Agonism, deliberation, and the politics of abortion

Polity

Volumn 37, Issue 1, 2005, Pages 54-81

  Goi, Simona ^a  

^a CALVIN COLLEGE   (United States)

Author keywords

Abortion; Agonal agonistic democracy; Deliberation; Democratic dialogue

Indexed keywords

EID: 14644443033     PISSN: 00323497     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1057/palgrave.polity.2300005     Document Type: Article

References (82)

1. Amy Gutmann and Dennis Thompson, Democracy and Disagreement (Cambridge, MA: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1996).
2. Gutmann and Thompson admit to being uncomfortable with Rawls' notion of public reason, and they offer what they deem a more comprehensive alternative in the concept of reciprocity Cf. Democracy and Disagreement, 38.
3. Cf. Seyla Benhabib, ed., Democracy and Difference (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1996).
4. Simone Chambers, Reasonable Democracy: Jürgen Habermas and the Politics of Discourse (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1996), 8.
5. Benhabib, Democracy and Difference, 105.
6. Chambers, Reasonable Democracy, 9.
7. Jürgen Habermas, The Theory of Communicative Action (hereinafter TCA), Vol. 1, trans. Thomas McCarthy (Boston, MA: Beacon Press, 1984), 286-87.
8. Habermas, TCA, 287.
9. Habermas, TCA, 331.
10. Habermas, TCA, 335.
11. Chambers, Reasonable Democracy, 95.
12. Chambers, Reasonable Democracy, 99, quoting from Habermas, Moral Consciousness and Communicative Action, translated by Christian Lenhardt and Shierry Weber Nicholsen (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1990), 88.
13. Chambers, Reasonable Democracy, 99, quoting from Habermas, Moral Consciousness and Communicative Action, translated by Christian Lenhardt and Shierry Weber Nicholsen (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1990), 88.
14. Gutmann and Thompson, Democracy and Disagreement, 12.
15. I am aware that there are differences between the versions of deliberative democratic theory put forth by these scholars. However, in this essay I am concerned with critiquing aspects of the deliberative democracy that they hold in common. Other prominent theorists of deliberation include Simone Chambers, John Dryzek, Iris Marion Young, and James Fishkin.
16. For a thorough discussion of the reasons for the lack of political participation in the United States - both in the traditional form of voting and in the town meetings - see John R. Hibbing and Elizabeth Theiss-Morse, Stealth Democracy (Cambridge, MA: Cambridge University Press, 2002), especially 85-128. For a more specific discussion of low voter turnout, see Thomas E. Patterson, The Vanishing Voter (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2002).
17. For a thorough discussion of the reasons for the lack of political participation in the United States - both in the traditional form of voting and in the town meetings - see John R. Hibbing and Elizabeth Theiss-Morse, Stealth Democracy (Cambridge, MA: Cambridge University Press, 2002), especially 85-128. For a more specific discussion of low voter turnout, see Thomas E. Patterson, The Vanishing Voter (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2002).
18. Benhabib, Democracy and Difference, 83.
19. Nancy Fraser, "Rethinking the Public Sphere: A Contribution to the Critique of Actually Existing Democracy" in Justice Interrupts (New York: Routledge, 1997), 81 and passim.
20. Cf. Sheldon Wolin, "Fugitive Democracy," in Democracy and Difference, 31-45; Chantal Mouffe, "Democracy, Power, and the 'Political,'" in Democracy and Difference, 245-56; Chantal Mouffe, "Democratic Citizenship and the Political Community," in Dimensions of Radical Democracy, ed. Chantal Mouffe (London: Verso, 1992).
21. Cf. Sheldon Wolin, "Fugitive Democracy," in Democracy and Difference, 31-45; Chantal Mouffe, "Democracy, Power, and the 'Political,'" in Democracy and Difference, 245-56; Chantal Mouffe, "Democratic Citizenship and the Political Community," in Dimensions of Radical Democracy, ed. Chantal Mouffe (London: Verso, 1992).
