An essay on historical, philosophical and theological attitudes to modern political thought

History of Political Thought

Volumn 25, Issue 1, 2004, Pages 116-148

  Alexander, James ^a  

^a KING'S COLLEGE   (United Kingdom)

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EID: 1442329828     PISSN: 0143781X     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: None     Document Type: Review

References (70)

1. F.M. Powicke, Christian Life in the Middle Ages (Oxford, 1935), p. 2.
2. John Dunn, Rethinking Modern Political Theory (Cambridge, 1985), p. 1.
3. The great early works in the history of political thought were, in this sense, J.N. Figgis, The Divine Right of Kings (Cambridge, 1896); J.N. Figgis, Studies of Political Thought from Gerson to Grotius 1414-1625 (Cambridge, 1907) ; the six volumes of R.W. and A.J. Carlyle's A History of Medieval Political Theory in the West (London, 1903-36); J.W. Allen's A History of Political Thought in the Sixteenth Century (London, 1928); C.H. McIlwain's The Growth of Political Thought in the West from the Greeks to the End of the Middle Ages (New York, 1932); and the translations into English of Otto Gierke's histories and the introductions to them by F.W. Maitland in Political Theories of the Middle Age (Cambridge, 1900) and Ernest Barker in Natural Law and the Theory of Society 1500-1800 (Cambridge, 1934).
4. The great early works in the history of political thought were, in this sense, J.N. Figgis, The Divine Right of Kings (Cambridge, 1896); J.N. Figgis, Studies of Political Thought from Gerson to Grotius 1414-1625 (Cambridge, 1907) ; the six volumes of R.W. and A.J. Carlyle's A History of Medieval Political Theory in the West (London, 1903-36); J.W. Allen's A History of Political Thought in the Sixteenth Century (London, 1928); C.H. McIlwain's The Growth of Political Thought in the West from the Greeks to the End of the Middle Ages (New York, 1932); and the translations into English of Otto Gierke's histories and the introductions to them by F.W. Maitland in Political Theories of the Middle Age (Cambridge, 1900) and Ernest Barker in Natural Law and the Theory of Society 1500-1800 (Cambridge, 1934).
5. The great early works in the history of political thought were, in this sense, J.N. Figgis, The Divine Right of Kings (Cambridge, 1896); J.N. Figgis, Studies of Political Thought from Gerson to Grotius 1414-1625 (Cambridge, 1907) ; the six volumes of R.W. and A.J. Carlyle's A History of Medieval Political Theory in the West (London, 1903-36); J.W. Allen's A History of Political Thought in the Sixteenth Century (London, 1928); C.H. McIlwain's The Growth of Political Thought in the West from the Greeks to the End of the Middle Ages (New York, 1932); and the translations into English of Otto Gierke's histories and the introductions to them by F.W. Maitland in Political Theories of the Middle Age (Cambridge, 1900) and Ernest Barker in Natural Law and the Theory of Society 1500-1800 (Cambridge, 1934).
6. The great early works in the history of political thought were, in this sense, J.N. Figgis, The Divine Right of Kings (Cambridge, 1896); J.N. Figgis, Studies of Political Thought from Gerson to Grotius 1414-1625 (Cambridge, 1907) ; the six volumes of R.W. and A.J. Carlyle's A History of Medieval Political Theory in the West (London, 1903-36); J.W. Allen's A History of Political Thought in the Sixteenth Century (London, 1928); C.H. McIlwain's The Growth of Political Thought in the West from the Greeks to the End of the Middle Ages (New York, 1932); and the translations into English of Otto Gierke's histories and the introductions to them by F.W. Maitland in Political Theories of the Middle Age (Cambridge, 1900) and Ernest Barker in Natural Law and the Theory of Society 1500-1800 (Cambridge, 1934).
7. The great early works in the history of political thought were, in this sense, J.N. Figgis, The Divine Right of Kings (Cambridge, 1896); J.N. Figgis, Studies of Political Thought from Gerson to Grotius 1414-1625 (Cambridge, 1907) ; the six volumes of R.W. and A.J. Carlyle's A History of Medieval Political Theory in the West (London, 1903-36); J.W. Allen's A History of Political Thought in the Sixteenth Century (London, 1928); C.H. McIlwain's The Growth of Political Thought in the West from the Greeks to the End of the Middle Ages (New York, 1932); and the translations into English of Otto Gierke's histories and the introductions to them by F.W. Maitland in Political Theories of the Middle Age (Cambridge, 1900) and Ernest Barker in Natural Law and the Theory of Society 1500-1800 (Cambridge, 1934).
