International law and state transformation in China, Siam, and the Ottoman Empire during the Nineteenth Century

Journal of World History

Volumn 15, Issue 4, 2004, Pages 445-486

  Horowitz, Richard S ^a  

^a CALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

LEGAL SYSTEM; NINETEENTH CENTURY; POLITICAL HISTORY;

ASIA; CHINA; EASTERN HEMISPHERE; EURASIA; FAR EAST; SOUTHEAST ASIA; THAILAND; WORLD;

EID: 18644363885     PISSN: 10456007     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1353/jwh.2005.0126     Document Type: Review

References (168)

1. Sir John Bowring, The Kingdom and People of Siam (Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1969), 2: 281. Earlier versions of this paper were presented at the Workshop on Late Imperial China in World History held at UCLA 2 November 2002 and at the Annual Conference of the World History Association in Atlanta in June 2003. I am grateful to commentators David Christian and Richard von Glahn and the participants in both conferences. This paper has greatly benefited from suggestions from Michael Montesano, Tom Devine, Rachel Howes, and Nan Yamane, and an anonymous reviewer for the Journal of World History, and was inspired by a decade of conversations with Caroline Reeves and Pat Giersch.
2. On Bowring's role in the Ottoman crisis, G. F. Bartle "Bowring and the Near Eastern Crisis of 1838-1840," English Historical Review 79 (1964): 761-774.
3. For contrasting views on his role in China see John K. Fairbank, Trade and Diplomacy on the China Coast: The Opening of the Treaty Ports (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1953),
4. and J. Y. Wong, Deadly Dreams: Opium and the Arrow War (1858-1860) (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998).
5. Bowring, 2: 212-226 provides a summary and text. For a historian's discussion from the British documentation see Nicholas Tarling, "The Mission of Sir John Bowring to Siam," Journal of the Siam Society 50.2 (1962): 91-118.
6. For a systematic analysis of semicolonialism and its relationship to concepts of informal empire see Jürgen Osterhammel, "Semi-Colonialism and Informal Empire in Twentieth Century China: Towards a Framework of Analysis," in Imperialism and After: Continuities and Discontinuities, ed. Wolfgang J. Mommsen and Jargen Osterhammel (London: Allen & Unwin, 1986), pp. 290-314.
7. Comparisons of China with Japan include Frances Moulder, Japan, China and the Modern World Economy (1977),
8. and Marion J. Levy, "Contrasting Factors in the Modernization of China and Japan," Economic Development and Cultural Change 2.3 (1953): 161-197.
9. More recently historians of modern China have tended to look to early modern Europe for comparison, e.g., R. Bin Wong, China Transformed: Historical Change and the Limits of European Experience (Ithaca, N.Y: Cornell University Press, 1997),
10. and Kenneth Pomeranz, The Great Divergence: China, Europe, and the Making of the Modern World Economy (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2000). Benedict Anderson notes a reluctance to use comparisons other than Meiji Japan among scholars of Thailand;
11. see "Studies of the Thai State, the State of Thai Studies" in The Study of Thailand, ed. Eliezar Ayal (Athens, Ohio: Center for International Studies, Ohio University, 1978), pp. 197-198.
12. On comparisons of Turkey and Japan see Robert Ward and Dankwart Rustow, eds., Political Modernization in Japan and Turkey (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1964).
13. The best general survey is Arthur Nussbaum, A Concise History of the Law of Nations, rev. ed., (New York: Macmillan, 1954).
14. For example, Henry Kissinger, in surveying the European diplomatic arena from the age of Richelieu to Napoleon, does not even mention the development of international law in this period. See Kissinger, Diplomacy (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1994), pp. 56-77.
15. William D. Coplin, "International Law and Assumptions about the State System," in International Law and Organization: An Introductory Reader, ed. Richard D. Falk and Wolfram Hanrieder (Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1968);
16. Hedley Bull, The Anarchical Society: A Study of Order in World Politics (New York: Columbia University Press, 1977), pp. 136-142.