22. Cf. Sheldon Wolin, "Fugitive Democracy," in Democracy and Difference, 31-45; Chantal Mouffe, "Democracy, Power, and the 'Political,'" in Democracy and Difference, 245-56; Chantal Mouffe, "Democratic Citizenship and the Political Community," in Dimensions of Radical Democracy, ed. Chantal Mouffe (London: Verso, 1992).
23. The question of whether agonal exchanges should abide by rules of civility, however they may be defined, is open to debate. Although they are not specific enough in their definition of contestation to set firm boundaries to what is acceptable, some agonal democratic theorists seem to suggest that contestation should remain civil and fundamentally non-violent, and that when violence erupts the political process has by definition broken down. Other theorists are more inclined to reject general statements as to what is permissible in the context of agonal exchanges, and might include physical expression of dissent and opposition as permissible in certain contexts.
24. For more on this, see Dana Villa, "Beyond Good and Evil: Arendt, Nietzsche and the Aestheticization of Political Action," Political Theory 20 (May 1992): 274-308; Dana Villa, "Democratizing the Agon: Nietzsche, Arendt, and the Agonistic Tendency in Recent Political Theory," in Politics, Philosophy, Terror (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1999), 107-27.
25. For more on this, see Dana Villa, "Beyond Good and Evil: Arendt, Nietzsche and the Aestheticization of Political Action," Political Theory 20 (May 1992): 274-308; Dana Villa, "Democratizing the Agon: Nietzsche, Arendt, and the Agonistic Tendency in Recent Political Theory," in Politics, Philosophy, Terror (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1999), 107-27.
26. For more on different modes of expression, see Iris Marion Young, "Communication and the Other: Beyond Deliberative Democracy," in Democracy and Difference, 120-35; Lynn Sanders, "Against Deliberation," Political Theory 25 (June 1997): 347-76; Stanley Fish, "Mutual Respect as a Device of Exclusion," in Deliberative Politics: Essays on Democracy and Disagreement, ed. Stephen Macedo (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999), 88-102; Susan Bickford, The Dissonance of Democracy: Listening, Conflict, and Citizenship (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1996).
27. For more on different modes of expression, see Iris Marion Young, "Communication and the Other: Beyond Deliberative Democracy," in Democracy and Difference, 120-35; Lynn Sanders, "Against Deliberation," Political Theory 25 (June 1997): 347-76; Stanley Fish, "Mutual Respect as a Device of Exclusion," in Deliberative Politics: Essays on Democracy and Disagreement, ed. Stephen Macedo (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999), 88-102; Susan Bickford, The Dissonance of Democracy: Listening, Conflict, and Citizenship (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1996).
28. For more on different modes of expression, see Iris Marion Young, "Communication and the Other: Beyond Deliberative Democracy," in Democracy and Difference, 120-35; Lynn Sanders, "Against Deliberation," Political Theory 25 (June 1997): 347-76; Stanley Fish, "Mutual Respect as a Device of Exclusion," in Deliberative Politics: Essays on Democracy and Disagreement, ed. Stephen Macedo (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999), 88-102; Susan Bickford, The Dissonance of Democracy: Listening, Conflict, and Citizenship (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1996).
29. For more on different modes of expression, see Iris Marion Young, "Communication and the Other: Beyond Deliberative Democracy," in Democracy and Difference, 120-35; Lynn Sanders, "Against Deliberation," Political Theory 25 (June 1997): 347-76; Stanley Fish, "Mutual Respect as a Device of Exclusion," in Deliberative Politics: Essays on Democracy and Disagreement, ed. Stephen Macedo (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999), 88-102; Susan Bickford, The Dissonance of Democracy: Listening, Conflict, and Citizenship (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1996).