8. The great early works in the history of political thought were, in this sense, J.N. Figgis, The Divine Right of Kings (Cambridge, 1896); J.N. Figgis, Studies of Political Thought from Gerson to Grotius 1414-1625 (Cambridge, 1907) ; the six volumes of R.W. and A.J. Carlyle's A History of Medieval Political Theory in the West (London, 1903-36); J.W. Allen's A History of Political Thought in the Sixteenth Century (London, 1928); C.H. McIlwain's The Growth of Political Thought in the West from the Greeks to the End of the Middle Ages (New York, 1932); and the translations into English of Otto Gierke's histories and the introductions to them by F.W. Maitland in Political Theories of the Middle Age (Cambridge, 1900) and Ernest Barker in Natural Law and the Theory of Society 1500-1800 (Cambridge, 1934).
9. The great early works in the history of political thought were, in this sense, J.N. Figgis, The Divine Right of Kings (Cambridge, 1896); J.N. Figgis, Studies of Political Thought from Gerson to Grotius 1414-1625 (Cambridge, 1907) ; the six volumes of R.W. and A.J. Carlyle's A History of Medieval Political Theory in the West (London, 1903-36); J.W. Allen's A History of Political Thought in the Sixteenth Century (London, 1928); C.H. McIlwain's The Growth of Political Thought in the West from the Greeks to the End of the Middle Ages (New York, 1932); and the translations into English of Otto Gierke's histories and the introductions to them by F.W. Maitland in Political Theories of the Middle Age (Cambridge, 1900) and Ernest Barker in Natural Law and the Theory of Society 1500-1800 (Cambridge, 1934).
10. Allen, A History of Political Thought in the Sixteenth Century, p. 516.
11. John Dunn, The Political Thought of John Locke: An Historical Account of the Argument of the 'Two Treatises of Government' (London, 1969), pp. 263 and 267.
12. John Dunn, Interpreting Political Responsibility (Oxford, 1990), p. 12.
13. John Dunn, The Politics of Socialism (Cambridge, 1984), pp. vii and 1. See also Dunn, Interpreting Political Responsibility, pp. 193 and 196.
14. John Dunn, The Politics of Socialism (Cambridge, 1984), pp. vii and 1. See also Dunn, Interpreting Political Responsibility, pp. 193 and 196.
15. Dunn, Rethinking Modern Political Theory, p. 179.
16. Ibid., p. 2.
17. See John Dunn, Western Political Theory in the Face of the Future (Cambridge, 1979); John Dunn, Political Obligation in its Historical Context (Cambridge, 1980); Dunn, The Politics of Socialism; Dunn, Rethinking Modern Political Theory; Dunn, Interpreting Political Responsibility; John Dunn, The History of Political Theory and Other Essays (Cambridge, 1996); and John Dunn, The Cunning of Unreason: Making Sense of Politics (London, 2000).
18. See John Dunn, Western Political Theory in the Face of the Future (Cambridge, 1979); John Dunn, Political Obligation in its Historical Context (Cambridge, 1980); Dunn, The Politics of Socialism; Dunn, Rethinking Modern Political Theory; Dunn, Interpreting Political Responsibility; John Dunn, The History of Political Theory and Other Essays (Cambridge, 1996); and John Dunn, The Cunning of Unreason: Making Sense of Politics (London, 2000).
19. See John Dunn, Western Political Theory in the Face of the Future (Cambridge, 1979); John Dunn, Political Obligation in its Historical Context (Cambridge, 1980); Dunn, The Politics of Socialism; Dunn, Rethinking Modern Political Theory; Dunn, Interpreting Political Responsibility; John Dunn, The History of Political Theory and Other Essays (Cambridge, 1996); and John Dunn, The Cunning of Unreason: Making Sense of Politics (London, 2000).
20. See John Dunn, Western Political Theory in the Face of the Future (Cambridge, 1979); John Dunn, Political Obligation in its Historical Context (Cambridge, 1980); Dunn, The Politics of Socialism; Dunn, Rethinking Modern Political Theory; Dunn, Interpreting Political Responsibility; John Dunn, The History of Political Theory and Other Essays (Cambridge, 1996); and John Dunn, The Cunning of Unreason: Making Sense of Politics (London, 2000).
21. See John Dunn, Western Political Theory in the Face of the Future (Cambridge, 1979); John Dunn, Political Obligation in its Historical Context (Cambridge, 1980); Dunn, The Politics of Socialism; Dunn, Rethinking Modern Political Theory; Dunn, Interpreting Political Responsibility; John Dunn, The History of Political Theory and Other Essays (Cambridge, 1996); and John Dunn, The Cunning of Unreason: Making Sense of Politics (London, 2000).
22. See John Dunn, Western Political Theory in the Face of the Future (Cambridge, 1979); John Dunn, Political Obligation in its Historical Context (Cambridge, 1980); Dunn, The Politics of Socialism; Dunn, Rethinking Modern Political Theory; Dunn, Interpreting Political Responsibility; John Dunn, The History of Political Theory and Other Essays (Cambridge, 1996); and John Dunn, The Cunning of Unreason: Making Sense of Politics (London, 2000).
