Elite politics and popular rebellion in the construction of post-colonial order. The case of Maranhao, Brazil (1820-41)

Journal of Latin American Studies

Volumn 31, Issue 1, 1999, Pages 1-38

  Assunção, Matthias Röhrig ^a  

^a NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY; NINETEENTH CENTURY; POLITICAL SYSTEM; POPULAR PROTEST;

BRAZIL;

EID: 17744408177     PISSN: 0022216X     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0022216X98005197     Document Type: Article

References (116)

1. I wish to thank Reinhard Liehr, Lucy Riall, Brian Hamnett, Andrew Canessa and the two anonymous readers of the JLAS for their useful comments on earlier drafts of this paper.
2. The most important contribution on this point is José Honorio Rodrigues, Independência: Revoluçãoe Contra-Revolução (5 vols., Rio de Janeiro, 1975). Unfortunately, his work has not been sufficiently absorbed into current historiography on Latin American Independence, especially the literature in English.
3. Leslie Bethell attributes the adhesion of Maranhão solely to the arrival of Lord Cochrane's fleet. See 'The Independence of Brazil', in Leslie Bethell (ed.), Cambridge History of Latin America, vol. III (Cambridge, 1985), p. 190. Although the armed confrontations never reached the level of violence of the Hispanoamerican Wars for Independence, casualties in regular battles between patriots and pro-Portuguese forces did occur on several occasions. They amounted to over two hundred in the Battle of Genipapo, in Piauí. See Luís Antônio Vieira da Silva, Histório da Independência da Provincia do Maranhão, 1822-28 (Rio de Janeiro, 1972), p. 91 [1. ed. 1862].
4. Leslie Bethell attributes the adhesion of Maranhão solely to the arrival of Lord Cochrane's fleet. See 'The Independence of Brazil', in Leslie Bethell (ed.), Cambridge History of Latin America, vol. III (Cambridge, 1985), p. 190. Although the armed confrontations never reached the level of violence of the Hispanoamerican Wars for Independence, casualties in regular battles between patriots and pro-Portuguese forces did occur on several occasions. They amounted to over two hundred in the Battle of Genipapo, in Piauí. See Luís Antônio Vieira da Silva, Histório da Independência da Provincia do Maranhão, 1822-28 (Rio de Janeiro, 1972), p. 91 [1. ed. 1862].
5. Spencer Leitman, Raizes Socio-Econômicas da Guerra dos Farrapos (Rio de Janeiro, 1979), PP. 45-7.
6. The rebellion extended also to the neighbouring province of Piauí. For a discussion of extension of the Balaiada see below.
7. For further details on land tenure, demography, economy and society see my Pflanzer, Sklaven und Kleinbauern in der brasilianischen Provinz Maranbão, 1800-1850 (Frankfurt, 1993 ).
8. José Jobson de A. Arruda, O Brasil no comércio colonial (S̃o Paulo, 1980), table 31, p, 246.
9. For a definition and description of Eastern Maranhão (Maranhão Oriental), see the classical geographical account by Raimundo Lopes, Uma região tropical (Rio de Janeiro, 1970), pp. 147-54 (1. ed. 1916).
10. Fuzendeiro, equivalent to the Spanish hacendado, means the owner of any large agrarian estate (fazenda).
11. The term caboclo has at least three different meanings: Originally caboclo designated a person of mainly Indian descent and Indian customs. By extension it has come to designate in Maranhão and Amazônia any peasant of whatever ethnic origin. Caboclos are also divine entities of Indian features worshipped in several Afro-Brazilian cults.
12. The General Councils of the provinces, created by the Constitution of 1824, had no real legislative powers, but could only pass on recommendations to the National Assembly.
13. That is homens bons, and after 1828 citizens with the minimal entitlement to vote (income of more than 100,000 réis).
14. 'Passive citizens' were entitled to vote in primary elections, but only 'active citizens' - with higher property qualifications - were eligible to stand for office. This distinction is; derived from the French Constitution of 1791.
15. The corruption of the justices of the peace was a major theme in regional politics. See for example the annual reports delivered by the Presidents of Maranhão, (Relatórios, Discursos or Falas which in the following are quoted with a short title only): ' Discurso do Presidente da Provincia' from 1838. reproduced in Publicador Oficial, 1838, p. 4302, and Relatório do Presidente da Provincia, [São Luís) do Maranhão, 1854, P. 7.