30. Seyla Benhabib, Situating the Self: Gender, Community, and Postmodernism in Contemporary Ethics (New York: Routledge, 1992), 5.
31. The notion of "remainders" is developed by Bonnie Honig in Political Theory and the Displacement of Politics (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1993), and "Difference, Dilemmas, and the Politics of Home," in Democracy and Difference, 257-77.
32. The notion of "remainders" is developed by Bonnie Honig in Political Theory and the Displacement of Politics (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1993), and "Difference, Dilemmas, and the Politics of Home," in Democracy and Difference, 257-77.
33. For an interesting study that gives a more nuanced view of the relationship between judicial rulings on abortion and the role played by elected representatives, see Neal Devins, Shaping Constitutional Values: Elected Government, the Supreme Court, and the Abortion Debate (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996). Devins argues that Roe v. Wade did not settle the abortion controversy; rather, it opened the way for copious legislation that restricted and qualified a woman's right to choose to terminate a pregnancy.
34. Patricia Baird-Windle and Eleanor J. Bader, Targets of Hatred: Anti-Abortion Terrorism (New York: Palgrave, 2001), 354. The statistics were compiled by the National Abortion Federation.
35. For more on this tactic, see Philip F. Lawler, Operation Rescue: A Challenge to the Nation's Conscience (Huntington, IN: Our Sunday Visitor Publishing Division, 1992). As Lawler puts it, "Someone must maintain the perspective of the pro-life movement, reminding lobbyists and political candidates that despite their victories, the slaughter still continues. ... On the abortion front, OR [Operation Rescue] provides that unrelenting pressure. Rescuers may not soon win the legislation they seek, but their highly visible actions keep the abortion issue alive in the public debate. . . . Rescuers prick the nation's conscience, nudging politicians and nonpoliticians alike to reexamine their moral precepts." (73-75).
36. The very shift from the trimester to the viability standard is a sign that scientific advances have made it possible for those who oppose abortion to impose stricter guidelines rather than relying on approximation.
37. The possibility of developing an artificial womb that could carry a fetus to term from the very early stages of gestation is called ectogenesis. The impact that this technological development might have on the abortion debate is explored most insightfully by Leslie Cannold, The Abortion Myth: Feminism, Morality, and the Hard Choices Women Make (Hanover, NH: Wesleyan University Press, 2000) in response to Peter Singer and Deane Wells, The Reproduction Revolution (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1984), in which the authors argued that this scientific development would "resolve" the dispute over abortion.
38. The possibility of developing an artificial womb that could carry a fetus to term from the very early stages of gestation is called ectogenesis. The impact that this technological development might have on the abortion debate is explored most insightfully by Leslie Cannold, The Abortion Myth: Feminism, Morality, and the Hard Choices Women Make (Hanover, NH: Wesleyan University Press, 2000) in response to Peter Singer and Deane Wells, The Reproduction Revolution (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1984), in which the authors argued that this scientific development would "resolve" the dispute over abortion.
39. Gutmann 61nd Thompson, Democracy and Disagreement, 74-77.
40. Gutmann and Thompson, Democracy and Disagreement, 78.
41. Gutmann and Thompson, Democracy and Disagreement, 78.
42. Robert P. George, "Democracy and Moral Disagreement: Reciprocity, Slavery and Abortion," in Deliberative Politics: Essays on Democracy and Disagreement, 193.
43. Ian Shapiro, "Enough of Deliberation: Politics is about Interests and Power," in Deliberative Politics: Essays on Democracy and Disagreement, 31.
44. Kristin Luker, Abortion and the Politics of Motherhood (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984).