23. See John Dunn, Western Political Theory in the Face of the Future (Cambridge, 1979); John Dunn, Political Obligation in its Historical Context (Cambridge, 1980); Dunn, The Politics of Socialism; Dunn, Rethinking Modern Political Theory; Dunn, Interpreting Political Responsibility; John Dunn, The History of Political Theory and Other Essays (Cambridge, 1996); and John Dunn, The Cunning of Unreason: Making Sense of Politics (London, 2000).
24. John Dunn, The Economic Limits to Modern Politics (Cambridge, 1990), pp. 1 and 40.
25. For praxis, see Marx's third thesis on Feuerbach. Dunn admired Marxism for 'its obvious strengths', for its concern with 'political causality' and for its emphasis on 'practice', but he judged that its history was 'not very encouraging'. Dunn, Rethinking Modern Political Theory, p. 183.
26. It would be wrong not to acknowledge that Dunn sometimes made concessions to a more philosophical attitude to politics, although his critical attitude was generally historical. The more philosophical his attitude was the more willing he was to ignore the problem of theology and leave sociology to one side. Sometimes he gave expression to a limited conception of political philosophy that bore a great resemblance to Oakeshott's (see, for instance, Dunn, Interpreting Political Responsibility, pp. 195 and 215) and on one occasion he even relaxed his earlier historical attitude to Locke. In an essay written twenty years after The Political Thought of John Locke he declared that despite the 'deeply Christian imaginative framework' of Locke's thought it could still offer modernity an 'understanding of the nature of politics as a purely human activity'. Locke had, according to Dunn, observed that man is by his nature responsible for his own actions; that the history of society is the 'unintended consequence of a vast array of past human contrivances', and that no actual society can be built except on a basis of trust. As far as Dunn was concerned this 'captured - and captured most evocatively - what politics is still like: captured it without superstition but also without despair' (John Dunn, 'What is Living and What is Dead in the Politics of John Locke', in Interpreting Political Responsibility, esp. pp. 12-14, 22-3, 25). The sentences connecting pp. 13-14 were especially Oakeshottian, even down to manner, but for the characteristic note of excitement.
27. It would be wrong not to acknowledge that Dunn sometimes made concessions to a more philosophical attitude to politics, although his critical attitude was generally historical. The more philosophical his attitude was the more willing he was to ignore the problem of theology and leave sociology to one side. Sometimes he gave expression to a limited conception of political philosophy that bore a great resemblance to Oakeshott's (see, for instance, Dunn, Interpreting Political Responsibility, pp. 195 and 215) and on one occasion he even relaxed his earlier historical attitude to Locke. In an essay written twenty years after The Political Thought of John Locke he declared that despite the 'deeply Christian imaginative framework' of Locke's thought it could still offer modernity an 'understanding of the nature of politics as a purely human activity'. Locke had, according to Dunn, observed that man is by his nature responsible for his own actions; that the history of society is the 'unintended consequence of a vast array of past human contrivances', and that no actual society can be built except on a basis of trust. As far as Dunn was concerned this 'captured - and captured most evocatively - what politics is still like: captured it without superstition but also without despair' (John Dunn, 'What is Living and What is Dead in the Politics of John Locke', in Interpreting Political Responsibility, esp. pp. 12-14, 22-3, 25). The sentences connecting pp. 13-14 were especially Oakeshottian, even down to manner, but for the characteristic note of excitement.
28. Michael Oakeshott, On Human Conduct (Oxford, 1975), pp. 108-9, 201.
29. Ibid., p. 73.
30. Ibid., pp. 74, 81, 83.
31. Ibid., pp. 220, 274, 288, 297, 308.
32. Ibid., p. 183.
33. Dunn, Rethinking Modern Political Theory, pp. 174-5.
34. Oakeshott, On Human Conduct, p. 85.
35. Ibid., p. 84.
36. Ibid., p. 241.
37. Michael Oakeshott, 'Thomas Hobbes', Scrutiny, 4 (1935-6), p. 273. Oakeshott wrote about Hobbes in 'Leo Strauss on Hobbes' (1936-7), the 'Introduction' to Leviathan (1946), and 'The Moral Life in the Writing of Thomas Hobbes' (1960), all collected in Hobbes on Civil Association (Oxford, 1975). There is a sense that John Dunn's Locke in The Political Thought of John Locke is, in certain places, a direct response to Oakeshott's Hobbes. See, for instance, pp. 258-61.
38. Oakeshott's view of Locke as a philosopher is to be found in his review of Laslett's edition of Two Treatises of Government, in Historical Journal, 5 (1962), pp. 97-100. Oakeshott anticipated John Dunn's account of Locke (as a Christian) in lectures he delivered in 1958, later edited by Shirley Letwin as Morality and Politics in Modern Europe (London, 1993).
