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Volumn 37, Issue 2, 2005, Pages 179-208

Globalization, education, and the politics of identity in the Asia-Pacific

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

GLOBALIZATION; IDENTITY CONSTRUCTION;

EID: 20544451771     PISSN: 14672715     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/14672710500106242     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (10)

References (95)
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    • note
    • The author wishes to thank the Japan Foundation, the Social Science Research Council, the College of the Holy Cross (USA), and the Asia Frontier Research Project at Rikkyo University (Japan) for providing grant support to conduct research in Asia for this essay. He also wishes to acknowledge the incisive comments provided by three anonymous readers of a previous draft. Earlier versions of this essay were presented at Rikkyo University, for the Symposium on Globalism and Education for Sustainable Development in the Asia-Pacific, 1 August 2003, and at Monash University Centre in Prato (Italy), for the Second International Conference on New Directions in the Humanities, 23 July 2004.
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    • This term, borrowed from Higgott, is discussed later in this essay.
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    • This was the slogan of the AAA Movement: a propaganda campaign that Japan launched in the Dutch East Indies in April 1942, shortly after its military forces secured control of the archipelago.
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    • This began in 1992 when the six original member states set up the Asean Free Trade Area (AFTA), and gained further momentum following the 1997 Asian financial crisis through the so-called "Asean+3± formula, which brought the Asean member states (now numbering ten) together with China Japan, and South Korea
    • Zhang, Pacific Asia, 138-43. This began in 1992 when the six original member states set up the Asean Free Trade Area (AFTA), and gained further momentum following the 1997 Asian financial crisis through the so-called "Asean+3± formula, which brought the Asean member states (now numbering ten) together with China, Japan, and South Korea.
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    • The Asean way, among other things, "(1) emphasizes the norm of non-interference in other states' affairs; (2) prefers consensus and non-binding plans to treaties and legalistic rules; and (3) relies on national institutions and actions, rather than creating a strong central bureaucracy." See Simon S.C. Tay and Jesus Estanislao, "The Relevance of ASEAN: Crisis and Change," in Tay et al., eds., Reinventing ASEAN, 9.
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    • At least one critic accuses Keating and the Labor Party of pursuing precisely the opposite goal. Hage charges that their pro-Asia discourse and their ideology of multiculturalism "should be seen primarily as a White nationalist strategy directed towards Asia," the aim of which is to allow the Australian nation to "assume a non-Eurocentric posture and identity, and to imagine itself as an independent international subject in Asia rather than in Europe." See (Annandale, N.S.W.: Pluto Press), 142
    • At least one critic accuses Keating and the Labor Party of pursuing precisely the opposite goal. Hage charges that their pro-Asia discourse and their ideology of multiculturalism "should be seen primarily as a White nationalist strategy directed towards Asia," the aim of which is to allow the Australian nation to "assume a non-Eurocentric posture and identity, and to imagine itself as an independent international subject in Asia rather than in Europe." See Ghassan Hage, White Nation: Fantasies of White Supremacy in a Multicultural Society (Annandale, N.S.W.: Pluto Press, 1998), 142, 145.
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    • "Top Ten Languages - Year 12 - 1991-2000 (Candidates for Year 12 Tertiary Entrance Subjects)," compiled by Outcomes and National Reporting Section, Budget and Coordination Branch, Schools Division. In 2000, Japanese was the most commonly taught foreign language, Chinese was third, and Indonesian fifth.
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    • It is important to remember that each of these race-based groups was also internally divided along ethnic and cultural lines.
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    • ed. Alastair Davidson and Kathleen Weekley (New York: St. Martin's Press) The author cites three reasons for this skepticism: (1) the ideal of globalization presupposes a genuine cosmopolitanism, which is still lacking in this case; (2) globalization has displayed a worldwide tendency to accentuate existing fault lines within society; (3) it is doubtful that high economic growth rates supporting the middle class can be sustained, which might precipitate a political reaction to current liberalization policies
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    • During the 1980s and 1990s, the government attempted to address growing disparities in educational attainment between the majority Chinese and the Malay and Indian minorities by providing support to various ethnically based groups. Some critics have charged, however, that these affirmative action policies are incompatible with the government's espoused multiracial ideals. See Jason Tan, "Reflections on Singapore's Education Policies in an Age of Globalization," in Mok and Welch, Globalization and Educational Restructuring in the Asia Pacific Region, 42-44.
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