Parties and electoral behavior in Southern Europe

Comparative Politics

Volumn 37, Issue 3, 2005, Pages

  Gunther, Richard ^a  

^a NONE

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 18144406133     PISSN: 00104159     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.2307/20072889     Document Type: Article

References (34)

1. Perhaps the most comprehensive analysis of cleavage encapsulation is Stefano Bartolini and Peter Mair, Identity, Competition and Electoral Availability (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990).
2. Seymour Martin Lipset and Stein Rokkan, Party Systems and Voter Alignments (New York: Free Press, 1967).
3. In the realigning Italian election of 1994, whose total volatility score was 41.9, a net of just 5.8 percent of the voters crossed over the dividing line between left and right, while in the Spanish election of 1982 (whose total volatility score was 42.3), interbloc volatility was just 6.7.
4. See Richard Gunther and José Ramón Montero, "The Anchors of Partisanship: A Comparative Analysis of Voting Behavior in Four Southern European Democracies," in P. Nikiforos Diamandouros and Richard Günther, eds., Parties, Politics and Democracy in the New Southern Europe (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001).
5. For a detailed description of how this analysis was conducted, see Gunther and Montero, pp. 111-14.
6. Richard Gunther and Larry Diamond, "Types and Functions of Parties," in Larry Diamond and Richard Gunther, eds., Political Parties and Democracy (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001);
7. Richard Gunther and Larry Diamond, "Species of Political Parties: A New Typology," Party Politics, 9 (March 2003), 167-99.
8. It should be noted that, whenever possible, we incorporated existing terminology and conceptualizations into our typology (although we usually defined these party types more specifically than in the initial formulation by other authors), rather than use diiferent wording that would merely contribute further to the unnecessary proliferation of terminologies in this already cluttered subfleld. These terms included the catchall, denominational and class-mass parties of Otto Kirchheimer, "The Transformation of the Western European Party Systems," in Joseph LaPalombara and Myron Weiner, eds., Political Parties and Political Development (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1966), and the programmatic party of
9. Steven Wolinetz, "Party System Change: The Catch-All Thesis Revisited," West European Politics, 14 (1991), 113-28.
10. Some of the fundamental characteristics of these parties were analyzed by Angelo Panebianco, Political Parties: Organization and Power (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), who called them electoral-professional parties.
11. As Hans-Jürgen Puhle, "Mobilizers and Late Modernizers: Socialist Parties in the New Southern Europe," in Diamondouros and Gunther, eds., points out, Kirchheimer's original formulation of the catch-all model was of a formerly mass-based party in transition. Diamond and I have cleaned up this model by focusing on organizational features of such parties at the end-point of this transformative process.
12. See Richard Gunther, José Ramón Montero, and Joan Botella, Democracy in Modern Spain (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2004), chs. 5 and 7.
13. See Puhle.
14. Given space constraints, it is not possible to cite even a small fraction of the many studies of the origins and evolutions of parties in southern Europe. Readers are urged to consult the nearly 700 published works itemized in the references in Diamandouros and Gunther, eds.
15. On the nature and evolution of the Italian Communist Party, see Anna Bosco, "Four Actors in Search of a Role: The Southern European Communist Parties," in Diamandouros and Gunther, eds.; Donald M. Blackmer and Sidney Tarrow, eds., Communism in Italy and France (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1975).
16. Bosco, p. 359.
17. Puhle, p. 277.
18. See Bosco, p. 359.
19. Gianfranco Pasquino, "The New Campaign Politics," in Diamandouros and Gunther, eds., p. 218.
20. The percentage of Spaniards regarding themselves as "very good Catholics" or "practicing Catholics" declined from 56 percent in 1976 to 31 percent in 1993 and to just 22 percent in 1998. See Gunther, Montero, and Botella, eh. 4. It remains to be seen whether the religious cleavage will be revived following the PP's shift back to the religious right following its electoral victory in 2000.
21. Gunther and Montero, pp. 117, 119.
22. Ibid., p. 119.
23. For more extensive discussions of the general absence of economic cleavages in Greece, see George Th. Mavrogordatos, Stillborn Republic: Social Coalitions and Party Strategies in Greece, 1922-1936 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983).
24. Takis Pappas, "In Search of the Center: Conservative Parties, Electoral Competition, and Political Legitimacy in Southern Europe's New Democracies," in Diamandouros and Gunther, eds., p. 243.
25. For data on income distribution in Portugal, see Gunther and Montero, p. 97. On the political impact of religious conflicts in Portugal in the early twentieth century
26. see Douglas L. Wheeler, Republican Portugal: A Political History, 1910-1926 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1978).
27. Puhle, p. 292.
28. Ibid., p. 283.
29. Ibid, p. 292.
30. Pappas, p. 259.
31. Maritheresa Frain, "The Right in Portugal: The PSD and the CDS/PP," in Thomas C. Bruneau, ed., Political Parties and Democracy in Portugal: Organizations, Elections, and Public Opinion (Boulder: Westview Press, 1997), p. 83.
32. Puhle, p. 293.
33. Ibid., pp. 313-14.
34. For sources, see Gunther and Montero, pp. 115-25, except for Portugal 2002 (CSES survey under the direction of Marina Costa-Lobo, André Freire, and Pedro Magalhães).