Plant Ecology, 3rd ed. (Menlo Park, Calif: Addison, Wesley, Longman, 1999), 213-17.
92. Emberger married Flahault's daughter. First two quotes from Emberger, "Commentaire de la Carte," 43-44;
93. Emberger, "Aperçu Générale," 163;
94. Emberger, "Commentaire de la Carte," 45.
95. Final quote from Charles Sauvage, "La Forêt Marocaine," Bulletin de l'Enseignement Public (1941): 235-57, quote on 250.
96. All quotes in this paragraph from Boudy, Économie Forestière, 1:290, 170, 215.Boudy makes this calculation slightly more clear in his 1958 volume in the series dedicated to Morocco.
97. See Paul Boudy, Description Forestière du Maroc, 2nd ed. (Paris: Éditions Larose, 1958), 351.
98. Elsewhere in the 1948 volume, however, in a section perhaps written earlier, he estimated that Morocco was 66 percent deforested but did not provide an ecological calculation. See Boudy, Économie Forestière, 1:267.
99. This may be a repetition of what he estimated in 1927. See Boudy, "L'Arbre et les Forêts," 22.
100. All quotes in this paragraph from Boudy, Économie Forestière, 1:226-28.
101. For representative statements on the evils of grazing throughout the colonial period, see Augustin Bernard, Une Mission au Maroc (Paris: Le Comité du Maroc, 1904);
102. Boudy, "L'Arbre et les Forêts";
103. Louis Emberger, "L'Importance du Chêne-Liège dans le Paysage Marocain avant la Destruction des Forêts," La Revue de Géographie Marocaine (1928): 3-6;
104. "La Forêt Marocaine," in Études Marocaines: Supplément au Bulletin d'Informations et de Documentation de la Résidence Générale (Rabat: La Résidence Générale de France au Maroc, 1940), 1-28;
105. Boudy, "La Forêt Marocaine";
106. Boudy, Économie Forestière;
107. Commandant Ettori, "Le Berbere et le Code Forestier" (Centre des Hautes Études sur l'Afrique et l'Asie Modernes, hereafter CHEAM, unpublished report, 1952);
108. J. Souloumiac, "Le Problème du Défrichement ou une Politique Forestière au Maroc" (CHEAM, unpublished report, 1947);
109. and J. Souloumiac, "La Déforestation au Maroc" (CHEAM, unpublished report, 1948).
110. For details of the decree on grazing in the forests, see "Arrêté Viziriel du 15 Janvier 1921 Réglant le Mode d'Exercise du Droit au Parcours dans les Forêts Domaniales," Maroc/DAI/319a, CADN.
111. Rivet has criticized the way the protectorate authorities defined Moroccan tribes and tribal boundaries. He explains that the tribe became not only an administrative unit, "but a museum of a network of alliance among men fossilized by the imposition of an external and sovereign system of authority, therefore in the end a fiction." See Rivet, Lyautey et l'Instauration, 202.
112. Limits on the numbers of livestock in a family herd are detailed in Boudy, Économie Forestière, 587.
113. One economist has explained that the tertib was "no longer a mere tax, but also a political instrument for breaking down the native and historic method of utilizing the environment." See Melvin Knight, Morocco as a French Economic Venture: A Study of Open Door Imperialism (New York: D. Appleton-Century Co., 1937); 49.
114. This was true of animal as well as plant agriculture in Morocco. As late as 1952, the government still was using this tactic. By raising the tertib (tax) on goats, the government sought to discourage goat production and increase sheep production, based on its fears that goats cause deforestation. See Maroc/DAI/#591, CADN.
115. First two quotes are from Boudy, Économie Forestière, 1:627-68.
116. For regulations on transhumance, see Commandant Ruet, "La Transhumance dans le Moyen Atlas et la Haute Moulouya" (CHEAM, unpublished report, 1952); 6.
117. For examples of arguments to reduce transhumance, see Léon Lehureaux, "Comment s'Effectue Actuellement la Transhumance," L'Union Ovine, 5 May 1930: 189-91;
118. Antonin Rolet, "La Transhumance en France: Ses Difficultés," L'Union Ovine, 5 September 1930: 386-89;
119. and Maurice Rondet-Saint, "Un Problème à Résoudre en Afrique du Nord: le Nomadisme," La Dépèche Coloniale 18 December 1931: 1.
120. Strict surveillance was advocated by Vétérinaire-Major Gadiou, "La Situation Économique du Sous," Revue de Géographie du Maroc (1927): 137-65;
121. and Lehureaux, "Comment s'Effectue."
122. See Ruet, "La Transhumance," 6, for the 1939 government decision on transhumance. Although overgrazing and deforestation were given as the primary reasons that transhumance was a problem and needed to be stopped, the state also was interested in controlling or eliminating transhumance for reasons of security and quelling the rising tide of nationalism in the protectorate.
123. For details on the creation and history of the department, see L. A. Martin, "Avant-Propos: L'Élevage au Maroc," Maroc Médical (1949): not numbered.
124. Monod's personal information maybe found in "Feuillet du Personnel," Dossier 8.752, Service Historique de l'Armée de la Terre (hereafter SHAT).