16. The corruption of the justices of the peace was a major theme in regional politics. See for example the annual reports delivered by the Presidents of Maranhão, (Relatórios, Discursos or Falas which in the following are quoted with a short title only): ' Discurso do Presidente da Provincia' from 1838. reproduced in Publicador Oficial, 1838, p. 4302, and Relatório do Presidente da Provincia, [São Luís) do Maranhão, 1854, P. 7.
17. 1, 745.
18. See Relatório do Presidente de Província (1854), p. 7. For a splendid description of their venality see the satirical dialogue between Cosme and Damião by the liberal journalist Lisboa in Pharol Maranhense (1833), p. 1618-9
19. See Relatório do Presidente de Província (1854), p. 7. For a splendid description of their venality see the satirical dialogue between Cosme and Damião by the liberal journalist Lisboa in Pharol Maranhense (1833), p. 1618-9
20. Sertão means the distant hinterland and, by extension, the semi-arid interior of the Brazilian Northeast. It is used here in the first sense. ' Sertão de Pastos Bons' was the usual denomination for the savannah grasslands of Southern Maranhão.
21. See copies of the petitions in : Oficios expedidos de Câmaras Municipals de várias Vilas e da Capital a Junta Provisória do Maranhão, Caxias, 12.12.1823 in the Arquivo Público do Estado do Maranhão, São Luís (thereafter APEM).
22. Letter from 7.4.1839, in: Oficios das Câmaras Municipais ao Presidente de Província do Maranhão, 1839, APEM.
23. Eventually provincial frontiers were altered through the successful challenge by the local elite and Maranhão came to incorporate the vast municipality of Turiaçu, belonging to Pará until 1852.
24. Letter from 14 August. See 'Oficios do Lord Cochrane' (Agosto-Setembro 1823), AN, Rio de Janeiro, SPE, Caixa 741.
25. The classic account of the Independence period is Vieira da Silva, História da Independência, See also Mário Meireles, História da Independência no Maranhão (São Luís, Rio de Janeiro, 1972).
26. The classic account of the Independence period is Vieira da Silva, História da Independência, See also Mário Meireles, História da Independência no Maranhão (São Luís, Rio de Janeiro, 1972).
27. Eventually even the highest authorities such as the Junta members or later the President of the Province attended the meetings of the câmara geral. See Vieira da Silva, História da Independencia. p. 164-7, and documents no. 51, 76-9 in apendice.
28. In this respect, it is interesting to see how the term 'citizen' began to be used as a synonym for "homen bom', whereas 'people' ('povo' or 'póvos') clearly refers to the mass of non-citizens. The session of the câmara geral which adhered to Independence, for instance, was signed by 157 authorities and citizens, and thereafter acclaimed by 'troops and people' ('tropa e povo') gathered outside on the square of the governor's palace. See Vieira da Silva, História da Independência, Documentos Apensos, Documento no. 51, pp. 89-92.
29. This at least was suggested by his political opponents. See for instance the liberal Crónica Maranhense published in São Luís, in 1838-40. Crónica Maranhense. Artigos de João Francisco Lisboa. (Estudos e Documentos, III, 2 vols., Rio de Janeiro 1969), vol. I, p. 43-6. Meirelles was reputed to be the owner of the biggest fortune in São Luís and to live in the most luxurious house of the city. See Clóvis Dunshee de Abranches, A Setembrada on a Reveolução Liberal de 1831 em Maraahão (Rio de Janeiro, 1933), p. 22.
30. This at least was suggested by his political opponents. See for instance the liberal Crónica Maranhense published in São Luís, in 1838-40. Crónica Maranhense. Artigos de João Francisco Lisboa. (Estudos e Documentos, III, 2 vols., Rio de Janeiro 1969), vol. I, p. 43-6. Meirelles was reputed to be the owner of the biggest fortune in São Luís and to live in the most luxurious house of the city. See Clóvis Dunshee de Abranches, A Setembrada on a Reveolução Liberal de 1831 em Maraahão (Rio de Janeiro, 1933), p. 22.
31. This is the usual Brazilian designation for the period corresponding to the reign of Pedro II (1840-89).
32. Quoted in Astolfo Serra, A Balaiada (Rio de Janeiro, 1946), p. 41.
33. For a summary of the different interpretations, see José Murilo de Carvalho, A construção da ordem, A elite política imperial (Rio de Janeiro, 1980), pp. 155-7.