39. Oakeshott's understanding of Hegel's philosophy in terms of his own philosophy is found in On Human Conduct, pp. 257-63.
40. Michael Oakeshott, Introduction to Hobbes, Leviathan (Oxford, 1946), pp. x-xi, Ixiv-Ixv.
41. Dunn, Interpreting Political Responsibility, p. 88; Dunn, Political Obligation in its Historical Context, p. 284.
42. Dunn, Interpreting Political Responsibility, p. 88; Dunn, Political Obligation in its Historical Context, p. 284.
43. Compare Oakeshott, On Human Conduct, p. 229.
44. The 'authority of legislative enactments' was said to lie 'neither in their terms nor in these having been chosen' but 'in the authority of the procedure in which they were enacted'. Oakeshott, On Human Conduct, p. 156.
45. John Dunn, 'Political Obligations and Political Possibilities', in Political Obligation in its Historical Context, pp. 243-99, esp. pp. 250-3. See also John Dunn, 'Political Obligation', in The History of Political Theory, an essay which put the question of obligation without even mentioning authority (except on p. 88, where 'Leviathan' was brought in as a deus ex machina).
46. John Dunn, 'Political Obligations and Political Possibilities', in Political Obligation in its Historical Context, pp. 243-99, esp. pp. 250-3. See also John Dunn, 'Political Obligation', in The History of Political Theory, an essay which put the question of obligation without even mentioning authority (except on p. 88, where 'Leviathan' was brought in as a deus ex machina).
47. Powicke, Christian Life in the Middle Ages, p. 1.
48. As E.F. Jacob put it in 'Political Thought', in The Legacy of the Middle Ages, ed. G.C. Crump and E.F. Jacob (Oxford, 1926), p. 505.
49. The incommensurability between Walter Ullmann's The Mediaeval Foundations of Renaissance Humanism (London, 1977) and Quentin Skinner's The Foundations of Modern Political Thought (Cambridge, 1978), indicates how far modern attitudes to the Renaissance and Reformation still form a historical barrier to understanding.
50. The incommensurability between Walter Ullmann's The Mediaeval Foundations of Renaissance Humanism (London, 1977) and Quentin Skinner's The Foundations of Modern Political Thought (Cambridge, 1978), indicates how far modern attitudes to the Renaissance and Reformation still form a historical barrier to understanding.
51. Explanation has been forthcoming since the time of Maitland and reached full elaboration in two essays by John Dunn and Quentin Skinner. John Dunn's essay, 'The Identity of the History of Ideas', was first published in Philosophy, 43 (1968), reprinted in Philosophy, Politics and Society: Fourth Series, ed. Peter Laslett, W.G. Runciman and Quentin Skinner (Oxford, 1972), pp. 158-73 and reprinted again in John Dunn, Political Obligation in its Historical Context, pp. 13-28. Quentin Skinner's essay, 'Meaning and Understanding in the History of Ideas', was first published in 1969 in History and Theory, 8 (1969), pp. 3-53, reprinted in Meaning and Context: Quentin Skinner and his Critics, ed. James Tully (Princeton, 1988), pp. 29-67 and revised in the first volume of Quentin Skinner, Visions of Politics (Cambridge, 2002), pp. 57-89.
52. Explanation has been forthcoming since the time of Maitland and reached full elaboration in two essays by John Dunn and Quentin Skinner. John Dunn's essay, 'The Identity of the History of Ideas', was first published in Philosophy, 43 (1968), reprinted in Philosophy, Politics and Society: Fourth Series, ed. Peter Laslett, W.G. Runciman and Quentin Skinner (Oxford, 1972), pp. 158-73 and reprinted again in John Dunn, Political Obligation in its Historical Context, pp. 13-28. Quentin Skinner's essay, 'Meaning and Understanding in the History of Ideas', was first published in 1969 in History and Theory, 8 (1969), pp. 3-53, reprinted in Meaning and Context: Quentin Skinner and his Critics, ed. James Tully (Princeton, 1988), pp. 29-67 and revised in the first volume of Quentin Skinner, Visions of Politics (Cambridge, 2002), pp. 57-89.
53. Explanation has been forthcoming since the time of Maitland and reached full elaboration in two essays by John Dunn and Quentin Skinner. John Dunn's essay, 'The Identity of the History of Ideas', was first published in Philosophy, 43 (1968), reprinted in Philosophy, Politics and Society: Fourth Series, ed. Peter Laslett, W.G. Runciman and Quentin Skinner (Oxford, 1972), pp. 158-73 and reprinted again in John Dunn, Political Obligation in its Historical Context, pp. 13-28. Quentin Skinner's essay, 'Meaning and Understanding in the History of Ideas', was first published in 1969 in History and Theory, 8 (1969), pp. 3-53, reprinted in Meaning and Context: Quentin Skinner and his Critics, ed. James Tully (Princeton, 1988), pp. 29-67 and revised in the first volume of Quentin Skinner, Visions of Politics (Cambridge, 2002), pp. 57-89.