17. Douglass C. North, "Institutions," Journal of Economic Perspectives 5.1 (1991): 97.
18. The work of Lauren Benton has inspired me to make the connection with new institutionalist approaches. See the introduction to Lauren Benton, Law and Colonial Cultures: Legal Regimes in World History, 1400-1900 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002).
19. On the ideas of the caliphate Muslim commonwealth and Ottoman legitimacy see Amira K. Bennison, "Muslim Universalism and Western Globalization," in Globalization in World History, ed. A. G. Hopkins (New York: W.W. Norton, 2002), pp. 75-90.
20. Selim Deringal, "Legitimacy Structures and the Ottoman State: The Reign of Abdulhamid II (1876-1909)," International Journal of Middle East Studies 23.3 (1991): 345-359,
21. discusses the increasing use of the idea of the caliphate in the late nineteenth century. On the multiple legitimating strategies of Qing rulers see Evelyn Rawski's overview "Reenvisioning the Qing: The Significance of the Qing Period in Chinese History," Journal of Asian Studies 55.4 (1996): 829-850.
22. Craig J. Reynolds, "Buddhist Cosmography in Thai History, with Special Reference to Nineteenth-Century Culture Change," Journal of Asian Studies 35.2 (1976): 203-2111;
23. Patrick Jory, "Thai and Western Buddhist Scholarship in the Age of Colonialism: King Chulalongkorn Redefines the Jatakas," Journal of Asian Studies 61 .3 (2002.): 907-908.
24. On China's involvement in the tribute system and other kinds of relations with the outside world, see the essays in John K. Fairbank, ed., The Chinese World Order, and, from a different perspective, James Hevia, Cherishing Men from Afar: Qing Guest Ritual and the Macartney Embassy of 1793 (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1995), pp. 29-56.
25. For a lucid discussion of tribute relations in Siam in the early Bangkok dynasty, see David K. Wyatt, Thailand, A Short History (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1982), pp. 155-161.
26. Thomas Naff, "The Ottoman Empire and the European States System," in The Expansion of International Society, ed. Hedley Bull and Adam Watson (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1984), pp. 143-169.
27. For the most recent effort to understand the crisis over diplomatic rituals see James Hevia, Cherishing Men from Afar. On foreign pressures to remake the Zongli Yamen into a "proper" foreign office see Richard S. Horowitz, "Breaking the Bonds of Precedent: The 1906 Government Reform Commission and the Origins of Ministerial Government in China," Modern Asian Studies 37.4 (2003): 775-797.
28. The Burney Papers (Farnborough: Gregg International, 1971) 1: 42-50;
29. Bowring, Kingdom and People of Siam, 2: 252-254, 259-262.
30. E. de Vattel, The Law of Nations or the Principles of Natural Law Applied to the Conduct and to the Affairs of Nations and of Sovereigns , vol. 3, trans. of the 1758 ed. by Charles G. Fenwick (reprint, New York: Oceana Publications, 1964), p. 3a.
31. Hugo Grotius, The Rights of War and Peace: Including the Law of Nature and Nation, tr. A. C. Campbell (reprint ed., Westport: Hyperion, 1979), pp. 17-24;
32. Nussbaum, pp. 108-110.
33. Henry Wheaton, Elements of International Law (Philadelphia, 1836; reprint New York: De Capo Press, 1972), pp. 35-46. Hereafter cited as Wheaton 1836.
34. Wheaton 1836, p. 46.
35. Gerrit W. Gong, The Standard of Civilization in International Society (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1984), pp. 14-15.