34. In addition to the works quoted above on the Independence period, Dunshee de Abranches, A Setembrada, despite its romantic form, gives an excellent insight into politics in Maranhão between 1820 and 1832.
35. Bruce, a lawyer of Scottish origin, was born in São Luís and educated in England. See Dunshee de Abranches, A Setembrada, p. 29.
36. They were published in Censor (São Luís, 1824), p. 107.
37. On the Confederação do Equador see Antonio Mendes Jr, Luiz Roncari, Ricardo Maranhão, Brasil Históría (São Paulo, 1982) vol. 2, pp. 183-90, and Manoel Correia de Andrade (ed.), Confederação do Equador (Recife, 1988).
38. On the Confederação do Equador see Antonio Mendes Jr, Luiz Roncari, Ricardo Maranhão, Brasil Históría (São Paulo, 1982) vol. 2, pp. 183-90, and Manoel Correia de Andrade (ed.), Confederação do Equador (Recife, 1988).
39. Vieira da Silva, História da Indeptndência, pp. 275-315 ; Meireles, História da Indtpendência, pp. 133-147. See also the comments on the Bruce period in the conservative Censor (1825) and the moderate liberal Argos da Lei (1825). Both newspapers were republished in facsimile by Jomar Moraes (São Luís, 1980).
40. Vieira da Silva, História da Indeptndência, pp. 275-315 ; Meireles, História da Indtpendência, pp. 133-147. See also the comments on the Bruce period in the conservative Censor (1825) and the moderate liberal Argos da Lei (1825). Both newspapers were republished in facsimile by Jomar Moraes (São Luís, 1980).
41. The best account is still Dunshee de Abranches, A Setembrada, pp. 387-8.
42. Pharol Maranhense (São Luís) 1833, pp. 1646, 1773 and Brasileiro (S̃o Luís) 1832, p. 18.
43. Pharol Maranhense (São Luís) 1833, pp. 1646, 1773 and Brasileiro (S̃o Luís) 1832, p. 18.
44. Cronica Maranhense (1969), I, p. 138 and II, p. 41.
45. According to the confession made by the murderers. See Publicador Oficial (São Luís) 1837, p. 4203.
46. This statement was made by Brandão Júnior F. A., an abolitionist and a son of a planter himself. See his A escrvatura no Brasil precedida d' um artigo sobre a agricultura e colonisaçâo no Maranhão (Brussels, 1865), p, 30.
47. Provincial law No. 16, art. 1, 19.5.1836.
48. Decree of 10.6.1835, reproduced in Publicador Oficial, 1837, p. 4021.
49. See municipal laws No. 97 and 98 : 'As rondas terão todo o cuidado em não consentirem nas vendas ou quitandas, ou outra qualquer parte escravos parados, senão o tempo necesśrio para fazerem o serviço, a que forern, [...]' (Pulicador Oficial, 1832, p. 112).
50. For instance in 1832 in São Luís repressive measures applied to slaves and forros (See Publicador Oficial 1838, p. 112, Art. 10).
51. See letter from São Bernardo, 27.12.1826, in: Oficios dos Comandantes Gerais ao Presidente da Província, 1826, APEM.
52. According to one 'Relação de Recrutas' from 1834, those two areas provided 42% of all recruits, but represented only 27% of the free population of Maranhão. For details, see my Pflanzer, Sklaven, pp. 308, 458.
53. Este embaraço [financeiro] Exm.o Sr., é de nao pequena monta, cujo resultado é o roubo que ordinariamente faz a tropa aos camponeses por donde tem de transitarem diligenciando a captura de moços solteiros, [...]'. Letter From 6.11.1838, in: Oficios de diversas comarcas ao Presidente de Província, 1838, APEM.
54. See Publicador Qficial 1837: 4042.
55. For a sample see Matthias Röhring Assunção, A Guerre dos Bem-te-vis. A Kalaiada na memória oral (São Luís, 1988), p. 113-22.
56. For the latest overview on maroons in Brazil, see João José Reis, Flávio dos Santos Gomes (eds.), Liberdade por um fio. História dos quilombos no Brasil (São Paulo, 1996). My chapter 'Quilombos maranhenses' deals with early nineteenth century maroons in Maranhão on pp. 433;-442.