54. Explanation has been forthcoming since the time of Maitland and reached full elaboration in two essays by John Dunn and Quentin Skinner. John Dunn's essay, 'The Identity of the History of Ideas', was first published in Philosophy, 43 (1968), reprinted in Philosophy, Politics and Society: Fourth Series, ed. Peter Laslett, W.G. Runciman and Quentin Skinner (Oxford, 1972), pp. 158-73 and reprinted again in John Dunn, Political Obligation in its Historical Context, pp. 13-28. Quentin Skinner's essay, 'Meaning and Understanding in the History of Ideas', was first published in 1969 in History and Theory, 8 (1969), pp. 3-53, reprinted in Meaning and Context: Quentin Skinner and his Critics, ed. James Tully (Princeton, 1988), pp. 29-67 and revised in the first volume of Quentin Skinner, Visions of Politics (Cambridge, 2002), pp. 57-89.
55. Explanation has been forthcoming since the time of Maitland and reached full elaboration in two essays by John Dunn and Quentin Skinner. John Dunn's essay, 'The Identity of the History of Ideas', was first published in Philosophy, 43 (1968), reprinted in Philosophy, Politics and Society: Fourth Series, ed. Peter Laslett, W.G. Runciman and Quentin Skinner (Oxford, 1972), pp. 158-73 and reprinted again in John Dunn, Political Obligation in its Historical Context, pp. 13-28. Quentin Skinner's essay, 'Meaning and Understanding in the History of Ideas', was first published in 1969 in History and Theory, 8 (1969), pp. 3-53, reprinted in Meaning and Context: Quentin Skinner and his Critics, ed. James Tully (Princeton, 1988), pp. 29-67 and revised in the first volume of Quentin Skinner, Visions of Politics (Cambridge, 2002), pp. 57-89.
56. Explanation has been forthcoming since the time of Maitland and reached full elaboration in two essays by John Dunn and Quentin Skinner. John Dunn's essay, 'The Identity of the History of Ideas', was first published in Philosophy, 43 (1968), reprinted in Philosophy, Politics and Society: Fourth Series, ed. Peter Laslett, W.G. Runciman and Quentin Skinner (Oxford, 1972), pp. 158-73 and reprinted again in John Dunn, Political Obligation in its Historical Context, pp. 13-28. Quentin Skinner's essay, 'Meaning and Understanding in the History of Ideas', was first published in 1969 in History and Theory, 8 (1969), pp. 3-53, reprinted in Meaning and Context: Quentin Skinner and his Critics, ed. James Tully (Princeton, 1988), pp. 29-67 and revised in the first volume of Quentin Skinner, Visions of Politics (Cambridge, 2002), pp. 57-89.
57. It is hardly necessary to cite Herbert Butterfield's The Whig Interpretation of History (London, 1931), which was a work directed against, in part, Acton, who had been influential in encouraging historians like Figgis to write what later become the history of political thought. Other historians observed later that Butterfield himself adopted something like a Whig Interpretation in his later book The Englishman and His History (Cambridge, 1944); but none of them observed that of all Butterfield's writings this was the one which most resembled the history of political thought as it came to be written after the War and that the irony was perhaps against the history of political thought rather than against Butterfield.
58. It is hardly necessary to cite Herbert Butterfield's The Whig Interpretation of History (London, 1931), which was a work directed against, in part, Acton, who had been influential in encouraging historians like Figgis to write what later become the history of political thought. Other historians observed later that Butterfield himself adopted something like a Whig Interpretation in his later book The Englishman and His History (Cambridge, 1944); but none of them observed that of all Butterfield's writings this was the one which most resembled the history of political thought as it came to be written after the War and that the irony was perhaps against the history of political thought rather than against Butterfield.
59. An instance of the former is, again, Skinner's The Foundations of Modern Political Thought; and an instance of the latter is J.G. A. Pocock's The Machiavellian Moment: Florentine Political Thought and the Atlantic Republican Tradition (Princeton, 1975). Despite resemblances in erudition and even in subject matter, one traces the origins of a conception and the other traces the fate of a conception.
60. An instance of the former is, again, Skinner's The Foundations of Modern Political Thought; and an instance of the latter is J.G. A. Pocock's The Machiavellian Moment: Florentine Political Thought and the Atlantic Republican Tradition (Princeton, 1975). Despite resemblances in erudition and even in subject matter, one traces the origins of a conception and the other traces the fate of a conception.