36. Gong, pp. 5-6.
37. The Martin translation project and the Zongli Yamen's interest in international law has been dealt with by several authors. Immanuel Hsu's China's Entry into the Family of Nations asserts that the Qing failed to take full advantage of international law to revoke the unequal treaties - a position that seems unrealistic. Lydia H. Liu emphasizes the complexities of translation and the international law as a means of conveying imperial/colonial ideas in China in "Legislating the Universal: The Circulation of International Law in the Nineteenth Century," in Tokens of Exchange: The Problem of Translation in Global Circulations, ed. Lydia H. Liu (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1999), pp. 127-164.
38. The treatment in this essay follows my fuller discussion in Richard S. Horowitz, "Central Power and State Making: The Zongli Yamen and Self- Strengthening in China," Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 1998, chap. 5.
39. Roderic H. Davison, "Ottoman Diplomacy and Its Legacy," in Imperial Legacy: The Ottoman Imprint on the Balkans and the Middle East, ed. L. Carl Brown, (New York: Columbia University Press, 1996), p. 185.
40. On Siam see Gong, pp. 217-230,
41. and Francis Sayre, "The Passing of Extraterritoriality in Siam," American Journal of International Law 22.1 (1928): 73-74.
42. My choice of the term "state transformationrather than "state building" is a conscious one. The trajectory of these changes was often not "Europeanized" enough to fit the notions of state making or state building referred to in the literature-indeed, particularly in the Qing and Ottoman cases these periods have often been seen as part of long-term processes of imperial decay - so I prefer the more neutral term "state transformation."
43. For an institutional survey of the Ottoman government during the golden age of Suleiman the Magnificent see Norman Itzkowitz, Ottoman Empire and Islamic Tradition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1972).
44. For an outline of nineteenth-century developments, see Carter Findley, Ottoman Civil Officialdom: A Social History (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1989), pp. 20-28.
45. On the rise of local notables, see Albert Hourani, "Ottoman Reforms and the Politics of Notables," in Beginnings of Modernization in the Middle East: The Nineteenth Century, ed. William R. Polk and Richard L. Chambers (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1968), pp. 41-68.
46. Akin Rabibhadana, The Organization of Thai Society in the Early Bangkok Period, 1782-1873 (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell Southeast Asia Program, 1969);
47. David K. Wyatt, "Family Politics in Nineteenth Century Siam," in Studies in Thai History, ed. David K. Wyatt (Chiang Mai: Silkworm, 1993);
48. Tej Bunnag, The Provincial Administration of Siam, 1892-1915 (Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1977), chap. I.
49. Neil Englehart in Culture and Power in Traditional Siamese Government (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell Southeast Asia Program, 2001) argues that the literature overstates the weakness of the Bangkok government in the provinces.
50. On China see Richard S. Horowitz, "Beyond the Marble Boat: The Transformation of China's Military, 1850-1911," in A Military History of China, ed. David Graff and Robin Higham (Boulder, Colo.: Westview, 2002);
51. and Kemal H. Karpat, "The Transformation of the Ottoman State, 1789-1908," International Journal of Middle East Studies 3 (1972): 251-256.
52. Benedict Anderson makes the same point about Siam, citing the unpublished Cornell Ph.D. dissertation of Noel Battye; see Anderson, "Studies of the Thai State," pp. 202-205.
53. On China's post-Boxer reforms see the overview in Chuzu Ichiko, "Political and Institutional Reform, 1901-1911," in Cambridge History of China, Volume II: Late Ch'ing Part II, ed. John K. Fairbank and Kwang-ching Liu (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980), pp. 375-415.
54. On the Ottoman reforms see especially Roderic Davison, Reform in the Ottoman Empire, 1856-1876 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1963),
55. and Carter V. Findley, Bureaucratic Reform in the Ottoman Empire: The Sublime Porte, 1789-1922 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1980), chaps. 4-5;
56. for Siam see Wyatt, Thailand: A Short History, ch. 7;
57. and for a more detailed account focusing on the interior ministry see Tej Bunnag, Provincial Administration.