45. Luker, Abortion and the Politics of Motherhood, 159.
46. Luker, Abortion and the Politics of Motherhood, 158.
47. For a particularly insightful perspective on the question of the relationship between conceptions of motherhood and abortion, see, in addition to Luker, Leslie Cannold, The Abortion Myth.
48. Surprisingly, even women who identify themselves as feminists endorse this view. In particular, many members of Feminists For Life agree that the acceptability of abortion is the result of women's rejection of their maternal capacities, their "natural" nurturing abilities, and their inclination to cherish relationships over individual freedom. For more on this, see Mary Krane Derr, Linda Naranjo-Huebl and Rachel MacNair, eds., Prolife Feminism: Yesterday and Today (New York: Sulzburger & Graham Publishing, Ltd., 1995). See also Jean Elshtain, "Reflections on Abortion, Values, and the Family," in Abortion: Understanding Differences, ed. Sidney Callahan and Daniel Callahan (New York: Plenum Press, 1984), 47-72. Elshtain argues that excessive liberalism leads to the notion that we can make choices as absolute individuals; she suggests a "social compact" view as an antidote.
49. Surprisingly, even women who identify themselves as feminists endorse this view. In particular, many members of Feminists For Life agree that the acceptability of abortion is the result of women's rejection of their maternal capacities, their "natural" nurturing abilities, and their inclination to cherish relationships over individual freedom. For more on this, see Mary Krane Derr, Linda Naranjo-Huebl and Rachel MacNair, eds., Prolife Feminism: Yesterday and Today (New York: Sulzburger & Graham Publishing, Ltd., 1995). See also Jean Elshtain, "Reflections on Abortion, Values, and the Family," in Abortion: Understanding Differences, ed. Sidney Callahan and Daniel Callahan (New York: Plenum Press, 1984), 47-72. Elshtain argues that excessive liberalism leads to the notion that we can make choices as absolute individuals; she suggests a "social compact" view as an antidote.
50. Public Conversations Project (PCP) website, http://d133118.u7.spwh.com/ pcp/resources/resource_detail.asp?ref_id = 97, consulted on 7/10/2002.
51. PCP website, http://d133118.u7.spwh.com/pcp/resources/resource_detail. asp?ref_id = 97, consulted on 7/10/2002.
52. PCP website, http://d133118.u7.spwh.com/pcp/resources/resource_detail. asp?ref_id = 97, consulted on 7/10/2002.
53. "Talking with the Enemy" Boston Globe, Sunday, January 28, 2001. Also found at http://d133118.u7.spwh.com/pcp/resources/resource_detail. asp?ref_id = 102.
54. "Talking with the Enemy," Boston Globe, Sunday, January 28, 2001. Also found at http://d133118.u7.spwh.com/pcp/resources/resource_detail. asp?ref_id = 102.
55. "Talking with the Enemy," Boston Globe, Sunday, January 28, 2001.
56. "Talking with the Enemy," Boston Globe, Sunday, January 28, 2001. Also found at http://d133118.u7.spwh.com/pcp/resources/resource_detail. asp?ref_id = 102.
57. Public Conversations Project web site, "About PCP/Our Approach," found at http://d133118.u7.spwh.com/pcp/index.asp?page_id = 129&catid = 49, consulted on 7/8/2002.
58. Talking with the Enemy," Boston Globe, Sunday, January 28, 2001. Also found at http://d133118.u7.spwh.com/pcp/resources/resource_detail.asp? ref_id = 102.
59. Public Conversations Project web site, "About PCP," found at http://d133118.u7.spwh.com/pcp/index.asp?catid = 49, consulted on 7/8/2002.
60. Public Conversations Project web site, "Resources," found at http://d133118.u7.spwh.com/pcp/resources/resource_detail.asp?ref_id = 92, consulted on 7/8/2002.
61. Public Conversations Project web site, "Resources," found at http://d133118.u7.spwh.com/pcp/resources/resource_detail.asp?ref_id = 69, consulted on 7/8/2002.
62. On public anger, cf. Holloway Sparks, "Of Mobs and Movements," paper presented at the Midwest Political Science Association Annual Meeting in Chicago, April 2002. See also Renée R. Curry and Terry L. Allison, eds., States of Rage: Emotional Eruption, Violence and Social Change (New York: New York University Press, 1996).