57. See letter from Iguará, 25.2.1827, in: Oficios expedidos dos Comandantes Gerais de várias vilas ao Presidente da Província, 18-27, APEM.
58. See Maria Sylvia de Carvalho Franco, Homens livres na ordern escravocrata (São Paulo, 1976), p. 24-6, 40.
59. On violence by poor Brazilians against Portuguese or ' Europeans ', even those who supported Independence, see letter from Comandante Geral Joaquim Diniz Pereira de Castro, Tutoia, 10.1.1824, and letter from Comandante Parcial Antonio Garcia de Souza, 2.2.1824, in: Oficios de Comandantes Gerais de Tutóia, 1824, APEM. See also, among many others, the letter by João Francisco de Sá to the Vice-President, Icatu, 6.7.1834, in: Oficios de Juizes de Paz de varias comarcas, 1834, APEM. See also the newspapers Argos and Censor quoted below. Similar murders of Spanish traders and shopkeepers occurred in the Mexican provinces in the Independence period.
60. Letter from 3.5.1827, in: Oficios expedidos dos Comandantes Gerais de várias Vilas para o Presidente da Província, 1827, APEM.
61. Letter from 30,9.1838, in: Oficios de diversas comarcas ao Presidente da Província, 1838, APEM.
62. See my Guerra dos Bem-te-vis, pp. 165-76 for the escaping from draft and pp. 179-183 for the origins of the war according to oral tradition,
63. See letter from the council of Caxias, 2.5.1823, in: Oficios expedidos de Câmaras Muncipais de várias Vilas e da Capital à Junta Provisória do Governo do Maranhão, 1823, APEM.
64. On similar developments during the War of Independence in Bahia, see João Reis, 'O jogo duro do Dois de Julho: o "Partido Negro" na Independência da Bahia', in João José Reis & Eduardo Silva, Negociação e conflito (São Paulo, 1989), pp, 79-98.
65. Argos, 1825, no, 9, p. 1.
66. Reports on the lustros can be found in the contemporary press, both the moderate liberal and the conservative. See Odorico Mendes, Argos da Lei, 1825 (facsimile edition by Jomar Moraes, São Luís, 1980); especially the no. 4 (18.1.1825), no. 7 (28.1.1.1825), no. 8 (1.2.1825), no. 13 (18.2.1825). The conservative and pro-Portuguese Censor Maranhense, written by the Portuguese Garcia d'Abranches, who entered in a polemic with the Argos about this topic, denounced in much more violent terms the 'sanguinary system of persecution", which, according to him, had been practised against the Portuguese after Independence. See the facsimile edition by Jomar Moraes (São Luís, 1980), no. 4, 26.2.1825, p. 63. A good description of lustros, which recreates the atmosphere of hatred against the Portuguese, is given by Dunshee d'Abranches, .A Setembrada, pp. 58-68, 95-96, 117-120, 125-126.
67. Reports on the lustros can be found in the contemporary press, both the moderate liberal and the conservative. See Odorico Mendes, Argos da Lei, 1825 (facsimile edition by Jomar Moraes, São Luís, 1980); especially the no. 4 (18.1.1825), no. 7 (28.1.1.1825), no. 8 (1.2.1825), no. 13 (18.2.1825). The conservative and pro-Portuguese Censor Maranhense, written by the Portuguese Garcia d'Abranches, who entered in a polemic with the Argos about this topic, denounced in much more violent terms the 'sanguinary system of persecution", which, according to him, had been practised against the Portuguese after Independence. See the facsimile edition by Jomar Moraes (São Luís, 1980), no. 4, 26.2.1825, p. 63. A good description of lustros, which recreates the atmosphere of hatred against the Portuguese, is given by Dunshee d'Abranches, .A Setembrada, pp. 58-68, 95-96, 117-120, 125-126.