58. Wesley Fishel, The End of Extraterritoriality in China (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1952).
59. Benton, Law and Colonial Cultures, esp. pp. 80-114 and 244-252.
60. John K. Fairbank, Trade and Diplomacy on the China Coast;
61. Joseph Fletcher, "The Heyday of the Ch'ing Order in Mongolia, Sinkiang, and Tibet," in Cambridge History of China, Volume 10: Late Ch'ing Part I, ed. John K. Fairbank (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978), pp. 375-385.
62. Thomas Naff, "Ottoman Diplomatic Relations with Europe: Patterns and Trends," in Studies in Eighteenth Century Islamic History, ed. Thomas Naff and Roger Owen (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1977), pp. 97-103;
63. Nasim Sousa, Capitulatory Regime of Turkey (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1933), pp. 68-88.
64. Sousa, pp. 89-102.
65. Thomas Naff, "The Ottoman Empire and the European States System," in The Expansion of International Society, ed. Hedley Bull and Adam Watson (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1984), pp. 162-169.
66. While not on the same scale as Ottoman Turkey, both had protégé problems as well. Siam had disputes with France over French claims for consular jurisdiction over French colonial subjects (defined very generously by France), while in China foreign missionary efforts to protect their converts were fundamental to disputes over missionary activity.
67. Wheaton 1836, p. 98.
68. Ibid., p. 105.
69. Gong, esp. pp. 54-81.
70. For a late and very vigorous defense of extraterritoriality on this basis see former U.S. Minister to China Charles Denby's "Extraterritoriality in China," American Journal of International Law 18.4 (1924): 667-675.
71. For translations of these edicts see J. C. Hurewitz, ed., Diplomacy in the Near and Middle East: A Documentary Record, 1535-1914 (Princeton, N.J.: Von Nostrand, 1956), pp. 113-116, 149-153. The quote is from p. 114.
72. My discussion draws from the following sources: Esin Orucu, "The Impact of European Law on the Ottoman Empire and Turkey," in European Expansion and Law: The Encounter of Indigenous Law in 19th and 20th Century Africa and Asia, ed. W. J. Mommsen and J. A. De Moor (Oxford: Berg, 1992), pp. 39-58;
73. Findley, Ottoman Civil Officialdom, pp. 31-32;
74. Davison, pp. 251-256;
75. Bernard Lewis, The Emergence of Modern Turkey, 2nd ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1968), pp. 118-1119, 122-123.
76. Nathan J. Brown suggests that the new, French-influenced legal codes that spread through the Middle East did not simply replace Islamic law, but rather narrowed the range of issues in which Islamic courts were used for personal law; see Brown, "Sharia and State in the Modern Muslim Middle East," International Journal of Middle East Studies 29.3 (1997): 359-376.
77. W. Gifford Palgrave, "Report on the Present Administration of the Kingdom of Siam," in British Documents on Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers from the Foreign Office Confidential Print, part I, series E, Vol. 27, ed. Ian Nish (Frederick, Md.: University Publications of America, 1995), p. 25.
78. Palgrave, p. 26.
79. David K. Wyatt, The Politics of Reform in Thailand: Education in the Reign of King Chulalongkorn (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1969), pp. 51-52.
80. Gong, pp. 222-224.
81. Wyatt, Thailand, p. 210.
82. The standard work is Marinus J. Meijer, The Introduction of Modern Criminal Law in China.
83. See also Douglas Reynolds, China 1898-1912: The Xinzheng Revolution and Japan (Cambridge, Mass.: Council on East Asian Studies, Harvard University, 1993), pp. 179-185.
84. On corporate law see William C. Kirby, "China Unincorporated: Company Law and Business Enterprise in Twentieth-Century China," Journal of Asian Studies 54.1 (1995): 44-48.
85. Jerome Bourgon, "Abolishing 'Cruel Punishments': A Reappraisal of the Chinese Roots and Long Term Efficiency of the Xinzheng Legal Reforms," Modern Asian Studies 27.4 (2003): 851-862.