61. For the tradition of 'natural jurisprudence', see Duncan Forbes, Hume's Philosophical Politics (Cambridge, 1975), pp. 18-58; Richard Tuck, Natural Rights Theories (Cambridge, 1979), pp. 58-81, 156-73; Knud Haakonssen, The Science of the Legislator: The Natural Jurisprudence of David Hume and Adam Smith (Cambridge, 1981); and Wealth and Virtue: The Shaping of the Political Economy in the Scottish Enlightenment, ed. Istvan Hont and Michael Ignatieff (Cambridge, 1983), pp. 1-44; for the tradition of civic virtue see Pocock, The Machiavellian Moment; Skinner, The Foundations of Modem Political Thought, esp. Vol. I, pp. 139-89; and Quentin Skinner, Liberty Before Liberalism (Cambridge, 1997). For an appraisal of the tension between the two traditions see J.G.A. Pocock, 'Cambridge Paradigms and Scotch Philosophers. A Study of the Relations between the Civic Humanist and the Civil Jurisprudential Interpretation of Eighteenth-Century Social Thought', in Wealth and Virtue, ed. Hont and Ignatieff, pp. 235-52. Philip Pettit has attempted to build something philosophical out of the historical attention recently given to republicanism in his Republicanism. A Theory of Freedom and Government (Oxford, 1999). But it is not inappropriate here to add that the only work of modern political thought to have contrasted 'law' and 'virtue' is Oakeshott's On Human Conduct.
62. For the tradition of 'natural jurisprudence', see Duncan Forbes, Hume's Philosophical Politics (Cambridge, 1975), pp. 18-58; Richard Tuck, Natural Rights Theories (Cambridge, 1979), pp. 58-81, 156-73; Knud Haakonssen, The Science of the Legislator: The Natural Jurisprudence of David Hume and Adam Smith (Cambridge, 1981); and Wealth and Virtue: The Shaping of the Political Economy in the Scottish Enlightenment, ed. Istvan Hont and Michael Ignatieff (Cambridge, 1983), pp. 1-44; for the tradition of civic virtue see Pocock, The Machiavellian Moment; Skinner, The Foundations of Modem Political Thought, esp. Vol. I, pp. 139-89; and Quentin Skinner, Liberty Before Liberalism (Cambridge, 1997). For an appraisal of the tension between the two traditions see J.G.A. Pocock, 'Cambridge Paradigms and Scotch Philosophers. A Study of the Relations between the Civic Humanist and the Civil Jurisprudential Interpretation of Eighteenth-Century Social Thought', in Wealth and Virtue, ed. Hont and Ignatieff, pp. 235-52. Philip Pettit has attempted to build something philosophical out of the historical attention recently given to republicanism in his Republicanism. A Theory of Freedom and Government (Oxford, 1999). But it is not inappropriate here to add that the only work of modern political thought to have contrasted 'law' and 'virtue' is Oakeshott's On Human Conduct.
63. For the tradition of 'natural jurisprudence', see Duncan Forbes, Hume's Philosophical Politics (Cambridge, 1975), pp. 18-58; Richard Tuck, Natural Rights Theories (Cambridge, 1979), pp. 58-81, 156-73; Knud Haakonssen, The Science of the Legislator: The Natural Jurisprudence of David Hume and Adam Smith (Cambridge, 1981); and Wealth and Virtue: The Shaping of the Political Economy in the Scottish Enlightenment, ed. Istvan Hont and Michael Ignatieff (Cambridge, 1983), pp. 1-44; for the tradition of civic virtue see Pocock, The Machiavellian Moment; Skinner, The Foundations of Modem Political Thought, esp. Vol. I, pp. 139-89; and Quentin Skinner, Liberty Before Liberalism (Cambridge, 1997). For an appraisal of the tension between the two traditions see J.G.A. Pocock, 'Cambridge Paradigms and Scotch Philosophers. A Study of the Relations between the Civic Humanist and the Civil Jurisprudential Interpretation of Eighteenth-Century Social Thought', in Wealth and Virtue, ed. Hont and Ignatieff, pp. 235-52. Philip Pettit has attempted to build something philosophical out of the historical attention recently given to republicanism in his Republicanism. A Theory of Freedom and Government (Oxford, 1999). But it is not inappropriate here to add that the only work of modern political thought to have contrasted 'law' and 'virtue' is Oakeshott's On Human Conduct.