125. For details on the 1928 alfa grass reclassification, see Boudy, Économie Forestière, 1:288.
126. Quote from Vétérinaire Colonel Théophile Monod, "L'Élevage au Maroc: Cours Préparatoire" (Rabat: Service des Affaires Indigènes, 1927), 10.
127. Descriptions of the improvidence of the natives may be found in Service de l'Élevage du Maroc, "Historique du Service de l'Élevage du Maroc: ses Attributions et son Role dans l'Économie du Pays," Maroc Médical (1949): 471-74;
128. Théophile Monod, "L'Élevage au Maroc," in La Renaissance du Maroc: Dix Ans de Protectorat, ed. Résidence Générale de la République Française au Maroc (Rabat: Résidence Générale de la République Française au Maroc, 1924), 294-360;
129. and Monod, "L'Élevage au Maroc." Service de l'Élevage du Maroc, "Historique du Service," 472, provides details of the techniques of pasture reconstitution. Because of the arid conditions in much of Morocco and North Africa, pollen analysis is not possible for parts of the country and thus some reconstruction of vegetation and estimates of past vegetation are still hypothetical to varying degrees.
130. See Gudrun Dahl and Anders Hjort, Pastoral Herd Growth and Household Economy, vol. 2 (Stockholm: Department of Social Anthropology, 1976), for a discussion of the goals of subsistence pastoralists.
131. The traditional mode of extensive, mobile livestock production is well adapted to the arid North African/Mediterranean environment and is often the most efficient and environmentally friendly mode of resource use. See Michael B. Coughenour, et al., "Energy Extraction and Use in a Nomadic Pastoral Ecosystem," Science (1985): 619-25;
132. Avi Perevolotsky, and No'am Seligman, "Role of Grazing in Mediterranean Rangeland Ecosystems," BioScience (1998): 1007-17;
133. Mark A. Blumler, "Successional Pattern and Landscape Sensitivity in the Mediterranean and Near East," in Landscape Sensitivity, ed. David S. G. Thomas and Robert J. Allison (Chichester: John Wiley & Sons Ltd., 1993), 287-305;
134. and Ian Scoones, ed., Living with Uncertainty: New Directions in Pastoral Development in Africa (London: Intermediate Technology Publications, 1995).
135. On relations with the military, see Service de l'Élevage du Maroc, "Historique du Service";
136. Vétérinaire Colonel Théophile Monod, "Le Role du Vétérinaire Colonial," La Terre Marocaine (1931): 4-15;
137. and Monod, "L'Élevage au Maroc."
138. Boudy, "L'Arbre et les Forêts," 40-41.
139. For a discussion of the transfer of agricultural land to Europeans, see Swearingen, Moroccan Mirages, 143-44.
140. Even national parks were created under the authority (and therefore the policies) of the forestry departments in Algeria, Morocco, and Tunisia during the colonial period. See Diana K. Davis, "Environmentalism as Social Control? An Exploration of the Transformation of Pastoral Nomadic Societies in French Colonial North Africa," The Arab World Geographer (2000): 182-98.
141. For representative samples, see M. Barbero, et al. "Changes and Disturbances of Forest Ecosystems Caused by Human Activities in the Western Part of the Mediterranean Basin," Vegetatio (1990): 151-73;
142. Abdelmalik Benabid, Fiore et Écosystèmes du Maroc: Évaluation et Préservation de la Biodiversité (Paris: Éditions Ibis Press, 2000);
143. J. R. McNeill, The Mountains of the Mediterranean World: an Environmental History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992);
144. SOMADE, ed., La Forêt Marocaine: Droit, Économie, Écologie (Casablanca: Afrique Orient, 1989);
145. J. V. Thirgood, Man and the Mediterranean Forest: A History of Resource Depletion (London: Academic Press, 1981);
146. and Daniel Vaxelaire, ed., La Grande Encyclopédie du Maroc (Rabat: GEI, 1987).
147. See note 1, above.
148. Auguste Chevalier, L'Agronomie Coloniale et le Muséum National d'Histoire Naturelle: Premieres Conférences du Cours sur les Productions Coloniales Végétales & l'Agronomie Tropicale (Paris: Laboratoire d'Agronomie Coloniale, 1930), 2.
149. See, for example, Richard H. Grove, Green Imperialism: Colonial Expansion, Tropical Island Edens and the Origins of Environmentalism, 1600-1860 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995);
150. and Fairhead and Leach, Reframing Deforestation.
151. Grove hints at the importance of the Algerian case and notes that it remains underanalyzed in his book Ecology, Climate and Empire: Colonialism and Global Environmental History, 1400-1940 (Cambridge: White Horse Press, 1997), 193-213.
152. Fairhead and Leach, Reframing Deforestation, 164-170.
153. See also Kull, Deforestation, 429.
154. For excellent discussions of many of the problems caused by these new environmental technologies, see Paul Robbins, "Fixed Categories in a Portable Landscape: The Causes and Consequences of Land-Cover Categorization," Environment and Planning A (2001): 161-79;
155. and Matthew D. Turner, "Methodological Reflections on the Use of Remote Sensing and Geographic Information Science in Human Ecological Research," Human Ecology (2003): 255-79.