86. Association for the Reform and Codification of the Law of Nations, Report of the Fifth Annual Conference Held at Antwerp, 30 August to 3 September 1877 (London: William Clowes and Sons, 1878), p. 58.
87. Association for the Reform and Codification of the Law of Nations, Report of the Seventh Annual Conference held at the Guildhall, London, 11-16 August 1879 (London: William Clowes and Sons, 1880).
88. Sousa, pp. 177-249;
89. Gong, pp. 115-119.
90. Fishel, passim.
91. Gong, pp. 230-237;
92. Sayre, pp. 70-88.
93. By the mid-nineteenth century the ministerial system - in various forms - was so universal that it was rarely mentioned and its benefits were assumed to be inarguable; see, e.g., Theodore Woolsey, Political Science or the State Theoretically and Practically Considered (New York: Scribners, 1889) 2: 281.
94. Carter Findley, Ottoman Civil Officialdom: A Social History (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1989), pp. 22-28.
95. On the Zongli see Yamen Horowitz, "Central Power and State Making: The Zongli Yamen and Self-Strengthening in China, 1860-1880," Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 1998.
96. On the reforms from 1901-1906 see Horowitz, "Breaking the Bonds of Precedent."
97. William J. Siffin, The Thai Bureaucracy: Institutional Change and Development (Honolulu: East-West Center, 1966), pp. 56, 60.
98. Palgrave, p. 32.
99. Edmund Hornby, Sir Edmund Hornby, An Autobiography (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1928), p. 234.
100. Davison, pp. 239-244.
101. Findley, Bureaucratic Reform, pp. 162-190, discusses several ministries in detail.
102. Richard Chambers, "The Civil Bureaucracy: Turkey," in Political Modernization in Japan and Turkey, ed. Robert E. Ward and Dankwart A. Rustow (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1964), pp. 318-322.
103. For a general account see Siffin, pp. 42-63;
104. for a more sophisticated analysis of the role of foreigners see Ian Brown, "British Financial Advisers in Siam in the reign of King Chulalongkorn," Modern Asian Studies 12.2 (1978): 193-215.
105. Horowitz "Breaking the Bonds of Precedent," pp. 789-796.
106. Ibid., passim.
107. Findley in Bureaucratic Reform argues that the civil bureaucracy was rising relative to other parts of the Ottoman state during the nineteenth century.
108. The classic work of John Gallagher and Ronald Robinson, "The Imperialism of Free Trade," inspired decades of discussion about the causes of the "new" imperialism, but their assertion that the free trade regime was central to Britain's mid-century informal empire remains unchallenged. See the original article and its critics and elaborations in Wm. Roger Louis, ed., Imperialism: The Robinson and Gallagher Controversy (New York: New Viewpoints, 1976).
109. Findley, Ottoman Civil Officialdom, pp. 28-29;
110. Charles Issawi, ed., Economic History of the Middle East: A Book of Readings (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1966), pp. 38-40.
111. Fairbank's Trade and Diplomacy remains the classic analysis of British and Chinese diplomacy. More recently, Wong, Deadly Dreams, deals with the origins of the Arrow War, and a good recent discussion of the customs service is Hans van de Ven, "The Onrush of Modern Globalization in China," in Globalization in World History, ed. A. G. Hopkins (New York: W. W. Norton, 2002), pp. 177-187.
112. Bowring, 2: 439-440.
113. For a breakdown of the use of customs revenues, see Tang Xianglong, Zhongguo jindai haiguan shuishou he fenpei tongji (Beijing: Commercial Press, 1992).
114. The analysis is drawn from Horowitz, "Central Power and State Making," chap. 4.
115. Stanford Shaw, "The Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Tax Reforms and Revenue System," International Journal of Middle East Studies 6.4 (1975): 421-459.
