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Volumn 10, Issue 1, 2005, Pages 167-183

A conversation with Peter Galbraith about Iraq and state building

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

STATE BUILDING;

EID: 17144399485     PISSN: 14650045     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/14650040590907730     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (3)

References (40)
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    • (New York, Basic Books) On 26 March 2003, the Canadian broadcast service devoted a segment of its programme 'The Fifth Estate' to the Kurds and Peter Galbraith's advocacy for them. See
    • Samantha Power, A Problem from Hell: America in the Age of Genocide (New York, Basic Books 2002) pp. 171-246. On 26 March 2003, the Canadian broadcast service devoted a segment of its programme 'The Fifth Estate' to the Kurds and Peter Galbraith's advocacy for them. See .
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    • 'Threats and Responses: The Opposition; Groups Outline Plans for Governing a Post-Hussein Iraq'
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    • 'A Hole in the Heart of Kurdistan'
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    • 'Dissension Grows in Senior Ranks on War Strategy: US may be Winning Battles in Iraq but Losing the War, Some Officers Say'
    • Copies of Galbraith's first New York Review of Books article, misleadingly titled 'How to Get Out of Iraq' (it does not address exit strategies in an explicit way), began circulating among military intellectuals in the Pentagon after it appeared. See 9 May
    • Copies of Galbraith's first New York Review of Books article, misleadingly titled 'How to Get Out of Iraq' (it does not address exit strategies in an explicit way), began circulating among military intellectuals in the Pentagon after it appeared. See Thomas E. Ricks, 'Dissension Grows in Senior Ranks on War Strategy: US may be Winning Battles in Iraq but Losing the War, Some Officers Say', Washington Post, 9 May 2004, p.A1.
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    • The political ad was produced and paid for by Moveon.org, a progressive pro-Kerry political action committee. Galbraith spoke on the Brian Lehrer show, WNYC, 29 October 2004. An audio archive of the program is available at (accessed 6 November)
    • The political ad was produced and paid for by Moveon.org, a progressive pro-Kerry political action committee. Galbraith spoke on the Brian Lehrer show, WNYC, 29 October 2004. An audio archive of the program is available at (accessed 6 November 2004).
    • (2004)
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    • note
    • Leslie Gelb, president of the Council of Foreign Relations, shares Galbraith's analysis of the fatal flaw in US strategic thinking: the commitment to a unitary Iraq. In November 2003 he argued that the United States should move towards a three-state solution in Iraq, with a regional confederation first and independence later. Somewhat confusingly he uses Yugoslavia as an analogy writing that when Tito died in 1980, 'several parts of Yugoslavia quickly declared their independence'. This is historically inaccurate and since Yugoslavia collapsed in a most bloody manner, it is hardly an inspired example. Yugoslavia was never a confederation (though this was under discussion and was the lead option of the Slovenes in 1988; see Hayden) nor could it be described as a 'three-state strategy'. Gelb's argument relies on primordialist assumptions about 'natural states' and 'natural pasts'. He proposes a cartographic fix for Iraq, with 'boundaries drawn as closely as possible along ethnic lines'. He also suggests population transfers which he acknowledges would be a 'messy and dangerous enterprise'. The strategic value to the United States of the three-state solution is that it would allow the United States to draw down its troops from the Sunni Triangle, and hand it over to the United Nations. It could then withdraw to the more stable regions in the north and south. He concludes that 'Washington would have to be very hard-headed to engineer this breakup. But such a course in manageable, even necessary, because it would allow us to find Iraq's future in its denied but natural past.' Leslie Gelb, 'The Three State Solution', New York Times, 25 November 2003, pA27. See also Robert Hayden, Blueprints for a House Divided: The Constitutional Logic of the Yugoslav Conflicts (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press 1999). In an opinion editorial from May 2004 Gelb modifies his argument to emphasise a power-sharing confederation not three states as a solution. See also Robert Hayden, Blueprints for a House Divided: The Constitutional Logic of the Yugoslav Conflicts (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press 1999). In an opinion editorial from May 2004 Gelb modifies his argument to emphasise a power-sharing confederation not three states as a solution. Leslie Gelb, 'Power-sharing a Solution', The Australian, 26 May 2004, p. 13.
  • 35
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    • 'Welcome to the Green Zone: The American Bubble in Baghdad'
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  • 36
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    • For a discussion of the validity of these parallels see US Institute of Peace Special Report 102, February available at (accessed 10 November 2004)
    • For a discussion of the validity of these parallels see Ray Salvatore Jennings, After Saddam Hussein: Winning a Peace If It Comes to War US Institute of Peace Special Report 102, February 2003, available at (accessed 10 November 2004).
    • (2003) After Saddam Hussein: Winning a Peace If It Comes to War
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  • 37
    • 17144411305 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 'Rebels Attack in Central Iraq and the North'
    • In November 2004, Sunni insurgents fleeing from the US army attempt to control Falluja opened up a new insurgency front in the city of Mosul. Coalition supported Iraqi police units fled and with US forces stretched thin, the 'Iraqi government' deployed 'Iraqi National Guard' units to the city. So pervasive was this grammar of unified Iraqi state institutions acting that one had to read press accounts very closely before grasping that, in actuality, Kurdish pershmerga forces had been sent into the Sunni section of Mosul. With Kurdish forces employed by the Americans to suppress Sunni insurgents, Galbraith's fears seem well placed. See 16 November, 10
    • In November 2004, Sunni insurgents fleeing from the US army attempt to control Falluja opened up a new insurgency front in the city of Mosul. Coalition supported Iraqi police units fled and with US forces stretched thin, the 'Iraqi government' deployed 'Iraqi National Guard' units to the city. So pervasive was this grammar of unified Iraqi state institutions acting that one had to read press accounts very closely before grasping that, in actuality, Kurdish pershmerga forces had been sent into the Sunni section of Mosul. With Kurdish forces employed by the Americans to suppress Sunni insurgents, Galbraith's fears seem well placed. See Edward Wong and James Glanz, 'Rebels Attack in Central Iraq and the North', New York Times, 16 November 2004, pp.A1, 10.
    • (2004) New York Times
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  • 38
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    • 'The Next Iraqi War? What Kirkuk's Struggle to Reverse
    • 4 October
    • On Kirkuk see George Packer, 'The Next Iraqi War? What Kirkuk's Struggle to Reverse Saddam's Ethnic Cleansing Signals for the Future of Iraq', The New Yorker, 4 October 2004, pp.64-99. Saddam's Ethnic Cleansing Signals for the Future of Iraq'
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  • 39
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    • 'Barren Ground for Democracy'
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    • Robert Kaplan, 'Barren Ground for Democracy', New York Times, 14 November 2004.
    • (2004) New York Times
    • Kaplan, R.1


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