64. For the tradition of 'natural jurisprudence', see Duncan Forbes, Hume's Philosophical Politics (Cambridge, 1975), pp. 18-58; Richard Tuck, Natural Rights Theories (Cambridge, 1979), pp. 58-81, 156-73; Knud Haakonssen, The Science of the Legislator: The Natural Jurisprudence of David Hume and Adam Smith (Cambridge, 1981); and Wealth and Virtue: The Shaping of the Political Economy in the Scottish Enlightenment, ed. Istvan Hont and Michael Ignatieff (Cambridge, 1983), pp. 1-44; for the tradition of civic virtue see Pocock, The Machiavellian Moment; Skinner, The Foundations of Modem Political Thought, esp. Vol. I, pp. 139-89; and Quentin Skinner, Liberty Before Liberalism (Cambridge, 1997). For an appraisal of the tension between the two traditions see J.G.A. Pocock, 'Cambridge Paradigms and Scotch Philosophers. A Study of the Relations between the Civic Humanist and the Civil Jurisprudential Interpretation of Eighteenth-Century Social Thought', in Wealth and Virtue, ed. Hont and Ignatieff, pp. 235-52. Philip Pettit has attempted to build something philosophical out of the historical attention recently given to republicanism in his Republicanism. A Theory of Freedom and Government (Oxford, 1999). But it is not inappropriate here to add that the only work of modern political thought to have contrasted 'law' and 'virtue' is Oakeshott's On Human Conduct.
65. For the tradition of 'natural jurisprudence', see Duncan Forbes, Hume's Philosophical Politics (Cambridge, 1975), pp. 18-58; Richard Tuck, Natural Rights Theories (Cambridge, 1979), pp. 58-81, 156-73; Knud Haakonssen, The Science of the Legislator: The Natural Jurisprudence of David Hume and Adam Smith (Cambridge, 1981); and Wealth and Virtue: The Shaping of the Political Economy in the Scottish Enlightenment, ed. Istvan Hont and Michael Ignatieff (Cambridge, 1983), pp. 1-44; for the tradition of civic virtue see Pocock, The Machiavellian Moment; Skinner, The Foundations of Modem Political Thought, esp. Vol. I, pp. 139-89; and Quentin Skinner, Liberty Before Liberalism (Cambridge, 1997). For an appraisal of the tension between the two traditions see J.G.A. Pocock, 'Cambridge Paradigms and Scotch Philosophers. A Study of the Relations between the Civic Humanist and the Civil Jurisprudential Interpretation of Eighteenth-Century Social Thought', in Wealth and Virtue, ed. Hont and Ignatieff, pp. 235-52. Philip Pettit has attempted to build something philosophical out of the historical attention recently given to republicanism in his Republicanism. A Theory of Freedom and Government (Oxford, 1999). But it is not inappropriate here to add that the only work of modern political thought to have contrasted 'law' and 'virtue' is Oakeshott's On Human Conduct.
66. For the tradition of 'natural jurisprudence', see Duncan Forbes, Hume's Philosophical Politics (Cambridge, 1975), pp. 18-58; Richard Tuck, Natural Rights Theories (Cambridge, 1979), pp. 58-81, 156-73; Knud Haakonssen, The Science of the Legislator: The Natural Jurisprudence of David Hume and Adam Smith (Cambridge, 1981); and Wealth and Virtue: The Shaping of the Political Economy in the Scottish Enlightenment, ed. Istvan Hont and Michael Ignatieff (Cambridge, 1983), pp. 1-44; for the tradition of civic virtue see Pocock, The Machiavellian Moment; Skinner, The Foundations of Modem Political Thought, esp. Vol. I, pp. 139-89; and Quentin Skinner, Liberty Before Liberalism (Cambridge, 1997). For an appraisal of the tension between the two traditions see J.G.A. Pocock, 'Cambridge Paradigms and Scotch Philosophers. A Study of the Relations between the Civic Humanist and the Civil Jurisprudential Interpretation of Eighteenth-Century Social Thought', in Wealth and Virtue, ed. Hont and Ignatieff, pp. 235-52. Philip Pettit has attempted to build something philosophical out of the historical attention recently given to republicanism in his Republicanism. A Theory of Freedom and Government (Oxford, 1999). But it is not inappropriate here to add that the only work of modern political thought to have contrasted 'law' and 'virtue' is Oakeshott's On Human Conduct.
67. For the tradition of 'natural jurisprudence', see Duncan Forbes, Hume's Philosophical Politics (Cambridge, 1975), pp. 18-58; Richard Tuck, Natural Rights Theories (Cambridge, 1979), pp. 58-81, 156-73; Knud Haakonssen, The Science of the Legislator: The Natural Jurisprudence of David Hume and Adam Smith (Cambridge, 1981); and Wealth and Virtue: The Shaping of the Political Economy in the Scottish Enlightenment, ed. Istvan Hont and Michael Ignatieff (Cambridge, 1983), pp. 1-44; for the tradition of civic virtue see Pocock, The Machiavellian Moment; Skinner, The Foundations of Modem Political Thought, esp. Vol. I, pp. 139-89; and Quentin Skinner, Liberty Before Liberalism (Cambridge, 1997). For an appraisal of the tension between the two traditions see J.G.A. Pocock, 'Cambridge Paradigms and Scotch Philosophers. A Study of the Relations between the Civic Humanist and the Civil Jurisprudential Interpretation of Eighteenth-Century Social Thought', in Wealth and Virtue, ed. Hont and Ignatieff, pp. 235-52. Philip Pettit has attempted to build something philosophical out of the historical attention recently given to republicanism in his Republicanism. A Theory of Freedom and Government (Oxford, 1999). But it is not inappropriate here to add that the only work of modern political thought to have contrasted 'law' and 'virtue' is Oakeshott's On Human Conduct.