116. There has been some debate on the impact of the Bowring Treaty. Wyatt, Thailand, pp. 184-185 (which fits with Bowring's claims) is harshly criticized by B. J. Terwiel, who argues that there is evidence to suggest that the existing taxes persisted for at least a decade after the treaty. See "The Bowring Treaty: Imperialism and the Indigenous Perspective," Journal of the Siam Society 79.2 (1990: 40-47.
117. But at issue here seems to be the speed of changes rather than their basic direction. Hong Lysa, Thailand in the Nineteenth Century: Evolution of the Economy and Society (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1984), pp. 75-131, presents a detailed treatment of the tax farming system and efforts to reform it.
118. Hong Lysa, pp. 1125-129;
119. James Ingram, Economic Change in Thailand, 1850-1970 (Stanford, Calif: Stanford University Press, 1971), pp. 175-182. On the rise of Siamese rice exports see Ingram, chap. 3.
120. Vattel, p. 186.
121. In an important reinterpretation, P. J. Cain and A. G. Hopkins, British Imperialism, 1688-2000, 2nd ed. (New York: Longman, 2000), argue that the role of financial services was ultimately more important than that of trade in driving British imperialism. Moreover they point to the close links between the financial elites of the city and Britain's political elite in influencing British imperial policy. See especially their treatment of China and the Ottoman Empire, pp. 340-351, 360-380.
122. Rafii-Sukru Suvla, "The Ottoman Debt, 1850-1939" in Issawi, Economic History of the Middle East, pp. 95-106;
123. Donald Blaisdell, European Financial Control in the Ottoman Empire (New York: AMS Press, 1966).
124. On loans see the massive documentary compilation Zhongguo renmin yin hang zonghang can shi shi, comp., Zhongguo Qingdai waizhai shi ziliao, 1853-1911 (Beijing: Zhongguo jinrong chubanshe, 1991).
125. The takeover of native customs is treated in Stanley F. Wright, Hart and the Chinese Customs (Belfast: 1949), pp. 745-753.
126. Hans J. van de Ven, "Public Finance and the Rise of Warlordism," Modern Asian Studies 30.4 (1996): 829-868 tries to untangle financial history in the early twentieth century.
127. On the general patterns, see Ingram, passim. On British investment see Malcolm Falkus, "Early British Business in Thailand," in British Business in Asia Since 1860, ed. R. P. T. Davenport-Hines and Geoffrey Jones (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), pp. 116-156.
128. Ian Brown, "British Financial Advisers in Siam in the Reign of King Chulalongkorn," Modern Asian Studies 12.2 (1978): 193-215.
129. On the relationship between the emergence of national states and the demarcation of boundaries see Jeremy Black, "Boundaries and Conflict: International Relations in ancien regime Europe," in Eurasia: World Boundaries, ed. Carl Grundy-Warr (London: Routledge, 1994) 3: 19-54.
130. Peter Sahlins, Boundaries: The Making of France and Spain in the Pyrenees (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989), suggests that the process of establishing linear boundaries was slower than a traditional political narrative would suggest.
131. James Scott, Seeing Like a State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition Have Failed (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1998), esp. pp. 11-83.
132. Vattel, p. 11. For his treatment of territory see pp. 138-143.
133. Wheaton 1836, p. 51.
134. Henry Wheaton, Elements of International Law (Boston: Little & Brown, 1855), p. 28.
135. Theodore Woolsey, Introduction to the Study of International Law (Boston: James Monroe, 1860), pp. 81-83.
136. For background and a critical evaluation of the approach of international law to the boundaries of new states see Steven R. Ratner, "Drawing a Better Line: Uti Possidetis and the Borders of New States," American Journal of International Law 90.4 (1996): 590-624.
137. Tej Bunnag, pp. 28-39;
138. G. William Skinner, Chinese Society in Thailand: An Analytical History (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1957), pp. 126-154.
139. Thongchai Winichakul, Siam Mapped: A History of the Geo-Body of a Nation (Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 1994), pp. 62-112.