68. Reports on the lustros can be found in the contemporary press, both the moderate liberal and the conservative. See Odorico Mendes, Argos da Lei, 1825 (facsimile edition by Jomar Moraes, São Luís, 1980); especially the no. 4 (18.1.1825), no. 7 (28.1.1.1825), no. 8 (1.2.1825), no. 13 (18.2.1825). The conservative and pro-Portuguese Censor Maranhense, written by the Portuguese Garcia d'Abranches, who entered in a polemic with the Argos about this topic, denounced in much more violent terms the 'sanguinary system of persecution", which, according to him, had been practised against the Portuguese after Independence. See the facsimile edition by Jomar Moraes (São Luís, 1980), no. 4, 26.2.1825, p. 63. A good description of lustros, which recreates the atmosphere of hatred against the Portuguese, is given by Dunshee d'Abranches, .A Setembrada, pp. 58-68, 95-96, 117-120, 125-126.
69. Only in Eastern Maranhão was the general excitement attempted to be channelled into support for the Confederation of the Equator by messengers from the Northeast travelling around the countryside.
70. See O Brasileiro (São Luís) 1832), p. 35.
71. Letter from Brejo, 8.5.1826, in: Oficios expedidos dos Comandantes Gerais ao Presidente da Província, 1826, APEM.
72. The classical and detailed account of the Balaiada remains José Ribeiro do Amaral, Apontamentos para a História da Revolução da Balaiada na. Provincia de Maranhão (3 vols., [São Luís do] Maranhão, 1900). Newer monographies are Odilon Nunes, Pesquisas para a História do Piaui (Vol. II, 'A Balaiada', Rio de Janeiro, 1975); Maria Januária Vilela Santos, A Balaiada e a Insurreição dos Escravos no Maranhão' (São Paulo, 1983); Maria Amélia Freitas Mendes de Oliveira, A Balaiada no Piaui" (Teresina, 1985); and my already quoted A Guerra dos Bem-te-vis.
73. The classical and detailed account of the Balaiada remains José Ribeiro do Amaral, Apontamentos para a História da Revolução da Balaiada na. Provincia de Maranhão (3 vols., [São Luís do] Maranhão, 1900). Newer monographies are Odilon Nunes, Pesquisas para a História do Piaui (Vol. II, 'A Balaiada', Rio de Janeiro, 1975); Maria Januária Vilela Santos, A Balaiada e a Insurreição dos Escravos no Maranhão' (São Paulo, 1983); Maria Amélia Freitas Mendes de Oliveira, A Balaiada no Piaui" (Teresina, 1985); and my already quoted A Guerra dos Bem-te-vis.
74. The classical and detailed account of the Balaiada remains José Ribeiro do Amaral, Apontamentos para a História da Revolução da Balaiada na. Provincia de Maranhão (3 vols., [São Luís do] Maranhão, 1900). Newer monographies are Odilon Nunes, Pesquisas para a História do Piaui (Vol. II, 'A Balaiada', Rio de Janeiro, 1975); Maria Januária Vilela Santos, A Balaiada e a Insurreição dos Escravos no Maranhão' (São Paulo, 1983); Maria Amélia Freitas Mendes de Oliveira, A Balaiada no Piaui" (Teresina, 1985); and my already quoted A Guerra dos Bem-te-vis.
75. The classical and detailed account of the Balaiada remains José Ribeiro do Amaral, Apontamentos para a História da Revolução da Balaiada na. Provincia de Maranhão (3 vols., [São Luís do] Maranhão, 1900). Newer monographies are Odilon Nunes, Pesquisas para a História do Piaui (Vol. II, 'A Balaiada', Rio de Janeiro, 1975); Maria Januária Vilela Santos, A Balaiada e a Insurreição dos Escravos no Maranhão' (São Paulo, 1983); Maria Amélia Freitas Mendes de Oliveira, A Balaiada no Piaui" (Teresina, 1985); and my already quoted A Guerra dos Bem-te-vis.
76. The classical and detailed account of the Balaiada remains José Ribeiro do Amaral, Apontamentos para a História da Revolução da Balaiada na. Provincia de Maranhão (3 vols., [São Luís do] Maranhão, 1900). Newer monographies are Odilon Nunes, Pesquisas para a História do Piaui (Vol. II, 'A Balaiada', Rio de Janeiro, 1975); Maria Januária Vilela Santos, A Balaiada e a Insurreição dos Escravos no Maranhão' (São Paulo, 1983); Maria Amélia Freitas Mendes de Oliveira, A Balaiada no Piaui" (Teresina, 1985); and my already quoted A Guerra dos Bem-te-vis.