68. For the tradition of 'natural jurisprudence', see Duncan Forbes, Hume's Philosophical Politics (Cambridge, 1975), pp. 18-58; Richard Tuck, Natural Rights Theories (Cambridge, 1979), pp. 58-81, 156-73; Knud Haakonssen, The Science of the Legislator: The Natural Jurisprudence of David Hume and Adam Smith (Cambridge, 1981); and Wealth and Virtue: The Shaping of the Political Economy in the Scottish Enlightenment, ed. Istvan Hont and Michael Ignatieff (Cambridge, 1983), pp. 1-44; for the tradition of civic virtue see Pocock, The Machiavellian Moment; Skinner, The Foundations of Modem Political Thought, esp. Vol. I, pp. 139-89; and Quentin Skinner, Liberty Before Liberalism (Cambridge, 1997). For an appraisal of the tension between the two traditions see J.G.A. Pocock, 'Cambridge Paradigms and Scotch Philosophers. A Study of the Relations between the Civic Humanist and the Civil Jurisprudential Interpretation of Eighteenth-Century Social Thought', in Wealth and Virtue, ed. Hont and Ignatieff, pp. 235-52. Philip Pettit has attempted to build something philosophical out of the historical attention recently given to republicanism in his Republicanism. A Theory of Freedom and Government (Oxford, 1999). But it is not inappropriate here to add that the only work of modern political thought to have contrasted 'law' and 'virtue' is Oakeshott's On Human Conduct.
69. For the tradition of 'natural jurisprudence', see Duncan Forbes, Hume's Philosophical Politics (Cambridge, 1975), pp. 18-58; Richard Tuck, Natural Rights Theories (Cambridge, 1979), pp. 58-81, 156-73; Knud Haakonssen, The Science of the Legislator: The Natural Jurisprudence of David Hume and Adam Smith (Cambridge, 1981); and Wealth and Virtue: The Shaping of the Political Economy in the Scottish Enlightenment, ed. Istvan Hont and Michael Ignatieff (Cambridge, 1983), pp. 1-44; for the tradition of civic virtue see Pocock, The Machiavellian Moment; Skinner, The Foundations of Modem Political Thought, esp. Vol. I, pp. 139-89; and Quentin Skinner, Liberty Before Liberalism (Cambridge, 1997). For an appraisal of the tension between the two traditions see J.G.A. Pocock, 'Cambridge Paradigms and Scotch Philosophers. A Study of the Relations between the Civic Humanist and the Civil Jurisprudential Interpretation of Eighteenth-Century Social Thought', in Wealth and Virtue, ed. Hont and Ignatieff, pp. 235-52. Philip Pettit has attempted to build something philosophical out of the historical attention recently given to republicanism in his Republicanism. A Theory of Freedom and Government (Oxford, 1999). But it is not inappropriate here to add that the only work of modern political thought to have contrasted 'law' and 'virtue' is Oakeshott's On Human Conduct.
70. For the tradition of 'natural jurisprudence', see Duncan Forbes, Hume's Philosophical Politics (Cambridge, 1975), pp. 18-58; Richard Tuck, Natural Rights Theories (Cambridge, 1979), pp. 58-81, 156-73; Knud Haakonssen, The Science of the Legislator: The Natural Jurisprudence of David Hume and Adam Smith (Cambridge, 1981); and Wealth and Virtue: The Shaping of the Political Economy in the Scottish Enlightenment, ed. Istvan Hont and Michael Ignatieff (Cambridge, 1983), pp. 1-44; for the tradition of civic virtue see Pocock, The Machiavellian Moment; Skinner, The Foundations of Modem Political Thought, esp. Vol. I, pp. 139-89; and Quentin Skinner, Liberty Before Liberalism (Cambridge, 1997). For an appraisal of the tension between the two traditions see J.G.A. Pocock, 'Cambridge Paradigms and Scotch Philosophers. A Study of the Relations between the Civic Humanist and the Civil Jurisprudential Interpretation of Eighteenth-Century Social Thought', in Wealth and Virtue, ed. Hont and Ignatieff, pp. 235-52. Philip Pettit has attempted to build something philosophical out of the historical attention recently given to republicanism in his Republicanism. A Theory of Freedom and Government (Oxford, 1999). But it is not inappropriate here to add that the only work of modern political thought to have contrasted 'law' and 'virtue' is Oakeshott's On Human Conduct.