140. The estimate of territory is from Wyatt, Thailand, p. 208.
141. Qinding da Qing huidian shili (Beijing: 1891), 511: 1-6;
142. Mary C. Wright, "Adaptability of Ch'ing Diplomacy: The Case of Korea," Journal of Asian Studies 17.3 (1958): 365.
143. C. Patterson Giersch, "China's Reluctant Subjects: Indigenous Communities and Empire along the the Yunnan Frontier," Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1998, thoughtfully describes and analyzes this process on the Yunnan-Burma frontier.
144. The following paragraphs draw on Horowitz, "Central Power," pp. 273-295.
145. Chouban yiwu shimo xianfeng (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1980), 7: 2631-2632.
146. Horowitz, "Central Power and State Making," pp. 276-277.
147. For a detailed account and analysis of these events see Immanuel Hsu, The Ili Crisis: A Study in Sino-Russian Diplomacy, 1871-1881 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1965).
148. Jindai zhongguo dui xifang ji lieqiang renshi ziliao, vol. 3, part I (Taipei: Institute of Modern History, Academia Sinica, 1986), pp. 154, 281, 289-292;
149. Qingji waijiao shiliao, 17: 6b-7b;
150. Hsu, The Ili Crisis.
151. Zeng Jize, Shi xi riji (n.p. 1893), 2: 22b-23.
152. Zeng, 2: 34.
153. Marquis Tseng [Zeng Jizel, "China: The Sleep and the Awakening," Chinese Recorder 18 (1887): 152.
154. William C. Kirby, "The Internationalization of China: Foreign Relations at Home and Abroad in the Republican Era," China Quarterly 150 (1997): 436.
155. Thongchai Winichakul, Siam Mapped, pp. 163-170.
156. Charles Keyes, "Presidential Address: 'The Peoples of Asia' - Science and Politics in the Classification of Ethnic Groups in Thailand, China, and Vietnam," Journal of Asian Studies 61 .4 (2002): 1163-1203, emphasizes the political nature of defining ethnic groups in both Thailand and China in the twentieth century.
157. Julie Lee Wei, Ramon H. Myers, Donald G. Gillin, eds., Prescriptions for Saving China: Selected Writing of Sun Yat-sen (Stanford, Calif: Hoover Institution, 1994), p. 225 (cf. the 1904 definition on p. 42).
158. For a standard survey see M. S. Anderson, The Eastern Question, 1774-1923 (New York: Macmillan, 1966).
159. For an overview of the politics see Stevan K. Pavlowitch, A History of the Balkans, 1804-1945 (London: Longman, 1999);
160. J. R. V. Prescott, Political Frontiers and Boundaries (London: Allen & Unwin, 1987), chaps. 7, 11 provide an overview of the boundary shifts.
161. Maria Todorova, "The Ottoman Legacy in the Balkans," in Imperial Legacy, pp. 54-57.
162. Kemal Karpat, "The hijra from Russia and the Balkans: The Process of Self-Definition in the Late Ottoman State" in Muslim Travellers: Pilgrimage, Migration, and the Religious Imagination, ed. Dale Eickelman and James Piscatori (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), pp. 131-151. The quote is from p. 142.
163. For a much more extensive discussion see also Karpat, The Politicization of Islam: Reconstruction of Identity, State, Faith and Community in the Late Ottoman State (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001).
164. On population, see Karpat, Ottoman Population, 1830-1914: Demographic and Social Characteristics (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1985), chaps. 3-4.
165. Charles Tilly, Coercion, Capital, and European States, AD 990-1992 , (Oxford: Blackwell, 1992), surveys the literature and sets out the most sophisticated and integrated version of this general argument.
166. See also the essays in Tilly, ed., Formation of National States in Western Europe (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1975).
167. Tilly, Coercion, 181.
168. Of course, particularly in central Asian territories such as Xinjiang and Tibet, non-Chinese ethnic groups have been less than enthusiastic about Chinese dominion.