77. Leslie Bethell and José Murilo de Carvalho, 'Brazil from Independence to the Middle of the 19th Century ', in Leslie Bethell (ed.), Cambridge History of Latin America, vol. Ill (Cambridge, 1985), p. 708.
78. See Carlota Carvalho, O sertão (Rio de Janeiro, 1924), p. 124, Clóvis Dunshee de Abranches, O Cativeiro Memórias (Rio de Janeiro, 1941), p. 91, and Serra, A Balaiada, p. 140.
79. See Carlota Carvalho, O sertão (Rio de Janeiro, 1924), p. 124, Clóvis Dunshee de Abranches, O Cativeiro Memórias (Rio de Janeiro, 1941), p. 91, and Serra, A Balaiada, p. 140.
80. See Carlota Carvalho, O sertão (Rio de Janeiro, 1924), p. 124, Clóvis Dunshee de Abranches, O Cativeiro Memórias (Rio de Janeiro, 1941), p. 91, and Serra, A Balaiada, p. 140.
81. Cf. the letter by the president of the province Camargo, 15.3.1839, Caixa 808, AN.
82. For examples see Röhrig Assunção, A Guerra dos Bem-te-vis, pp. 182-3.
83. Letter from the alferes Angelo Bastista Mendes, 29.11.1838, in: Oficios de diversas comarcas ao Presidente da Província, 1838, APEM.
84. Letter from the prefect of Brejo, 12.12.1838, in: Oficios de diversas comarcas ao Presidente da Província, 1838, APEM.
85. One of the few contemporary writers to emphasize the importance of draft for the eclosion of the rebellion was João Francisco Lisboa. See his articles in Crônica Maranhense, especially from 4.1.1839 and 14.1.1839, 2a parte, pp. 3-10.
86. Bethell and Carvalho, for instance, state: 'It's battlefield was the southern part of the province of Maranhão, close to the border with Piauí'. This is misleading since the main battlefield in this province was the Northeast of the province, and because the border with Piauí runs rather on the Eastern edge of Maranhão, all along the Parnaiba River, from South to the coast in the North. See Leslie Bethell and José Murilo de Carvalho, 'Brazil from Independence' p. 708.
87. Odilon Nunes, Pesquisas para a Históric do Piauí, vol. 3, 'A Balaiada' (2, ed., Rio de Janeiro, 1975) p. 134, Lívio Lopes Castello Branco was the most prominent elite leader of the Balaiada in Piauí
88. Nunes, Pesquisas, p. 145.
89. For a summary, see Oliveira, A Balaiada no Piauí p. 63-9.
90. Carlota Carvalho, O Sertão, p. 91-4.
91. This is done, for instance, by Santos, A Balaiada, p. 90.
92. Among the popular rebel leaders, only Gomes and Cosme could read and write.
93. Nunes, Pesquisas, p. 105-6.
94. Santos, A Balaiada, p. 90. On Gomes' igalitarian views, see also M. Röhrig Assunção, 'Popular Culture and Regional Society in Nineteenth-century Maranhão, Brazil', bulletin of Latin American Research, vol. 14, no. 3 (1995), PP. 281-3.
95. Santos, A Balaiada, p. 90. On Gomes' igalitarian views, see also M. Röhrig Assunção, 'Popular Culture and Regional Society in Nineteenth-century Maranhão, Brazil', bulletin of Latin American Research, vol. 14, no. 3 (1995), PP. 281-3.
96. See the letter by the lieutenant Joaquim Fonseca, where he relates how he discovered that slaves from the fazenda of João Sabino da Fonseca e Castro were in touch with the rebels, in the appendix to the Oficio de Feliciano Antonio Falcão a Luis Alves de Lima, 4.7.1840, Caixa 808, AN.
97. For the rebel's intention to instigate a slave rebellion in the district of Alcântara, see Carta de Luis Alves de Lima a Joaquim José Rodrigues Torres, 7.8.1840, Documento 9, Caixa 808, AN; and Carta de Luis Alves de Lima a Antonio Carlos Ribeiero d'Andrada Machado e Silva, 22.10.1840, Documento 17, Caixa 808, AN.
98. 'Rebeldes unidos a escravos sublevados'. Carta de Luis Alves de Lima ao Conde de Lâges, Ministro e Secretário de Estado dos Negócios da Guerra, 16.5.1840. Carta 24, Codice 927, AN.