63. On public anger, cf. Holloway Sparks, "Of Mobs and Movements," paper presented at the Midwest Political Science Association Annual Meeting in Chicago, April 2002. See also Renée R. Curry and Terry L. Allison, eds., States of Rage: Emotional Eruption, Violence and Social Change (New York: New York University Press, 1996).
64. E-mail communication by Jenni Fetters with loi@hewlett.org on behalf of the William and Hewlett Foundation, received on 7/29/2002.
65. Ford Foundation web site, found at http://www.fordfound.org/grants_db/ view_grant_detail.cfm?grant_counter = 1884, consulted on 7/10/2002.
66. Evelyn and Walter Haas, Jr. Fund web site, "Grants," found at http://www.haasjr.org/grants2000/grants_gay_lesbian.htm, consulted on 7/10/2002.
67. The Boston Foundation web site, "What We Found," found at http://grants.tbf.org/tbf_grants.taf?search = org_name, consulted on 7/10/2002.
68. The Boston Foundation web site, "About Us," found at http://www.tbf.org/about/mission.html, consulted on 7/10/2002.
69. The Evelyn and Walter Haas, Jr. Fund web site, "Mission," found at http://www.haasjr.org/who.htm, consulted on 7/10/2002.
70. James Fishkin proposes something similar when he argues for a "deliberative opinion poll." In this model, "a national sample of the citizen voting-age population is transported to a single site for at least several days. These 'delegates' are given the opportunity to interact in person with the major candidates of each party. . . . Many of these occasions for questioning and interaction are broadcast on national television. After debating the issues with the candidates and with each other, the delegates are polled on their preferences on both the candidates and the issues." James Fishkin, Democracy and Deliberation: New Directions for Democratic Reform (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1991), 2. Although this model is described as deliberative rather than agonal, it shares a lot of the characteristics of the modified agonism that I am proposing.
71. Public Conversations Project web site, "Resources," found at http://d133118.u7.spwh.com/pcp/resources/resource_detail.asp?ref_id = 61, consulted on 7/8/2002.
72. For a compelling argument for the importance of class as a factor affecting access to reproductive choices, see Rickie Solinger, Beggars and Choosers: How the Politics of Choice Shapes Adoption, Abortion, and Welfare in the United States (New York: Hill and Wang, 2001).
73. Chambers, Reasonable Democracy, 210.
74. The idea that what is acceptable as a topic of dialogue is politically determined is developed most eloquently by Stanley Fish in "Mutual Respect as a Device of Exclusion," in Deliberative Politics: Essays on Democracy and Disagreement, 88-102.
75. Gregory Streich, "Constructing a Multiracial Democracy: To Deliberate or Not to Deliberate?" Constellations 9 (2002): 145.
76. John Dryzek, Deliberative Democracy and Beyond (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 59.
77. An example of this coalition-building effect can be found in a different, less-structured agonal setting: the anti-globalization movement that demonstrated at the World Trade Organization meeting in Seattle in November 1999. In that context, environmental organizations and labor unions, groups that had traditionally been at odds, if not in direct conflict, became allies, and came to see opposition to global capital as a common project. For a vivid account of this process, see the documentary by the Independent Media Center, This Is What Democracy Looks Like (Big Noise Films, 2000).
78. Alan Wertheimer, "Internal Disagreements: Deliberation and Abortion," in Deliberative Politics: Essays on Democracy and Disagreement, 175.
79. Dryzek, Deliberative Democracy and Beyond, 77.
80. This is the term put forth by John Dryzek in Deliberative Democracy and Beyond.
81. Chambers, Reasonable Democracy, 162.
82. Dryzek, Deliberative Democracy and Beyond, 74-75. I indeed agree with Dryzek that framing contestation as an encounter/conflict of discourses rather than identities is better suited to promote a vibrant discursive democracy.