99. Carta de Luis Alves de Lima a Salvador José Maciel, 8.8.1840, Carta 13, Cod. 927, AN.
100. For more examples, see Santos, A Balaiada, p. 92-94; Nunes, Pesquisas, p. 122.
101. For more examples, see Santos, A Balaiada, p. 92-94; Nunes, Pesquisas, p. 122.
102. The newly enthroned emperor Pedro II had, advised by the new liberal central government, conceded an amnesty on the 22 August 1840, which would be granted for all 'political crimes', provided their authors would surrender to the authorities within 60 days.
103. Carta de Luis Alves de Lima a Francisco de Paula Cavalcante de Albuquerque, Ministro e Secretário de Estado dos Negócies da Guerra, 3.12.1840, Carta 18, Cod. 927, AN.
104. Carta de Luis Alves de Lima a Joaquim José Rodrigues Torres, Ministre e Secretário de Estado dos Negócios do Império. Doc. 8, Caixa 808, AN, also reproduced in Santos, A Balaiada, p. 110.
105. Magalhães, Memória, pp. 332-3.
106. Lima's letter refers to the episode of Gomes taking shelter with Cosme as follows: 'Raimundo Gomes porém, (...) evadiu-se sem armas, sem bagagem, e indecentemente vestido, foi se oferecer ao negro Cosme, que o reduziu a ser fabricante de pólvora, e o tem em guarda; talvez que Raimundo Gomes não se entregue por se reconhecer assaz criminoso, e indigno de perdão.' Letter to Francisco de Paula Cavalcante de Albuquerque, 1.9.1840, Carta 14, Cod. 927, AN. This letter was written shortly after Gomes' defeat and so relied on information the legalist camp had, at that stage, from spies or other informants. The similarity between some of Lima's letters and Magalhães' Memória are either due to the fact that Magaihães, as Lima's secretary, was probably also responsible for drafting them, or that he used that correspondence when he wrote his Memória. Yet this information is not confirmed in later letters, one of which for instance rather suggests that Gomes simply 'left' Cosme's army: 'Raimundo Gomes, deixando (sic) a companhia do negro Cosme, uniu-se ao Pedrosa, em tempo que este chefe rebelde ainda não me obedecia, mas venficando-se isto depois, fugiu com uns 300 homens, que a ele se ligaram incluso o Matroá, (...)' Carta de Luis Alves de Lima a Francisco de Paula Cavalcante de Albuquerque, 3.12.1840. Carta no. 18, Cod. 927, AN.
107. Amaral, Apontamentos, vol. I, p. 42. But he still endorses the imprisonment of Gomes by Cosme as described by Magalhães (vol. III, p. 64).
108. Autos do processo de Cosme Bento das Chagas, reproduced in Santos, A Balaiada, p. 137.
109. Oficio de Cosme Bento das Chagas ao Maior Pio Rodrigues dos Santos, APEM. Reproduced in Santos, A Balaiada, p. 112.
110. Santos, A Balaiada, p. 93. Her conclusions remain valid on this point, although she fails to discuss the problems of the relationship Gomes/Cosme.
111. Bethell and Carvalho, 'Brazil from Independence...', p. 709.
112. Ibid. Social structure could hardly be more polarised than on the cotton plantations of the Itapecuru valley. On the contrary, slavery was less important in Pará (slaves representing only between 26-31% of the provincial population in the 1820S) and coexisted with different forms of free and coerced (Indian) labour.
113. For an innovative comparison between Latin American regions, including Brazil, during this period see Brian Hamnett, 'Process and Pattern: A Reexamination of the Ibero-American Independence Movements, 1808-1826', Journal of Latin American Studies, 29 (1997), pp. 279-328. The quote is from p, 317.
114. Florencia F. Mallon, Peasant and Nation. The Making of Postcolonial Mexico and Peru (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1995). See also Guy Thompson, 'Popular Aspects of Liberalism in Mexico, 1848 -1888', Bulletin of Latin American Research, 10 (1991), 3, p. 265-92.
115. Florencia F. Mallon, Peasant and Nation. The Making of Postcolonial Mexico and Peru (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1995). See also Guy Thompson, 'Popular Aspects of Liberalism in Mexico, 1848 -1888', Bulletin of Latin American Research, 10 (1991), 3, p. 265-92.
116. Carvalho, O Sertão, p. 147-8.